12 The Mass Media
Associated Press/Pablo Martinez Monsivais
Learning Objectives
By the end of this chapter, you should be able to
•
•
•
•
•
Describe the evolution of the media in American politics.
Outline the role of the media in political campaigns.
Demonstrate how the media monitors and influences government.
Examine the role of the Internet as a contemporary media source.
Analyze media bias and the role of the media in shaping public opinion.
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The Evolution of the Media in American Politics
Section 12.1
On August 9, 2014, Michael Brown, an unarmed 18-year-old Black teenager and recent high
school graduate, was shot and killed by police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri.
Brown was shot at least six times, including two shots to the head, one of which resulted
in Brown’s death. On November 24, the St. Louis County prosecutor announced that Wilson
would not be indicted by a grand jury. Demonstrations and protests erupted after both the
police shooting and the grand jury’s decision.
The media was criticized for its coverage of these events and for inadvertently fueling the
subsequent violence because of how it portrayed the Ferguson story. Some television stations
presented the public’s response as consisting solely of riots and excessive property damage;
other media outlets indicated that the crowds were protesting corruption in the Ferguson
police department. Many argue that the media shaped the events in Ferguson by influencing
how the public both outside and inside Ferguson responded to the protests. In essence, critics suggest that how the media framed the issue shaped public perception of the events that
unfolded in August and later in November.
For example, several major news outlets, including the New York Times, printed only Officer
Wilson’s account of the events the next day and did not report the story from any other vantage point. The New York Times reported St. Louis Police Chief Jon Belmar’s statements from a
news conference that indicated that Brown had been shot and killed after he and another man
had assaulted Wilson and that Brown and Wilson had struggled inside a patrol car. At least
one shot was fired from inside the car, the police chief claimed. This report placed the blame
for the event solely on Michael Brown and his accomplice.
Questions later emerged as to who had begun the altercation in the vehicle, whether the first
shot had been fired inside or outside the car, and how far away Officer Wilson had been when
he had shot the remaining bullets. Critics of the reporting also questioned why the New York
Times did not ask what would motivate a recent high school graduate to assault a police officer as well as why Officer Wilson would leave his patrol car. In essence, the New York Times
and other media outlets were criticized for not investigating whether there was another side
to the story. It was not for another two days, amid protest and criticism, that the New York
Times and other well-known and highly used media outlets reported something other than
the police department’s version of events. Critics suggest that the way the events were handled by the police, along with the media reporting, provoked the protests and riots.
The mass media plays many roles and serves multiple functions in American politics. Some say
that it is the “fourth branch” of government, which means that it checks the other branches,
while others suggest that the mass media shapes the relationship between the public and
government. Protecting the public, filtering information, and setting the public’s agenda as to
what government should do round out the roles of the media. This chapter will include a discussion of how media has evolved in American politics, focusing on its functions of reporting
the news and serving as a vehicle for campaign advertising. Finally, this chapter will address
concerns about media bias. The chapter will be framed within the context of how technology
has influenced the emergence of the mass media.
12.1 The Evolution of the Media in American Politics
The notion that the media is an effective mechanism for informing the public about and influencing the public’s relationship with government is not a new one. During the French and
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The Evolution of the Media in American Politics
Section 12.1
Indian War (also called the Seven Years’ War), which took place between 1754 and 1763, a
political cartoon composed by Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) and published in the Pennsylvania Gazette on May 9, 1754 depicted the colonists’ lack of unity. The cartoon, titled “Join, or
Die,” represents a snake cut into eight parts with each part representing most of the 13 colonies, as either individual colonies or regions. The cartoon was published to accompany Franklin’s editorial about the fractured experience of the colonies, which contributed to colonists’
collective struggles and desire to support Great Britain in winning the French and Indian War.
The cartoon later came to be seen as a call for independence and a symbol of the colonists’
pursuit of freedom during the American Revolutionary War.
Soon after the French and Indian
War, the British Parliament enacted
the Stamp Act in 1765 to raise revenue to pay for the costs of the war.
Requiring a stamp on every piece of
printed paper not only added to the
cost of doing business but also limited the level of the public’s information about government. Fewer people purchased newspapers because
the stamp increased the cost.
One other use of the media during
colonial times was as a call to action.
In January 1776, Thomas Paine
Everett Collection/SuperStock
(1737–1809) published Common
“Join, or Die” is a political cartoon created by Benjamin
Sense, which encouraged colonists
Franklin in 1754 showing the disunity of the colonies
to seek independence from Great
and advocating for unity.
Britain. The pamphlet accused King
George III of England of tyranny, challenged his right to hold power over the colonists, and
blamed him for treating the colonists unfairly. Paine also wrote that the colonies needed a
written constitution with a set of rules that everyone would have to follow and a government
that could not abuse its power.
These three examples show how the media affected the colonists and how a free media was
a meaningful priority for them. The use of political cartoons to take a point of view as well as
advocate a call to action demonstrated the positive effects of a free media, while the Stamp Act
showed the colonists how limits on the media affected the flow of information.
The First Amendment and Freedom of the Press
Recall that one of the key debates over whether to ratify the U.S. Constitution focused on
whether an enumerated bill of rights should be included. Opponents of the proposed Constitution, the Anti-Federalists, thought it was important for the Constitution to include a bill of
rights. This listing of specific rights included protections of freedom of the press, among others. The Bill of Rights was eventually added to the U.S. Constitution in 1791, and it included
the First Amendment, which reads:
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The Evolution of the Media in American Politics
Section 12.1
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press;
or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government
for a redress of grievances.
The fact that freedom of the press was included in the first 10 amendments to be added to the
U.S. Constitution is evidence of the primacy of a free press.
The First Amendment has since protected the freedom of the press in multiple ways. Freedom
of the press has been protected as a news source and as a mechanism for candidates, political parties, interest groups, and advocates to communicate their messages to the people. The
media has also served in a hybrid role by taking part in the political process and endorsing
candidates, broadcasting campaign debates, taking positions on policy questions, and publishing diverse opinion pieces and columns produced by political elites.
The Influence of Technology
The media is often referred to as the black box between the public and government because
the public learns most of its information about government and politics from the media. The
image of a black box is fitting; individuals cannot see what is between them and the other
side. The public must trust the information that they receive through the media, as they have
no real means to verify it. The black box metaphor also works in reverse; government and
political entities such as political parties, candidates, and interest groups know that the media
is reporting on their activities. Being aware of the media’s presence shapes their behavior.
Individuals on both sides of this relationship depend on the media to receive or transmit
information.
As technology has evolved, so has
the public’s access to information
about government through the
media. Technological and educational advancements have broadened how the news is consumed
and who consumes it. These technological and educational advancements have occurred parallel to
advances in political rights. Universal suffrage is now the law of the
land and enshrined in the U.S. Constitution through multiple amendments, which means that the per© Nik Wheeler/Corbis centage of citizens eligible to vote is
Newspapers used to be a main source of news, but the
at its height. Together, this means
media has evolved to include television, the Internet,
that the media can now reach far
and social media for its coverage.
more people and the percentage of
those people eligible to vote has
never been higher. The implication is that government, political parties, interest groups, and
issue advocates must now reach the largest number of people ever in order to accomplish
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The Evolution of the Media in American Politics
Section 12.1
their objectives, and they have the technological means to do so better, faster, and through
more methods of communication. The large number and percentage of people who are able
to access information about government because of advances in education and literacy also
contributes to increases in the number of media consumers and their consumption levels.
The opportunities for the media to serve in its role as the black box of American politics have
never been greater.
The Rise of Regulation
Associated Press/Charles Dharapak
President Bush and Jo Bonner, former U.S.
representative for Alabama’s first congressional district, tour the damage done during
Hurricane Ivan in Orange Beach, Alabama. The
president’s media coverage in this event did
not fall under the equal time coverage rule of
the FCC.
As technology has advanced, questions have
arisen as to whether the press should be
free to function without government intervention and regulation. After all, if the government regulates the media, one could
argue that it is limiting and shaping what
the public learns about government to the
government’s own advantage. For instance,
the Federal Communications Act of 1934
(FCA) created the Federal Communications
Commission (FCC), which regulates radio,
television, wire, satellite, and cable communications throughout the United States,
including the District of Columbia and U.S.
territories. The FCA includes Section 315,
the Equal Time Provision, requiring that
television and radio stations give candidates
seeking the same office the same opportunity to use those stations. Translated into
practical terms, this means that stations give
candidates seeking the same office reasonably equal news coverage with three key
exceptions. First, if one of the candidates is
engaged in a bona fide news event, such as
an incumbent fulfilling his or her obligations
of office, that coverage time is not considered in terms of determining equal time.
An example of this exception took place in
2004. The state of Florida was hit by three
intense (Category 4 and 5) hurricanes
between August and September 2004. The
last of the three hurricanes, Ivan, began at
the end of the Republican National Convention. George W. Bush was running for reelection
while U.S. Senator John Kerry was seeking to unseat Bush. Both Bush and Kerry traveled to
Florida, one of the largest electoral vote states, to survey the hurricane damage. While coverage of Bush did not fall under the Equal Time Provision because he was surveying the damage
in his role as president (a bona fide news event), coverage of Kerry, who represented Massachusetts in the U.S. Senate, did fall under the provision because Kerry was spending time in
Florida as the Democrats’ nominee.
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The Media in Political Campaigns
Section 12.2
The second exception is that the media does not need to extend equal time to minor party
candidates. Finally, the third exception is that the tone of the coverage does not need to be
equal; one competitor may receive mostly positive coverage while another candidate for the
same office may receive mostly negative coverage. In addition to the Federal Communications Act, the FCC created the Fairness Doctrine in 1949 to ensure that controversial issues
would be presented in a balanced manner. The Fairness Doctrine was eliminated by the FCC
in 2011, on the grounds that the Obama administration deemed the doctrine to be “outdated
and obsolete.”
Measures of consumer preferences, such as ratings and circulation, also influence the types of
stories that the press report on, the amount of time (if on television or radio) or print (if in a
newspaper, on an Internet site, or in a news magazine) devoted to any subject or story, or the
overall length of the broadcast or printed text in a publication. Because press organizations
are themselves private entities, their desire to succeed as corporations influences how they
operate. News coverage, including campaign coverage, is no different. Coverage that does not
interest the public will result in lower ratings or circulation, which affects the media outlets’
profits. Taken together, this means that media organizations make strategic choices when
deciding which aspects of campaigns to cover and how that coverage will take shape.
12.2 The Media in Political Campaigns
The media also takes an active role in political campaigns. Freedom of the press extends to
election campaigns, where press coverage includes providing information and commentary
about the candidates, issues, and political parties. The media also serves as a vehicle for candidates, political parties, interest groups, and even ordinary citizens to convey their messages during election campaigns through advertising. Each role the media plays influences
the course that campaigns take, affecting the campaign messages put forward by candidates,
interest groups, and political parties; the manner in which these messages are presented; and
how the public receives and responds to those messages.
Providing Information and Commentary
The way that the media covers campaigns can have a strong impact on elections. The nomination process is especially affected by media coverage because primaries often bring out
candidates who lack widespread name recognition, especially in open-seat races where there
is no incumbent. The media lacks the time to give all candidates equal press coverage. Consequently, the media focuses on those candidates believed to have a serious chance at winning.
Critics argue that such practices demonstrate media bias, the idea that the media chooses
how news is presented to the public. These practices create a self-fulfilling prophecy where
the media pays more attention to “serious” candidates. Voter interest and support then follow. The opposite is also true. If a candidate is portrayed as a loser, it is then more difficult
for that candidate to raise money and other forms of support. Lacking financial and volunteer
support makes it more difficult to enhance name recognition and voter support.
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The Media in Political Campaigns
Section 12.2
Regardless, the media provides commentary on all aspects of political campaigns, including
the role of the media in political campaigns. One form that such commentary takes is with
cartoons that often appear in newspapers on the opinion or the comics pages. It should be
noted that those news outlets that perform editorializing functions, such as newspaper editorials, retain free speech and press protections when performing these functions. This means
that newspapers may endorse candidates for any office on their editorial pages, but not in any
other place. Still, researchers have found that newspapers that endorse candidates tend to
extend more positive news coverage toward those candidates that they have endorsed compared with candidates not endorsed by those newspapers.
Scholars have noted that the news
focuses far more attention on characteristics about the campaign
itself—such as who is ahead or
behind in public support, fundraising, or votes (the “horse race”
aspects of the campaign)—than it
does on information about the candidates themselves or candidate
issue positions. One consequence
of news organizations’ tendency
to focus on horse race aspects of
campaigns is that commercials and
other campaign messages may end
up doing a better job of informing voters about policy positions,
helping voters distinguish between
candidates, and educating the electorate about candidates compared
with the news media. This means
that campaign communication is a
more essential voter information
resource than is campaign-related
news coverage.
Associated Press/Mark J. Terrill
Because there were so many 2016 Republican
presidential candidates, media coverage could not
accommodate all of them in the GOP debates. The
candidates with lower poll ratings participated in lesspublicized debates at earlier times on the same day.
This could be considered media bias.
Hosting Advertising
Campaign-related entities pay media outlets to advertise their messages. Unlike news coverage, where the news organizations control what they broadcast, print, or produce, campaign
advertising gives candidates, interest groups, and political parties the opportunity to control
their messages about themselves and their opponents. Most campaign-related advertising is
available where there are the most consumers. There are far more television consumers than
there are radio, Internet, newspaper, or news magazine consumers. Thus, far more campaignrelated advertising is found on television than in any other medium. Among non-television
media, radio and the Internet, including social media (see section 12.4: Media and the Internet), are far more often used as campaign advertising outlets than are newspapers or news
magazines. Electronic media draws far more consumers than does print media.
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Monitoring and Influencing Government
Section 12.3
Electronic media enjoys a core advantage for reaching large audiences because these outlets
are free to use, provided that one already owns or has access to a television, radio, or computer. Print media must usually be purchased in order to enjoy access, and periodic issues,
such as daily, weekly, or monthly publications, render regular purchase or access necessary in
order to keep current. As accessing electronic advertising is much easier than accessing print
advertising is, it follows that the more readily available media will enjoy higher consumer use
and will attract more campaign advertising dollars.
Televised campaign advertising spots were first aired in 1952. The cost and use of television
advertising has grown exponentially since then, which has resulted in shorter television spots
(and, critics argue, the inclusion of less information and a greater emphasis on entertaining
viewers). More recent presidential campaigns have seen television advertisement spots run
from 30 to 60 seconds. Large-scale races are often contested using television, which is the
most widely used news source in the United States. Television commercials tend to blanket
the airwaves during highly contested elections; their short duration means that they are easily broadcast during regular television programming. However, as freedom of the press is not
absolute, neither is freedom of the press in campaigns.
Campaign coverage and advertising has been regulated by the federal government since the
Federal Communications Act of 1934, discussed earlier. Since then, other laws have been
enacted that limit and otherwise regulate campaign coverage and advertising. More recently,
the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA) placed restrictions on campaign advertising sponsored by interest groups. BCRA bans corporate or union money from being used to
pay for broadcast advertising that identifies a federal candidate within 30 days of a primary
or nominating convention, or within 60 days of a general election. These restrictions were
upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in McConnell v. Federal Election Commission 540 U.S. 93
(2003).
12.3 Monitoring and Influencing Government
Individuals and organizations seeking to influence government will use the media to bring
attention to government actions. The media also acts alone to bring attention to government
actions, thereby enabling the public to use its First Amendment rights to monitor and influence government. Interest groups form to draw attention to government actions, encourage
their members to interact with government and with the press, and raise money to accomplish their political and policy goals.
The Media as Watchdog
The Founding Fathers believed that a free media was necessary to monitor government. In
fact, in a 1787 letter to Edward Carrington, Thomas Jefferson wrote, “Were it left to me to
decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.” Jefferson believed that an
independent media was needed to prevent government from abusing its power. Government
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Monitoring and Influencing Government
Section 12.3
functioning out of the spotlight might take actions violating the public interest, while a media
free to watch and report on government to the people keeps government honest and the public informed. Freedom of the press allows the media to serve in a watchdog role as one means
to protect individuals from the government infringing on their rights.
© Bettmann/Corbis
Bob Woodward (left) and Carl Bernstein research the
Watergate case at their Washington Post desks. They
were the two key investigative reporters covering the
scandal.
Media independence occurs when
the media brings attention to government actions. In bringing attention to the public about government actions, the media informs the
public about possible government
wrongdoing. Democracies require
an independent and free press to
add another check and balance
on the potential abuse of power. A
story in the press about a Cabinet
member may catch the attention
of members of Congress, leading to
oversight hearings into the actions
of the executive branch. In this case,
the press serves as a watchdog to
help keep public officials honest.
Related to the media’s watchdog
role is the preponderance of televised campaign debates. The media plays critical roles in
these debates. First, because the television networks broadcast the debates (and they are
simultaneously broadcast on the radio), they have a say in various debate-related aspects,
including the length of the debate (some debates last an hour, while others may last 90 minutes or more), the date that the debates take place, and whether the debates will take place
toward the earlier or later part of the evening, which affects viewership in different time
zones. It is unlikely that candidates would participate in debates that they were not certain
would be broadcast widely. The second role that the media plays in debates is that one or
more well-known news media personalities moderate the debates—they write the questions,
ask follow-up questions, and oversee the debate as it transpires by ensuring that participants
do not go over their allotted time and that candidates have the chance to make rebuttals if
they are entitled to do so. That media personalities, and not well-known leaders from other
sectors of society, moderate the debates suggests that the public perceives the media as an
objective watchdog and is comfortable with the media holding this role.
The Media as Gatekeeper
Another way that media independence occurs is through the media’s gatekeeper role. When
members of the media act as gatekeepers, they decide which information to share with the
public. In deciding what the public should know, the media is deciding which stories are
appropriate as well as identifying the most appropriate sources to use when reporting a story.
The reason that gatekeeping is essential is that the public depends so much on the media for
quality information about subjects they would otherwise have little to no access to.
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Monitoring and Influencing Government
Section 12.3
In fact, the public now depends more than ever on the media acting in a gatekeeping role
during election campaigns. Journalists engage in fact-checking when candidates make claims
about their record or the record of their opponents. The Tampa Bay Times investigates politicians’ claims through a tool called PolitiFact. The truthfulness of politicians’ statements is
reported to the public with such labels as “False” and “Pants on Fire” for particularly problematic claims. The Washington Post reports on the truthfulness of politicians’ statements
using “Pinocchios,” where the more Pinocchios a politician’s claims are assigned, the worse
the lie is. In reporting the results of its research, the media strengthens its gatekeeping role
with the public and reinforces to politicians that their claims will be investigated before being
reported as factual. The public and government both rely on the media taking its gatekeeping
role seriously, because the public’s primary means of learning about government is through
the media, and politicians depend on good coverage to earn the public’s trust.
Another perspective on the media’s gatekeeping role is linked to whether a story should be
reported because of concerns about national security. One well-known instance in which this
issue arose was in the “Pentagon Papers” case. The U.S. Supreme Court decided New York Times
v. United States in 1971 in response to President Nixon trying to keep the New York Times from
publishing classified Defense Department materials that included a study of U.S. activities in
Vietnam. President Nixon argued that the Defense Department materials included “classified
information,” which justified that the New York Times should exercise “prior restraint” and
not publish the Pentagon Papers. In Nixon’s view, national security should take precedence
over freedom of the press. The U.S. Supreme Court took the side of the New York Times in a
6–3 decision that the Nixon administration did not justify the need for “prior restraint” in this
situation in part because it had failed to properly outline the specific national security concerns and the threat to the safety of American forces that justified limiting the freedom of the
press guaranteed in the First Amendment. The U.S. Supreme Court’s opinion in the Pentagon
Papers case reinforces the media’s role as gatekeeper in that the decision demonstrates the
media’s right to report what it deems worthy of reporting.
The media’s role as gatekeeper focuses on its value to the public in keeping it informed by
reporting what it deems important for the public to know, broadcasting and moderating
campaign debates, conducting research on claims made by candidates and officeholders, and
reporting about government actions even if the government would prefer to operate out of
the public eye.
The Media as Agenda Setter
The primary way that government officials communicate with the citizenry is through the
media. Public officials are well aware that the media is monitoring them and reporting their
actions to the public; at the same time, policymakers fully understand that, if they want the
public to know and understand their motives and actions, they must use the media for that
purpose. The idea that the news media can influence what the public considers important is
known as agenda-setting theory.
Government officials manage information for public consumption in how they present issues.
Issues about which government officials seek public support may involve those officials using
the media for press coverage of their actions. For example, government officials will try to use
the media to set the public agenda such that the media prioritizes issues that the government
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Media and the Internet
Section 12.4
wishes for the public to focus on and presents the information in a way that causes the public
to support the government’s position on those issues. An independent media sets the public
agenda as to what is important and which aspects of it the public should focus on.
12.4 Media and the Internet
The media takes many forms. Various forms of
more traditional media, including print (newspapers, news magazines) and broadcast (television, radio), have been discussed earlier in
this chapter. Over the last generation, there has
been a meaningful increase in the use of social
and interactive media that has changed the face
of American politics. Of particular interest is the
preponderance of the Internet in American political life.
The advent of the Internet began sometime in
the early 1980s when the U.S. Department of
Defense created a computer network whose
primary purpose was to link the Pentagon to
faraway military bases and defense contractors.
Soon after, large research universities joined
the network. At that time, its applications were
limited. Since then, the Internet has become a
multipurpose communication tool. Its value for
education, political mobilization, information
dissemination, marketing, and social networking
has brought the Internet into multiple, far-reaching private and public realms.
Ian Dagnall/age fotostock/SuperStock
Accessing news on the Internet has
become increasingly popular in the 21st
century.
The opportunity to disseminate real-time and immediate information updates to Internet
consumers has transformed the Internet into a critical, functional link between government
and citizens. It is now common for elected officials at the national, state, and local levels to
publicize their email addresses on their own or government-sponsored websites. This means
that citizens may now contact their elected representatives and other public officials directly.
The Internet also serves as a tool for government officials and agencies to share information
with their constituents. The Internet has become an established tool of political engagement
because it provides a readily available opportunity for communication between citizens and
the government.
News organizations now enjoy a regular Internet presence. It is common for both broadcast
and print media to have web pages. This means that, long before the next edition of a newspaper is printed (and distributed the following day), and hours before the next scheduled
television news broadcast, media organization websites can provide up-to-the minute news
updates and, as appropriate, live coverage of news events.
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Media and the Internet
Section 12.4
The value of the Internet for political campaigns has changed campaign strategy in critical
ways. The Internet is a relatively cheap way to control one’s message, and it is relatively easy to
create and maintain a web page. Candidates may publish responses to recent events or opponents’ attacks within minutes of these events, and they can provide links to other Internet
sites (such as those of political parties or government institutions), thereby easing navigation
among various information sources. Candidates can also provide information updates, such
as newly scheduled appearances, and use their Internet sites to show campaign commercials.
Candidates can also carry on virtual conversations using social media, which allows individuals, organizations, businesses, and government offices and officials to create and share
content or participate in virtual networks all through the Internet. Examples of social media
are websites and phone applications where users can share content and interact with one
another. Twitter, an online social networking service, allows users to send and read short
messages (called “tweets”) to individuals and groups of persons (“followers”) who share a
particular interest, such as a student environmental group. Twitter provides an inexpensive
mobilization strategy for political candidates. For example, in 2008, then-U.S. Senator Barack
Obama had 100,000 Twitter followers before Election Day. By 2012, President Obama had
more than 20 million Twitter followers by Election Day. Also in 2012, the campaign staffs
affiliated with both President Obama and Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney
engaged in online “Twitter duels” with the intent of having the media and others read the
tweets.
The Internet also eases fundraising for candidates because donors may give to one or several
candidates with a few mouse clicks. The low cost associated with maintaining an Internet site,
coupled with the relative ease in sending out multiple email messages at little cost, increases
exponentially the opportunities for candidates, political parties, and interest groups to ask for
financial and volunteer support and get a fast response.
One adjunct to the Internet as a news and information source is web-based logs, or blogs,
which are online journals. Blogging has become a popular way for candidates, interest groups,
and political parties to share and discuss information. It is not uncommon for news organization websites to have blogs or other mechanisms for news consumers to post their responses
to news items and to participate in an online discussion with other interested individuals.
Individuals can also create a blog with relative ease. While questions have arisen as to the
validity of information found on blogs, they do provide an outlet for political discussions.
Social media enhances opportunities for democratic participation with widely available
technologies encouraging interaction among citizens and between citizens and government.
Government use of social media to encourage citizen-government interaction has increased
steadily, as has public familiarity with these tools. Governments at the local, state, and federal
levels now use social media tools to engage citizens in government decision making. Participating governments use these tools to invite public input and enhance two-way communication. Public trust is enhanced when governments demonstrate their efforts to be transparent,
accountable, and responsive.
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The Forms of Media Bias
Section 12.5
Table 12.1: Civic engagement in the Digital Age
Political engagement on social networking sites
60% of American adults use social networking sites such as Facebook or Twitter; these are some of the civic behaviors they
have taken part in on these sites:
% of SNS users
who have done this
% of all adults
who have done this
“Like” or promote material related to political/
social issues that others have posted
38%
23%
Post your own thoughts/comments on political or social issues
34
20
31
19
21
12
Encourage other people to vote
Repost content related to political/social
issues
Encourage others to take action on political/
social issues that are important to you
Post links to political stories or articles for
others to read
Belong to a group that is involved in political/
social issues, or working to advance a cause
Follow elected officials, candidates for office,
or other public figures
Total who said yes to any of the activities
listed above
35
33
28
20
66%
21
19
17
12
39%
“Civic Engagement in the Digital Age,” Pew Research Center, Washington, DC (April, 2013). http://www.pewinternet.org/2013/04/25
/civic-engagement-in-the-digital-age/
12.5 The Forms of Media Bias
The role of the media in presenting information is often not balanced—the media may pre
sent information in a way that favors one perspective (media bias), advocates a clear point
of view or action (propaganda), or references or presents images to serve as information
shortcuts (symbolism).
Media bias may take several forms. One form of bias involves the information shared with
the public. It is impossible for the media to report all information to which the public has no
direct connection; thus, the media chooses what to report on and how much information to
share about that news item. Another form of media bias focuses on how information is presented to the public. For example, a media story on poverty may show members of a specific
race, gender, age, or ethnic group as being impoverished, which may affect how the public
reacts to news stories about poverty; people’s perceptions about poverty may be shaped by
their opinions about the impoverished persons portrayed in the news story. Bias may also be
demonstrated in the importance given to a news item, such as by placing a news story on the
front page of a newspaper or by leading with that story on a televised news program.
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The Forms of Media Bias
Section 12.5
Propaganda is a way for government and political entities to shape or motivate political
action or public opinion. For example, the government may use public information campaigns
to bring about certain behaviors, such as during World War I when the federal government
sponsored a campaign to encourage the public to buy liberty bonds to fund the war effort.
Symbols provide the public with information shortcuts; they often replace text. Symbols may
also bias public opinion and serve as propaganda tools. For example, “U.S.” is often used to
represent the “United States.” The “United States” is also often represented as an older White
male dressed in clothing with red and white stripes, and white stars on a blue background
(the colors, symbols, and patterns of the American flag). This “person,” “Uncle Sam,” is a symbol of patriotism toward the United States and has been used to encourage individuals to
fulfill civic responsibilities such as registering for the draft, paying taxes, and voting.
In transmitting information to the public, political entities use the media to shape information that includes bias, symbolism, and propaganda when sharing information with the public. These communication methods influence public opinion and political behavior; how the
public learns information affects the public’s reaction.
The press often plays a role in shaping public opinion because what people learn through the
media will affect their views on the issues being discussed. Changes in public opinion may
result in the public putting pressure on government that it otherwise would not have.
The media is a powerful force in American politics because it decides what it will report and
how much time to devote to a particular story. As gatekeepers, newspaper editors and television news producers decide which stories are important. Editorial page editors decide what
types of editorials to print. By shaping the agenda, the press can influence public opinion,
which in turn can affect election outcomes.
Central to media power is its ability to frame and set an agenda. Framing involves how a particular story is set up and the context in which it is presented. Framing affects how the public
interprets political events and results. If news stories involving former President Bill Clinton
are introduced with a reminder of his impeachment, the public might consider his presidency
more in terms of his impeachment and not in terms of his political accomplishments. Similarly, setting up stories about political candidates with a discussion about the “Tea Party” can
affect viewers’ preferences about that candidate.
Priming is another source of media influence. Priming occurs when media coverage affects
how the public evaluates political leaders and candidates. For example, priming happens
when news content suggests that an audience ought to use specific benchmarks to evaluate a
public official’s performance.
Measuring public opinion is important to the electoral process. But it is not always clear.
When members of Congress take a position on an issue, they might be responding to public
opinion as reported either in polls or in what is being reported in the press. This means that
the press also plays an important role in American politics. It can serve to hold public officials
accountable by making it clear what the public believes on a given issue. But the press can
also influence public opinion by framing the political agenda.
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Summary and Resources
Summary and Resources
Chapter Summary
The mass media plays many roles and serves multiple functions in American politics. Some
say that it is the “fourth branch” of government, protected by the First Amendment, which
protects freedom of the press. Because the public learns the most about government through
the media, the media is often called a “black box,” in that it shapes the relationship between
the public and government. The media’s role is far more than a mechanism for informing the
public about government. Since long before the founding of the nation, the media has served
in several roles, including watchdog, gatekeeper, and agenda setter. The media also serves as a
vehicle for candidates, interest groups, political parties, and individuals to communicate their
messages to the public and government.
The media plays a critical role in political contests at all stages of the campaign. Positive media
coverage enhances candidates’ opportunities to raise money and to earn public favor, which
translates to votes. Unethical and illegal activities, including being caught in a public or private scandal such as an extramarital affair, are widely reported by the media. The media also
serves as a platform for campaign advertising such that candidates must be given an equal
chance to publicize their messages by being charged the same rate for the same time slot in
broadcast media for candidates seeking the same office. The media also hosts and moderates
campaign debates. This means that debates are scheduled so that they can be televised and
broadcast during those times that the public is most likely to pay attention, and the media
works with candidates, candidate organizations, and political parties to determine the format of the debate. Media representatives write debate questions that are not provided to the
candidates in advance.
The media is often criticized for biasing the stories that are printed or broadcast. These criticisms are levied against the media because how people learn the news affects their opinions
of newsmakers and candidates.
Key Ideas to Remember
•
•
•
•
•
•
The First Amendment protects the freedom of the press. As one of the six protections included in the First Amendment, the freedom of the press is considered a
central tenet of a participatory democracy.
The media has been used as a mechanism for shaping public opinion and political
participation since before the founding of the United States.
The public learns the most about government through the media, which has resulted
in the media being called a “black box” through which the people learn about government; consequently, it affects how government represents itself to the people.
The media serves several roles in shaping the relationship between the public and
government, including watchdog, gatekeeper, and agenda setter.
The media shapes public opinion by informing the public, endorsing candidates,
moderating debates, and serving as a platform for candidates, interest groups, political parties, and individuals to make their viewpoints known to the public through
campaign advertising.
The media has been criticized for its presentation of information through priming
and framing, which bias the information that the public receives.
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Summary and Resources
Timeline: Evolution of the mass media
Photo credits (top to bottom): PhotoAlto/Superstock, Slalom/iStock/Thinkstock, . Corbis, Tanuha2001/iStock/Thinkstock, Tovovan/iStock/
Thinkstock
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Summary and Resources
Questions to Consider
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
What are the forms that media bias takes?
How is the media used in political campaigns?
Why was a free press important to the nation’s founders?
How does the media influence government?
What are the issues that the U.S. Supreme Court addresses when considering free
press issues?
Key Terms
agenda-setting theory The theory that the
news media influences public priorities.
black box The idea that the media acts as a
filter and conduit of most information about
the government.
blog An abbreviation for “web log,” an
Internet-based log of news, information, and
analysis.
Federal Communications Act of 1934
(FCA) Legislation that regulates interstate
and foreign commerce in electronic communication; it created the Federal Communications Commission, which regulates radio and
television.
framing When referring to the media,
the way the media reports a story, thereby
affecting how people interpret political
events and results.
media bias The belief that the media
determines how the news is presented to
the public, which slants what the public
learns about government and how the public
perceives the information learned through
the media.
priming When referring to the media, the
way media coverage affects the public’s
evaluation of political leaders or candidates
for office.
social media The websites and applications
that the public, government, media, political
parties, interest groups, and others use to
interact with one another.
watchdog When referring to the media,
the media’s role in holding the government
accountable.
gatekeeper When referring to the media,
the media’s role in deciding which information about government and about which
events the public should learn.
Further Reading
Boydstun, A. E. (2013). Making the news: Politics, the media, and agenda setting. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago
Press.
Dahlgren, P. (2009). Media and political engagement: Citizens, communication and democracy. New York, NY:
Cambridge University Press.
Graber, D. (Ed.). (2008). The politics of news/the news of politics. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press.
Graber, D. (Ed.). (2010). Media power in politics (6th ed.). Washington, D.C.: CQ Press.
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Summary and Resources
Graber, D. (2011). On media: Making sense of politics. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Graber, D., & Dunaway, J. L. (Eds.). (2014). Mass media and American politics. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press.
Iyengar, S. (2016). Media politics: A citizen’s guide (3rd ed.). New York, NY: W. W. Norton.
Key, V. O., Jr. (1955). A theory of critical elections. The Journal of Politics, 17, 3–18.
Stromer-Galley, J. (2014). Presidential campaigning in the Internet age. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Tewksbury, D., & Rittenberg, J. (2012). News on the Internet: Information and citizenship in the 21st century. New
York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Wolfsfeld, G. (2011). Making sense of media and politics: Five principles in political communication. New York, NY:
Routledge.
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9
Political Parties and
Interest Groups
Associated Press/Stephen Savoia
Learning Objectives
By the end of this chapter, you should be able to
• Describe the functions and purposes of political parties in the United States.
• Analyze the historical evolution of the American party system and the forces that have served as
catalysts for their transformations.
• Distinguish between two-party and multiple-party systems and analyze the political implications of each.
• Describe the role of interest groups in American politics.
• Evaluate the challenge of interest groups within the context of constitutional representation.
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As you may recall from the discussion in Chapter 1, when Congress overhauled the health
care system in March 2010, it did not pass a single-payer system similar to the one in Canada,
which is funded entirely by public money. Rather, it passed a host of regulations along with a
requirement that uninsured individuals purchase insurance from private companies, which
is often referred to as the individual mandate. Additionally, it provided for subsidies for those
too poor to pay for insurance on their own. Achieving the Affordable Care Act, which some call
“Obamacare” because it was championed by President Obama, required compromise among
various constituencies and interests. On the one hand, that the Affordable Care Act was passed
was a major accomplishment for the Democrats, the political party that has attempted to
secure accessible health care since the 1930s. But on the other hand, the inability to achieve
it for so many years speaks to the large number of interest groups arrayed against it and their
tremendous influence in the American political system.
In the 1990s, President Bill Clinton attempted to introduce health care reform, only to be
opposed by numerous interest groups, including the American Medical Association (AMA),
the insurance industry, various union groups, and the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP). The reasons that these groups opposed reform were as varied as the groups
themselves. The AMA objected because it was concerned that its members (primarily doctors) would earn less money. AARP opposed reform because it was concerned that reform
would mean health care inferior to that provided by Medicare, the federally funded medical
insurance program available to senior citizens. Insurance companies worried that their profits would be diminished, and unions were concerned that any public health insurance would
be less comprehensive than the premium packages they already had won through collective
bargaining. These interest groups each played a role in defeating Clinton’s efforts to reform
the American health care system.
Thus, it was no surprise that when the issue came up again during the 2008 presidential campaign, the same interest groups expressed the same concerns. Initially, the House of Representatives passed a health care bill that included a “public option,” a government-sponsored
plan for those who did not have or could not get private insurance. These interest groups
opposed the public option for the same reasons they had opposed the concept of “universal”
health care in the past. Insurance companies were also joined by pharmaceutical companies
similarly concerned about their profits.
This time, though, the White House made a series of deals with these interest groups to gain
their support for the Senate version of the bill, which left out the public option. The AMA
supported the deal because it was promised higher reimbursements. AARP supported it
because the organization was promised no Medicare cuts. The insurance industry supported
it because the individual mandate promised that more customers would be buying policies.
Unions began to support it because their premium insurance packages would be exempt from
taxation. Understandably, the casual observer might think that the law was written to serve
the interest groups, not the public. At the same time, the new law was considered a victory for
the Democratic Party.
As this case study on the Affordable Care Act suggests, political parties and interest groups
are very much part of the American political landscape, and these entities direct much of
the nature of current American politics. In this chapter, we examine the roles of both interest groups and political parties in American politics, and their implications for American
democracy.
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What Is a Political Party and What Is Its Purpose?
Section 9.1
9.1 What Is a Political Party and What Is Its Purpose?
Political parties are organizations that seek to influence government policy by taking positions on current and public issues, nominating candidates, and trying to get them elected to
office. The Framers of the Constitution took a dim view of political parties. They considered
them to be factions of self-interest that placed the welfare of one group above that of the
general public. Worse, the founders feared that such groups might ride roughshod over individual rights and liberties. The Framers also understood that party formation would be an
inevitable byproduct of liberty. Free association, after all, meant that like-minded individuals
could interact with one another and that formal organizations would develop around those
associations.
Initially, there were two relatively small political parties (the Federalists and the DemocraticRepublicans, both of which no longer exist, at least in their original form), and they tended to
operate primarily in Congress. But as more people were granted franchise—the right to
vote—political parties emerged as vehicles to get them to the polls.
Political parties in modern democratic societies perform five essential functions: (1) they get people
out to vote, (2) they seek to win elections, (3) they
organize the government, (4) they generate symbols
of identification and loyalty, and (5) they implement
policy objectives. The primary purpose of the American party system is to win political office, which
means that getting out the vote is secondary to that
primary purpose. In the United States, winning political office would certainly be more difficult if there
were not parties in place to mobilize voters behind
specific candidates and their policy positions. But
this also means that party platforms—the political
positions of the party—are secondary to the primary
purpose of winning political office.
Parties take on three roles in American politics:
party-in-the-organization, party-in-the-government,
and party-in-the-electorate. The party-in-the-organization consists of activists who seek to define the
issues on which the party will campaign and who will,
at times, run for office. These activists may also work
the phones or go door to door just prior to elections
to remind voters that an election is coming up and try
to attract voters to their particular candidates. Party
activists may serve as delegates to national nominating conventions.
© Fine Art/Corbis
A campaign poster from 1888. American political parties have been in
place since shortly after the nation
was founded. Their main function has
been to have their candidates elected
to office.
The party-in-the-government consists of party members who hold public office and whose
members get to organize government and work to pass the agenda on which they campaigned.
The party-in-the-electorate consists of those voters who are registered with the political
party, as well as persons who identify with that party.
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What Is a Political Party and What Is Its Purpose?
Section 9.1
Get Out the Vote
Overall voter turnout is relatively low in the United States, such that turnout in presidential
elections has not exceeded 60% since 1992. Thus, getting people out to vote usually consists
of party activists attempting to register voters. Those least likely to vote are poor people in
poor communities (the reason for this is discussed in Chapter 10), so political party activists
often hold voter registration drives in poor communities and knock on doors to get people
to register. In a tight race, registering new voters can be the difference between victory and
defeat for a party and its candidates. This then leads to the next critical function of parties,
which is winning elections.
Win Elections
The positions taken by American political parties change over time as the preferences of the
electorate change. As an example, the Democratic Party was considered to be the party of
racial segregation until 1965, when a Democratic Congress passed the Voting Rights Act and a
Democratic president signed it. The segregationists, largely concentrated in the South, abandoned the Democrats, and the party became one of racial inclusion. As it sought new voters, it
appealed to more people on the left of the political spectrum. As this happened, many others
grew uncomfortable in the Democratic Party and began to switch over to the Republicans. In
an attempt to appeal to disaffected Democrats, the Republican Party became the states’ rights
party. In many respects, American parties follow the competitive market model. In an effort
to attract new customers, a business will introduce new products. So too will political parties.
Both political parties have large national party committees: the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and the Republican National Committee (RNC). These are essentially umbrella
organizations that are responsible for governing political parties on a day-to-day basis. The
most essential national party functions are fundraising and recruiting candidates to run in
various congressional contests. The two national party committees also engage in public relations efforts on behalf of their parties’ political platforms and support the presidential and
vice-presidential nominee once they are nominated.
As part of their efforts to win elections, the DNC and RNC raise large sums of money. In the
2014 campaign cycle, the DNC raised $168 million, while the RNC raised $195 million. These
monies were then used to assist both Democrats and Republicans in House and Senate races.
Organize Government
Political parties, especially what we refer to as the party-in-the-government, organize the
legislative branch. The party that wins the most seats in a house of Congress gets to control
the leadership of that house. Because the Republican Party won the most seats in the U.S.
House of Representatives in 2014, it continued to control that house of Congress, including
having the power to select the speaker of the House. Senate Republicans gained control of the
Senate from the Democrats, who had held the majority since 2007. The winning party also
takes control of committee chair leadership so that all House committees continued under
Republican control when the new Congress was sworn in in January of 2015 and the Republican Senate could select committee chairs. The benefit of holding all standing committee
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What Is a Political Party and What Is Its Purpose?
Section 9.1
chairs is that the winning party then gets to set the legislative agenda, at least until the next
election. At the same time, because the president works with party leaders in each house of
Congress, such as the House speaker, party control in Congress affects each party’s relationship with the president.
Although all members of Congress
represent their own respective
districts or states, both parties
have party caucuses within each
chamber of Congress. The caucuses often shape policy agendas,
political strategies, and leadership
positions. The House Republican
caucus, for example, determines
the majority party leadership, the
Republican policy agenda, and the
political strategy for achieving it.
Meanwhile, in the House Democratic caucus, decisions are made
Associated Press/Andrew Harnik
about who will serve as minority
John Boehner gives up his position as speaker of
leaders and ranking members,
the House to Republican Paul Ryan in October 2015.
who are chosen from among memBoehner announced his intention to resign as speaker
bers of the minority party and
of the House in September 2015.
serve as vice chairs of committees
in Congress. The Democratic Party caucus also shapes its strategy for opposing the majority
party strategy.
Party-in-the-government also plays a role in the executive and judicial branches. When presidents make appointments to the Cabinet and other departments and agencies, they usually
choose members of their party. This reinforces continuity with previous administrations of
that party. As an example, when President Obama was looking for experienced Washington
Democrats to staff his administration following his 2008 election, he found that he was selecting from among those who had served in the previous Democratic administration of President Bill Clinton. Lawrence Summers, who was selected by President Obama to direct the
National Economic Council, had been Clinton’s secretary of the treasury, while Eric Holder,
who was selected to be Obama’s first attorney general, had been an assistant attorney general
for civil rights in Bill Clinton’s administration.
Similarly, presidents look to appoint members of their party to positions in the judiciary. This
helps to ensure that their appointments will share the same values, particularly because federal and Supreme Court judges serve life terms with “good behavior.”
Generate Symbols of Identification and Loyalty
Political parties are generally a source of both identification and registration. Voters are often
identified by their party registration, while persons holding state and federal legislative and
executive offices, and some local legislative and executive officials, run with party labels. Federal judges are usually identified by the party of the president who appointed them.
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What Is a Political Party and What Is Its Purpose?
Section 9.1
Until the 1960s, voters tended to vote on the basis of party loyalty. Most people joined the
party of their parents and grandparents. From the 1930s, the Democratic Party was viewed
as the party of the middle class, whose members were primarily blue-collar working-class,
low-income groups. The party was also built as a broad coalition of ethnic groups and labor
unions, at least in urban areas. The Republican Party tended to be more patrician and composed of more educated, affluent individuals. For many years, even Democrats who became
educated and financially successful tended to continue identifying with the party of their parents because of party loyalty.
Because of this tradition, elections were relatively predictable: Democrats would vote for
Democratic candidates, and Republicans would vote for Republican candidates. In recent
years, however, fewer people identify with either party, and increasingly more voters consider themselves independents, or political moderates who swing back and forth between
the parties. The number of independents has increased since the 1970s (see Figure 9.1). The
trend actually began during the late 1960s because of a dealignment, where long-term Democrats chose not to be identified with the party for a variety of reasons.
Figure 9.1: Rise of independents since the 1980s
Though the percentage of Americans who identify as independents has varied within a range since 1990,
it has risen substantially since the 1980s.
Copyright © 2015 Gallup Inc. All rights reserved. The content is used with permission; however, Gallup retains all rights of republication.
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What Is a Political Party and What Is Its Purpose?
Section 9.1
From the 1930s until the late 1960s, the Democratic Party was the majority party in terms of
voter affiliation. Following protests over the Vietnam War and the perception that the Democratic Party was moving to the left on critical issues including race relations, blue-collar Democrats, primarily in the South and in ethnic enclaves in the Northeast and industrial Midwest,
began to vote for Republicans. While Southern Democratic voters dropped their Democratic
Party affiliation, they did not identify as Republicans. Data from the National Election Studies
(NES) show that between 1952 and 1992, identification with the Democratic Party decreased
from 59% to 47.5%, while identification with the Republican Party increased from 31.6% to
39.4%. Meanwhile, the percentage of the population that identified themselves as independents tripled, from 6.5% to 19.6% (Levin-Waldman, 1997).
Today, both political parties have their own respective “bases.” The base of the modern Republican Party is considered to be very conservative, while the base of the Democratic Party is
considered to be very liberal. Both adhere more strictly to ideology than more centrist members of their parties do. Modern conservative voters tend to favor smaller government, states’
rights, lower taxes, restrictions on privacy and abortion rights, school prayer, and traditional
family values. Modern liberals tend to favor more government programs and regulation to
achieve a more fair society, higher taxes on wealthier individuals and families, strict separation of church and state, rights to privacy and freedom of choice, and strong civil rights for
groups such as gays and lesbians.
Because political parties seek to mobilize voters to
support a particular candidate and win an election,
they often strive to be an open tent with a wide variety of views. But if moderates drop out to be independents, both parties may be left with ideological
extremists.
It is not uncommon to identify the typical Democrat,
both the voter and the politician, as being liberal.
Similarly, the typical Republican is viewed as conservative. The Democratic Party still has a base of lowincome and blue-collar groups with a high school
education. But the Democratic Party also has many
highly educated professionals, academics, and business people who are more liberal on social issues. A
member of the Democratic base, for example, may
believe that abortion should be legal in all circumstances, including during the third trimester, past the
point of viability. The very liberal Democrat might
contend that an individual’s right to privacy, and to
control her body and reproduction, supersedes the
government’s right to protect a fetus.
Modern Republicans tend to be White, evangelical Protestant, conservative, and in favor of states’
rights. The Republican Party today is still home to the
Associated Press/John Bazemore
The Tea Party movement, which
emerged after President Obama’s
2008 election, has a conservative
Republican focus. It espouses less
government spending and protests government-mandated health
insurance.
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Evolution of the American Political Parties
Section 9.2
very wealthy and the old patrician classes, but it is also home to more working-class people,
including Catholics who are conservative on social issues, especially regarding the family. The
position of a member of the Republican base on abortion would likely be the opposite of that
of the liberal Democrat. The very conservative Republican might assert that abortion should
be prohibited under all circumstances, even in cases where it is necessary to save the life of
the mother, if, for example, his or her religious beliefs encourage this position.
The Republican Party, of late, has been influenced by the Tea Party movement, which emerged
following Barack Obama’s 2008 election. Tea Party members represent a conservative faction
of the party focusing on reducing government spending with the goal of reducing the national
debt and the federal budget deficit. The Tea Party has taken an active role in shaping Republican Party politics, particularly in its efforts protesting health care reform and in its support
of strongly conservative candidates.
Implement Policy Objectives
To the extent that parties represent specific policy agendas, they also identify the objectives
for policy implementation. Policy is technically implemented by the bureaucracy, but policy
objectives are established by political actors. These objectives often reflect the values of the
parties with which they are identified. By extension, then, parties implement policy objectives. Consider for a moment that, if it is an official Democratic Party position to support
abortion rights and the Democratic preference would be for the new health care law to pay for
abortions, then the Democratic Party would seek to meet that objective by crafting or amending the new health care legislation so that it covers abortions. Meanwhile, as a traditional
position of the Republican Party is to oppose abortion, Republican members of Congress will
seek to block funding for abortions from the language of the new health care law so that when
the law is fully implemented, individuals with publicly funded insurance will not have coverage for abortion services.
Implementation of policy objectives ultimately requires that parties mobilize support. In
this vein, political parties organize dissent and opposition and institutionalize, channel, and
socialize conflict. When they are able to mobilize bias in favor of something, thereby making
it easier to implement, they effectively legitimize the decisions of government.
9.2 Evolution of the American Political Parties
Today’s Democrats and Republicans were not the first parties in the United States. In fact,
political parties have evolved throughout the nation’s history. Historians have found it helpful to divide the history of American parties into “party systems.” The “first” party system
lasted from the beginning of the republic until about 1824. The “second” party system, sometimes called the Jacksonian party system, lasted from 1824 until the eve of the Civil War.
The period of Reconstruction following the Civil War ushered in Democratic Party rule in
the South and Republican Party dominance at the national level. Beginning in the early 20th
century, the party system changed again due to an era of political reform. Then, from the
mid-1960s into the early 1970s, both political parties introduced reforms in their attempts
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Evolution of the American Political Parties
Section 9.2
to attract more voters, but these also weakened party loyalty and increased the number of
political independents.
The First Party System (1770s–1824)
At the time of the nation’s founding, those supporting strong centralized authority were
known as the Federalists. Notably, Alexander Hamilton supported developing a strong commercial and industrial economy. Thomas Jefferson, by contrast, favored small agricultural
economies.
The first party system emerged out of this dispute. Jefferson’s followers formed the nation’s
first political party, the Democratic-Republicans (the precursor to the modern Democratic
Party), in an effort to recapture the republican spirit (discussed in Chapter 1) that had animated the American Revolution. Meanwhile, Hamilton’s supporters maintained the Federalist
label. The intent of the new Democratic-Republicans was to paint Hamilton and his supporters as secret monarchists—people who wanted to reestablish the king in America—and the
intent of the Federalists was to paint Jefferson and his supporters as Anti-Federalists and
enemies of the Constitution. By the 1820s, the Democratic-Republicans had become so successful that the Federalists had ceased to exist.
The Second Party System
(1824–1860)
The second party system began in
1824 with Andrew Jackson’s first
run for the presidency. In part, it
was a response to political participation being opened to the masses,
as property requirements for voting were abolished and more White
men were enfranchised.
“Jacksonian” democracy was a
grassroots movement intended to
mobilize the newly eligible elecEverett Collection/SuperStock
torate, or those who are eligible to
Political cartoon titled “Pilgrims’ Progress” that shows
vote. In the first party system, presiAndrew Jackson leading the Democratic Party donkey
dential candidates were nominated
carrying James K. Polk and George Dallas to the 1844
by caucuses made up of members of
presidential election. In the Jacksonian party system,
congressional caucuses were replaced by party conven- Congress, in order for Congress to
have some control over who might
tions, where some ordinary citizens were involved in
be president. These caucuses were
nominating presidential candidates.
not popular among the presidential
candidates. In the Jacksonian system, caucuses were replaced by conventions, where party
delegates, who could be ordinary citizens, gathered to nominate a candidate.
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Evolution of the American Political Parties
Section 9.2
In 1831, the newly formed anti-Jackson National Republican Party nominated Henry Clay in
the first major party convention. The National Republican Party would eventually die out and
be replaced by the Whig Party, which was then replaced by the Republican Party that remains
in place today. The Democratic Party (which had dropped Republican from its name) held
a convention in 1832 that nominated Jackson for reelection and Martin Van Buren for vice
president. Van Buren would later be nominated for president by a Democratic convention in
1836. Jackson supporters voted Democratic, while the National Republicans then formed the
Whig Party.
Between 1836 and 1852, both the Whig and Democratic parties attempted to avoid the issues
of slavery and sectionalism, but by the middle of the 19th century, these matters became
unavoidable. The slavery issue shattered the old parties and caused new ones to emerge. The
modern Republicans, founded in 1854 by anti-slavery activists, became a major force that
began to dominate national politics in the years leading up to the Civil War.
The Third Party System (1860s–early 1900s)
With the election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860, the Republican Party became established as a
major party. Those who supported the Union side in the Civil War became loyal Republicans
for generations, and, likewise, those who supported the Confederacy became loyal Democrats. With few exceptions, Northern states tended to be solidly Republican, while Southern
states tended to be solidly Democratic.
The Republican Party was further strengthened in 1896. Running for the Democrats, William Jennings Bryan campaigned with strong populist rhetoric that alienated many voters
in Northeastern states while attracting voters in the South and the Midwest. This only reinforced the split between North and South that had been created by the Civil War. One consequence of this split was that most states were, in effect, one-party states. The party that controlled each state controlled who was nominated, which limited voters’ choices. State-level
electoral competition occurred within a single dominant party. Within each party, especially
the Republicans, there emerged two factions. The first faction, which could be said to reflect
the party-in-the-organization, consisted of party regulars, professional politicians, those who
were preoccupied with building the party machinery, developing party loyalty, and obtaining
patronage jobs for themselves and loyal followers. The second faction sought to do away with
patronage and weaken the power of what are known as the “political machines.”
Parties Under Reform (1900s–1960s)
Beginning in the early 20th century, Progressive reformers sought to weaken the influence of
political parties and in some cases to abolish them altogether. The first major issue was to
confront party control of the nomination process by machine bosses. Political machines were
disciplined organizations in which a single boss or small group could command the support
of individual voters and businesses (who were often campaign workers), who in turn could
expect to be rewarded for their efforts. The power of the machine lay in the ability of the
workers to get out the vote on Election Day. Machine bosses, especially in large cities, owned
construction companies and would ge tcontracts to build public works. Following the model
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Evolution of the American Political Parties
Section 9.2
of the old spoils system, these bosses selected nominees who would serve the interests of the
machine. Naturally, this lent itself to corruption..
The machines provided pathways
of upward socioeconomic mobility
for ethnic minorities, such as Irish
and Italian immigrants. They also
offered a social welfare framework
when economic transformations
were causing dislocations and massive poverty while the government
did not provide welfare services.
For example, machine bosses commonly appeared at wakes to offer
assistance to widows and children
of the deceased. At a minimum, this
assistance might pay for funeral
expenses, but it could also cover
the rent and pay for food for a short
time. Progressive reformers who
were part of the educated social
elite were effectively excluded from
the machine party system.
Irving Underhill, 1914
In New York City, machine bosses used to meet and
divide up public contracts in the Tammany Hall clubhouse, which over time came to symbolize the corruption of machine party politics.
For the educated elite to regain leadership, the rules of the game had to change. Progressives
supported primary elections to weaken the stranglehold of the machine bosses, as voters
could choose their own party nominees rather than having party bosses choose for them.
Reformers also sought local-level nonpartisan elections and strict voter registration requirements to reduce voter fraud. Finally, they sought to establish civil service systems to eliminate
the patronage system altogether.
These reforms, however, were slow in coming. Some states, such as California and Wisconsin,
were more successful than others. Over the years, more states adopted primary elections. As
late as 1960, only eight states held presidential primaries. This meant that presidential candidates, even as late as 1968, could bypass primary election states altogether and secure the
party nomination by negotiating with state party chairs.
The Decline of Parties (1970s–present)
The decline of the political parties really has more to do with the party-in-the-electorate than
within the party-in-the-organization and in government. Ironically, party decline has its roots
in the late-1960s and early-1970s reform efforts to increase party bases. Several events converged to foster the need for reform. First, growing opposition to the Vietnam War led Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota to challenge President Lyndon Johnson for the Democratic
Party nomination in 1968. Shortly after McCarthy entered the race, Senator Robert Kennedy
of New York, the brother of slain President John F. Kennedy, did too. Both McCarthy and Kennedy sought to win the Democratic nomination through the states that had instituted primaries. After Kennedy declared his candidacy, Johnson announced on March 31, 1968 that he
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Evolution of the American Political Parties
Section 9.2
would not seek reelection. Johnson’s withdrawal paved the way for Vice President Hubert
Humphrey to enter the race, but Humphrey had no intention of entering any primary contests, in part because he had a late start. So while McCarthy and Kennedy battled it out in
primaries, Humphrey negotiated with state party chairs and secured delegates.
Kennedy won the California primary in early June and looked likely to win the party nomination, but on the night of that primary victory he was assassinated. Humphrey, having never
entered a primary, had the nomination wrapped up going into the Democratic convention in
Chicago, but there was a pall cast over the gathering by protestors and violence in the streets
outside. In the general election, Kennedy and McCarthy supporters refused to support Humphrey, in part because he would not disavow his earlier support for the Vietnam War and,
more significantly, because they believed that he had stolen the nomination. The result was a
split Democratic Party, which contributed to Republican Richard Nixon’s election in what was
otherwise a close race.
The 1968 election appeared to be
a watershed event for several reasons. Some believed that it was the
beginning of an emerging Republican Party majority. Democrats
believed they had lost the election
because the party had been split
during the primary season. Close
election results implied that had
the party not been fractured, it
might have won the election.
The 1968 election also saw the
independent candidacy of George
Wallace, the Democratic segregationist governor of Alabama, who
Associated Press was able to capitalize on White
anger in the South over civil rights.
Riots outside the 1968 Democratic Convention were
The effect of Wallace’s candidacy
indicative of the Democratic Party split over the Vietwas to peel Democratic voters away
nam War. Vice President and presidential candidate
from Humphrey. Nixon also took
Hubert Humphrey backed the war.
away Democratic voters, but for
different reasons. Nixon ran on a platform of law and order and ending the Vietnam War.
For many blue-collar workers and social conservatives, the violence of the 1968 convention,
which was broadcast on national television, fueled a perception that the Democrats no longer
represented their interests. In this vein, the 1968 election marked a major turning point in
the nation’s cultural wars.
Democratic Party activists convened multiple commissions in their attempt to unify the party
on the assumption that the fracture was due largely to the nominating process. The first commission, the McGovern-Fraser Commission, chaired by Senator George McGovern of South
Dakota and Representative Donald Fraser of Minnesota, recommended that all states adopt
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Two-Party System Versus Multi-Party System
Section 9.3
either primary elections or party caucuses. They argued that this approach would democratize the nominating process and remove it from the influence of state party chairs. They also
recommended making the party more inclusive by selecting more women and minorities as
convention delegates.
In many cases, state legislatures had to pass new laws to hold primaries. As states adopted
these reforms, the result was that anybody could enter primaries without necessarily representing the parties’ traditional bases. Another result was that the nominating conventions
were to become little more than pep rallies.
Between 1968 and 1992, with the exception of Jimmy Carter’s election in 1976, the country
did not elect a Democratic president. Part of the reason may have been a perception that the
party had moved too far to the left, which was one consequence of its losing control of the
nominating process.
9.3 Two-Party System Versus Multi-Party System
The American political system is characterized by a two-party system, while the typical parliamentary system includes multiple parties represented in the legislature. There have been
two main parties in the United States since they emerged in the late 18th century. Several
attempts over time to form third parties have never really succeeded. Why has this been the
case?
Why the United States Has a Two-Party System
The principal reason the United States has a two-party system is that it has single-member
congressional districts—each voter gets one vote for a given office. Getting elected requires
a plurality of votes. In the 1950s, French sociologist Maurice Duverger (1964) noted, in what
has come to be known as Duverger’s law, that a plurality election system tends to favor twoparty systems. In other words, the candidate who wins the office is the one who receives the
most votes. In practical terms, this means that if in District 2 Joan, George, and Danielle run
for office and Danielle gets 49% of the vote, George gets 35%, and Joan gets 16%, Danielle is
the winner.
This is very different from a parliamentary system, where there is proportional representation, which means that voters can vote for several candidates to represent the province in
which they live. As an example, if Province A will be represented by 10 people out of 20 people
running, each party understands that the number of seats it takes in Parliament for this province will be in proportion to the percentage of votes that it receives. If the Liberal Party receives
30% of the vote, the Conservative Party receives 20% of the vote, the Labor Party receives 40%
of the vote, the Consumer Party receives 7% of the vote, and the Green Party receives 3% of the
vote, the results will look as shown in Table 9.1.
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Two-Party System Versus Multi-Party System
Section 9.3
Table 9.1: Example of proportional representation
Party
Percentage of the vote
Number of seats in Parliament
Liberal
30
3
Labor
40
4
Conservative
Consumer
Green
Total
20
7
3
100
2
1
0
10
Because more than one person can represent the district, there is room for more than the
two strongest parties. The weakest parties can survive by achieving a minimum threshold,
such as receiving at least 10% of the vote, to secure at least one seat. A party receiving 10%
in a single-member district system like the United States would not secure representation in
office, and in the long term that party could not survive.
Broker Party Model
Two-party systems tend to be examples of broker party models because their primary purpose is to win elections. The issues on which the party campaigns are based on what will
attract the most votes. As the preferences of the voters change, so too do “planks” in the
party platform. The party platform outlines the official positions of the political party, and
the term planks refers to the components of that platform. Because Americans tend to vote
for personality more than platform, the candidate who runs for office shapes the position of
the party platform. Whoever appeals most to the voters in a primary election gets to represent the party in the general election. In the broker party model, the party acts as a medium
for voters to express their preferences for particular candidates. While the party is nonideological in the broker party model, this is not to say that ideology does not play a role in
the selection of candidates, especially during primary campaigns. Rather, ideology is a tool
that can be used to rally support among voters to help secure a nomination.
Responsible Party Model
The responsible party model functions in both parliamentary systems, such as Great Britain,
and in single-member winner-take-all systems, such as the United States, although it is more
common in parliamentary systems, where issues and candidates are secondary to parties.
Platform planks tend not to change according to changing voter preferences; rather, voter
preference affects whether the party gains or loses votes. This means that parties are more
ideological in the responsible party model compared with the broker party model.
In the responsible party model, when people contribute money, they contribute to parties.
The candidates who run on behalf of the party are chosen by party leaders, not primary elections. A candidate is merely a spokesperson for the party. Usually the person who would, for
example, be prime minister, is the leader of the party, and the only way that person became
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Interest Groups
Section 9.4
party leader was by working the way up the ranks and demonstrating loyalty to the party and
its policy positions. Officeholders who challenge the party leadership or buck party ideology
are generally displaced from the ballot in the next election. In the responsible party model,
then, party discipline tends to be tight. Political parties can be more ideological because there
are more of them. Parties would rather lose an election than compromise on principles. But
even a strongly ideological party is still likely to have seats, even if there are fewer of them.
9.4 Interest Groups
As with political parties, the Framers assumed that interest groups, or organizations focused
on a single issue, would naturally form because people had the liberty to freely associate;
however, as with political parties, the Framers did not have a positive view of interest groups
because they were primarily factions of self-interest. In Federalist No. 10, James Madison
defined factions as
a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or minority of the
whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or
of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and
aggregate interests of the community. (1787, para. 3)
Insofar as interest groups would be factions, they would seek to pursue the interests of the
group first, even if they were contrary to the larger public interest.
Today, there are two dominant
views of interest groups. One
holds that interest groups reflect a
dynamic democratic process built
on pluralism. Of the multitude of
interests within society, some work
together while others work against
one another. Classical pluralism
argues that interest groups use their
resources to exert influence in government, while an alternative view
suggests that interest groups distort the democratic process because
they succeed in having their interests trump those of the public.
The Role
of Interest Groups
© Mark Peterson/Corbis
Interest groups such as the National Rifle Association
(NRA) have proliferated as political parties have weakened. The same individualism that brought about the
demise of political parties appears to strengthen interest groups.
Many interest groups focus on single issues. People who join interest groups such as the
National Rifle Association (NRA) or the Sierra Club do so because of their concern over a specific policy area. The NRA is concerned with the rights of people to bear arms, while the Sierra
Club focuses on matters that affect the environment.
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Interest Groups
Section 9.4
Interest groups pursue their goals by making policy-related appeals to government. They
seek to influence elections through political action committees (PACs), interest groups’
financial arms. PACs raise money and contribute to campaigns. Donations are most often
directed at incumbents, regardless of party, because incumbents have a high reelection rate.
Interest groups act strategically when they give money to incumbents who will likely be
reelected. The NRA, for instance, will contribute to whoever has a record of voting against gun
control.
Interest groups also seek to influence
public policy through lobbying. Lobbyists, who represent interest groups
in their efforts to shape public policy,
meet with elected representatives and
attempt to influence their votes on particular issues. Lobbyists explain why
supporting their position is important
to the interest group’s members whom
the elected officials represent. One
tactic that lobbyists use is to impress
upon legislators that they represent
large numbers of people who vote.
Difference Between Interest
Groups and Political Parties
Associated Press/Chris Miller
Lobbyists from different interest groups wait to see
members of Congress on Capitol Hill. The job of a
lobbyist is to present information and arguments to
legislators for the purposes of securing their support on specific issues.
The principal difference between interest groups and political parties is that interest groups
tend to be single issue while political parties address a wide array of issues. Additionally, a
political party tends to be a more heterogeneous group, with activists who often take the
same position on core party issues but may have different opinions on others. A political
party seeks to win elections for its candidates. An interest group seeks to gain support for
its cause. Anyone can be a party member by registering with that party for the purposes of
voting. But interest group members pay membership dues in order to join the group. Political
parties often act like big tents that seek to attract many people with different points of view,
while interest groups seek to attract only those who agree with their cause.
Madison’s Dilemma
James Madison argued against factions because they sought to place their own interests over
the public interest. But factions were also the inevitable byproduct of liberty. The ultimate
cure for factions would, of course, be to eliminate them by legal means, but the cure would be
worse than the disease. The only solution to this dilemma, then, would be to allow for so many
factions that the relative power of each would be diluted. The more interest groups there are,
the less influence each one has.
Interest groups represent the diversity of American society and speak to the issue of pluralism whereby different people get involved with different issues at different times. The U.S.
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Interest Groups
Section 9.4
Constitution and the Bill of Rights were designed to protect individualism. Pluralism is individualism in its collective form. Because the United States is a large and diverse nation, interest groups have become an essential tool for individuals to express themselves and have their
voices heard by governmental officials.
Madison’s dilemma also suggested
that one interest group might have
too much power. Economist John Kenneth Galbraith (1993) argued that
interest groups would ultimately be
checked by what he termed countervailing forces. In the face of one powerful interest group, several smaller
ones would come together in a coalition, and they would balance out the
power of the larger group. Consistent
Associated Press/The Green Bay Press-Gazette/H. Marc Larson
with Madison’s notion that the effects
Interest groups can be viewed as reflecting healthy
of factions can be controlled by havdemocratic expression. They represent the diversity ing more factions, the more interest
of views in American society.
groups there are operating in the system, the more countervailing forces will exist. This is an instance of the marketplace working
to curb the excesses of interest groups.
Rationality and Logic of Collective Action
An interest group is a voluntary organization, and many people who sympathize with it may
derive benefits without having to bear the costs of membership. For example, an environmental interest group may petition the federal government to pass regulations that will reduce
automobile emissions. The environmental group’s PAC may donate money to the congressional campaigns of incumbents who have voted for pro-environmental regulations in the past,
while the environmental group’s lobbyists may lobby both Democratic and Republican members of Congress to support legislation to reduce automobile emissions. If Congress passes
the legislation and the president signs it, one result will be cleaner air that all people will
benefit from, including persons who never joined the interest group along with those who
may have opposed the regulation out of concern that it would cause an increase in the cost
of automobiles. When individuals do not bear the costs of interest group membership, yet
derive the benefits of that group’s work, it is called the free rider problem. Logic would suggest that individuals have little incentive to join interest groups because they can be free riders. However, if everybody were to assume that they could be free r...
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