our surroundings
ments around them.
NOTE: Herbert Blumer first used the term "symboli
micro-level orientation a close-up focus on social interaction in specific
sees society as the product of the everyday interactions of individuals
symbolic-interaction approach a framework for building theory that
situations
macro-level orientation a broad focus on social structures that shape
society as a whole
structural-functional approach (p. 11)
social-conflict approach (p. 12)
W. E. B. Du Bois: A Pioneer in Sociology
THINKING ABOUT
DIVERSITY: RACE,
CLASS, & GENDER
that they gave up all ties with the black commu-
One of sociology's pioneers in the United
nity, which needed their help.
States, William Edward Burghardt Du Bois saw
Despite notable achievements, Du Bois
sociology as a key to solving society's prob-
gradually grew impatient with academic study,
lems, especially racial inequality. Du Bois
which he felt was too detached from the every-
earned a Ph.D. in sociology from Harvard Uni-
day struggles of people of color. Du Bois
versity and established the Atlanta Sociological
Laboratory, one of the first centers of sociological
wanted change. It was the hope of sparking
public action against racial separation that led
Du Bois, in 1909, to participate in the founding
of the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People (NAACP), an organization
that has been active in supporting racial equal-
ity for more than a century. As the editor of the
organization's magazine, Crisis, Du Bois worked
that deprived African Americans of the
tirelessly to challenge laws and social custom
Du Bois described race as the maja
and opportunities enjoyed by the white maison
lem facing the United States in the twente
century. Early in his career, as a sociais
researcher, he made enormous contribute
the study of racial inequality. Later, 352
come deep racial divisions. But by the end
life, he had grown bitter, believing that little tra
changed. At the age of ninety-three, Du Boise
the United States for the African nation
activist, he believed political reform
mights
10
research in the United States. He helped his col-
leagues in sociology-and people everywhere-
see the deep racial divisions in the United
States. White people can simply be “Ameri-
cans," Du Bois explained, but African Ameri-
cans have a "double consciousness," reflecting
their status as citizens who are never able to
escape identification based on the
color of their skin.
In his sociological classic The
Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study
(1899), Du Bois explored Philadelphia's
Ghana, where he died two years later.
EK
African American community, identify-
ing both the strengths and the weak-
nesses of people wrestling with
overwhelming social problems on a
day-to-day basis. He challenged the
belief-widespread at that time-that
blacks were inferior to whites, and he
blamed white prejudice for the prob-
lems African Americans faced. He also
criticized successful people of color for
being so eager to win white acceptance
WHAT DO YOU THINK?
1. If he were alive today, do you think
that Du Bois would still consider
race a major problem in the twent,
first century? Why or why not?
2. How much do
you
think African
Americans today experience "dou-
ble consciousness”?
3. In what ways can sociology help
us understand and reduce racial
conflict?
Sources: Based on Baltzell (1967), Du Bois 198
orig. 1899), Wright (2002a, 2002b), and perser
communication with Earl Wright ll.
ical annroach in
and
A final criticism of both the structural-functional and social-
conflict approaches is that they paint society in broad strokes in
terms of "family," "social class," "race
society as a whole
women and men
approach are all examples of social-conflict theory.
ender,
cation,
struc
padon
TS.
going
ole-
le of
y to
for
We can use the sociological perspective to look at sociology itself. All of
the most widely recognized pioneers of the discipline were men. This is
because in the nineteenth century, it was all but unheard of for women to
be college professors, and few women took a central role in public life.
But Jane Addams was an early sociologist in the United States, who
founded Hull House, a Chicago settlement house where she spent many
hours helping young people.
Another contribution of the gender-conflict approach is mak-
ing us aware of the importance of women to the development of
sociology. Harriet Martineau (1802–1876) is regarded as the
first woman sociologist. Born to a wealthy English family,
Martineau made her mark in 1853 by translating the writings
of Auguste Comte from French into English. She later doc-
umented the evils of slavery and argued for laws to protect
factory workers, defending workers' right to unionize. She
was particularly concerned about the position of women in
society and fought for changes in education policy so that
women could look forward to more in life than marriage
and raising children.
.
In the United States, Jane Addams (1860–1935) was a
1
sociological pioneer who in 1899 helped found Hull
House, a Chicago settlement house that provided assis-
tance to immigrant families. Although widely published-
Addams wrote eleven books and hundreds of articles—she
chose the life of a public activist over that of a university sociol-
ogist, speaking out on issues involving inequality, immigration, and
the pursuit of peace. Though her pacifism during World War I was
the subject of much controversy, she was awarded the Nobel Peace
Prize in 1931.
All chapters of this book consider the importance of gender and
gender inequality. For an in-depth look at feminism and the social
standing of women and men, see Chapter 10 (“Gender Stratification”).
The Race-Conflict Approach
Another important type of social-conflict analysis is the race-
conflict approach, a point of view that focuses on inequality and con-
flict between people of different racial and ethnic categories. Just as men
have power over women, white people have numerous social advan-
tages over people of color, including, on average, higher incomes,
more schooling, better health, and longer life expectancy.
The race-conflict approach also points out the contributions to
the development of sociology made by people of color. Ida Wells
Barnett (1862–1931) was born to slave parents but rose to become a
teacher and then a journalist and newspaper publisher. She cam-
paigned tirelessly for racial equality and, especially, to put an end to
the lynching of black people. She wrote and lectured about racial
inequality throughout her life (Lengerman & Niebrugge-Brantley,
1998).
An important contribution to understanding race in the United
States was made by William Edward Burghardt Du Bois
(1868–1963). Born to a poor Massachusetts family, Du Bois enrolled
at Fisk University in Nashville, Tennessee, and then at Harvard Uni-
versity, where he earned the first doctorate awarded by that univer-
sity to a person of color. Du Bois then founded the Atlanta
Sociological Laboratory, which was an important center of sociological
research in the early decades of the last century. Like most people
who follow the social-conflict approach (whether focusing on class,
gender, or race), Du Bois believed that scholars should not simply
learn about society's problems but also try to solve them. He the
fore studied the black communities across the United States, point-
ing to numerous social problems ranging from educational
inequality, a political system that denied people their right to vote,
and the terrorist practice of lynching. Du Bois spoke out against
racial inequality and participated in the founding of the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) (E.
Wright, 2002, 2002b). The Thinking About Diversity box on page 14
takes a closer look at the ideas of W.E. B. Du Bois.
CRITICAL REVIEW The various social-conflict approaches
have gained a large following in recent decades, but like other
approaches, they have met with criticism. Because any conflict
analysis focuses on inequality, it largely ignores how shared values
and interdependence can unify members of a society. In addition,
say critics, to the extent that it pursues political goals, a social-
conflict approach cannot claim scientific objectivity. Supporters of
social-conflict analysis respond that all theoretical approaches have
political consequences.
cally a
s more
I pop-
sures
cure,
classification allows. This fact is made obvious by trying to place all of the people pictured
The range of biological variation in human beings is far greater than any system of racial
here into simple racial categories.
nents,
s dif-
omes
Today, the Census Bureau allows people to describe themselves
and fifty-seven multiracial options). Our society officially recognizes
of multiracial people (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008).
par-
ters.
ari-
der
using more than one racial category (offering six single-race options
a wide
range
un-
ck,
te-
Eca
eta
Overall, the three racial categories differ in just 6 percent of their
genes, and there is actually more genetic variation within each cate-
gory than between categories. This means that two people in the
European nation of Sweden, randomly selected, are likely to have at
least as much genetic difference as a Swede and a person in the
African nation of Senegal (Harris & Sim, 2002; American Sociolog-
ical Association, 2003; California Newsreel, 2003).
So just how important is race? From a biological point of view,
knowing people's racial category allows us to predict almost nothing
about them. Why, then, do societies make so much of race? Such cat-
egories allow societies to rank people in a hierarchy, giving some
people more money, power, and prestige than others and allowing
some people to feel that they are inherently “better” than others.
Because race may matter so much, societies sometimes construct
racial categories in extreme ways. Throughout much of the twentieth
century, for example, many southern states labeled as “colored” any-
one with as little as one thirty-second African ancestry (that is, one
African American great-great-great-grandparent). Today, the law
allows parents to declare the race of a child (or not) as they wish.
Even so, most members of our society are still very sensitive to peo-
ple's racial backgrounds.
es
h
Racial Types
Scientists invented the concept of race more than a century ago as
they tried to organize the world's physical diversity into three racial
types. They called people with relatively light skin and fine hair
Caucasoid, people with darker skin and coarse hair Negroid, and peo-
ple with yellow or brown skin and distinctive folds on the eyelids
Mongoloid.
Sociologists consider such terms misleading at best and harm-
ful at worst. For one thing, no society contains biologically "pure”
people. The skin color of people we might call “Caucasoid” (or “Indo-
European," "Caucasian," or more commonly, “white”) ranges from
very light (typical in Scandinavia) to very dark (in southern India).
The same variation exists among so-called “Negroids” (“Africans”
In fact, many "white" people say, in southern India) actually have
e more commonly, “black” people) and “Mongoloids” (“Asians”).
darker skin than many "black" people (the Aborigines of Australia).
n
e
each one.
trom a
macro-level understanding?
APPLYING THEORY
Major Theoretical Approaches
Structural-Functional
Approach
Social-Conflict
Approach
Symbolic-Interaction
Approach
What is the level of analysis?
Macro-level
Macro-level
Micro-level
What image of society does
the approach have?
Society is a system of interrelated
parts that is relatively stable.
Each part works to keep society
operating in an orderly way.
Members generally agree about
what is morally right and morally
wrong.
Society is a system of social inequalities
based on class (Marx), gender (feminism
and gender-conflict approach), and race
(race-conflict approach).
Society operates to benefit some
categories of people and harm others.
Social inequality causes conflict that
leads to social change.
Society is an ongoing process.
People interact in countless
settings using symbolic
communications.
The reality people experience is
variable and changing.
What core questions does
the approach ask?
How is society held together?
What are the major parts of society?
How are these parts linked?
What does each part do to help
society work?
How does society divide a population?
How do advantaged people protect their
privileges?
How do disadvantaged people challenge
the system seeking change?
How do people experience society?
How do people shape the reality
they experience?
How do behavior and meaning
change from person to person and
from one situation to another?
much in terms of physical attractiveness, intelligence, and social
background—as they offer in return.
that people construct for themselves as they interact with one another.
That is, we human beings live in a world of symbols, and we attach
meaning to virtually everything, from the words on this page to the
wink of an eye. We create “reality," therefore, as we define our surround-
ings, decide what we think of others, and shape our own identities.
CRITICAL REVIEW Without denying the existence of
macro-level social structures such as the family and social class,
sociology
group discussion of rac
yourself?"
concepts is far less clear than most people think. Then he asks, "How do you des
Eva Rodriguez leans forward in her chair and is quick to respond. "Who am
should I say what am I? This is hard for me to answer. Most people think of race as
what? I don't think of myself in that way. I don't think of myself in terms of race a
black and white. But it's not. I have both black and white ancestry in me, but you
would be better to call me Puerto Rican or Hispanic. Personally, I prefer the term
'Latina.' Calling myself Latina says I have mixed racial heritage, and that's what la
wish more people understood that race is not clear-cut.”
This chapter examines the meaning of race and ethnicity. There are
now millions of people in the United States who, like Eva Rodriguez,
do not think of themselves in terms of a single category but as hav-
ing a mix of ancestry.
The range of biologi
classification allows
here into simple rac
The Social Meaning
of Race and Ethnicity
As the story that opened this chapter suggests, people often confuse
"race” and “ethnicity.” For this reason, we begin with some basic def-
initions.
Today, the
using more thar
and fifty-seven
wide
range of
a
Race and Ethnicity
racial mix in the Middle East (that is, western Asia), historical
crossroads of migration, Greater racial uniformity characterizes
isolated peoples such as the island-dwelling Japanese. But every
ulation has some genetic mixture, and increasing contact ensure
even more racial blending of physical characteristics in the final
Although we often think of race in terms of biological eleme
race is a socially constructed concept. It is true that human being
fer in any number of ways involving physical traits, but a“race' come
into being only when the members of a society decide that some pa
ticular physical trait (such as skin color or eye shape) actually matter
Because race is a matter of social definitions, it is a highly
able concept. For example, the members of U.S. society conside
racial differences more important than people of many other coma
tries. We also tend to "see" three racial categories—typically, black,
white, and Asian-while other societies identify many more cars
gories. People in Brazil, for instance, distinguish between branu
(white), parda (brown), morena (brunette), mulata (mulatto), preu
(black), and amarela (yellow) (Inciardi, Surratt, & Telles, 2000).
In addition, race may be defined differently by various categoria
of people within a society. In the United States, for example, resent
shows that white people “see” black people as having darker si
color than black people do (Hill, 2002).
The meaning and importance of race not only differ from pla
to place but also change over time. Back in 1900, for example, i
common in the United States to consider people of Irish, Italia.
Jewish ancestry as “nonwhite. By 1950, however, this was nokone
the case, and such people today are considered part of the "white"
egory (Loveman, 1999; Brodkin, 2007).
Race
A race is a socially constructed category of people who share biologically
transmitted traits that members of a society consider important. People
may classify one another racially on the basis of physical characteris-
tics such as skin color, facial features, hair texture, and body shape.
Racial diversity appeared among our human ancestors as the result
of living in different geographic regions of the world. In regions of intense
heat, people developed darker skin (from the natural pigment melanin),
which offers protection from the sun; in moderate climates, people devel-
oped lighter skin. Such traits are literally only skin deep because human
beings the world over are members of a single biological species.
The striking variety of racial traits found today is also the prod-
uct of migration; genetic characteristics once common to a single
place are now found in many lands. Especially pronounced is the
Racial Type
Scientists inve
they tried to
types. They c
Caucasoid, po
ple with yell
Mongoloid.
Sociolo
ful at worst
people. The
European,
very light
CHAPTER 11
The same
or, more c
In fact, m
darker sk
300
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