Part 1 Women Science and Myth (from antiquity to 20th century) Antiquity • Science and myth are inextricably combined when the contributions of women to the scientific activity are considered. • However, women were clearly involved in these activities to various degrees from the very beginning of recorded history. Women have a history as scientists and physicians and their names appear in the works of the classical writers. • Although we may never be able to collect more factual information about these women because their existence is buried so deeply in the morass of history (a history that did not value their contributions), from the slim material that is available we know that women as well as their brothers always were interested in explaining their environment and improving human life. Medieval Era • With the increased revival of Greek science ,early Renaissance scholars to some extent repudiated medieval science. During all of the Middle Ages, only about 200 women have been specifically identified as participating actively in scientific work. However the medieval sciences provided transitional knowledge during the millennium between antiquity and the Renaissance. • (We may presume that many additional, less prominent women must have been present but their names have not come down to us.) Since the Middle Ages represents a period of about 1,000 years, this corresponds on average to some 20 prominent women per century (scattered over all of Europe, with a few in the Middle East). Medieval Era • Lifetimes were typically shorter during the medieval period and travel extremely difficult; accordingly, few of these women would ever have had the opportunity of meeting each other, let alone mentoring or collaborating with one another. We can also examine the number of identified women scientists as a function of time during the Middle Ages, bearing in mind that the numbers are so small that such assessments are at best semi quantitative and subject in interpretation to many biasing effects. • From the end of antiquity, the number of women in scientific pursuits dropped from about 10 per century to none at all identified during the 800s, then rose rapidly through the 1100s and 1200s, peaked during the 1300s, and dropped off appreciably during the 1400. Renaissance • Until recently, it was assumed that women, largely undereducated, did not play a significant role in the cultural developments of the Renaissance. In many ways, however, women were important to the literary, political, and scientific developments of this period. • Some gained access to print the most important technology of the day reading books as well as writing them. • They became astoundingly well educated, establishing themselves among the elite and shaping the intellectual, humanist traditions of scholarship. Others sought to develop their own communities, traditions of communication, and beliefs. In direct and indirect ways, women helped to shape the cultural programs of the Renaissance, including those associated with the Scientific Revolution. Renaissance • From 1450 to 1650, Europe witnessed profound changes in technological capacity, political landscape, social customs, and literary traditions. • This period saw the rise of print, the flourishing of humanist and civic culture, and the expansion of trade in urban centers across the continent and with “the rest of the world” (a phrase that could only appear, as Mary Louise Pratt has shown, when Europe had an idea of itself as something different from and often opposed to non european others, which was another development of the Renaissance). • These changes were both guides and sources of inspiration for the Scientific Revolution; and like the Scientific Revolution itself, the history of these sweeping changes depends on the ideas, activities, and communities of men and women alike. The 18th Century • Eighteenth century intellectuals accepted, articulated, expanded, and clarified the idea that men and women had radically different natures. One of the most enigmatic and influential philosophers of this time was Jean Jacques Rousseau. • Women were increasingly involved in the scientific enterprise during the 18th century. Their participation covered a variety of fields, but few of them are well known. 19 th century • The Industrial Revolution impacted not only the kinds of work people did but also where and how they did it. • Within this period of rapid growth and change, the nature and representation of scientific work was shifting. • The industrial revolution and progress in paper technology, printing , and marketing allowed for a new mass market of texts and a much broader literate audiences. • The industrial revolution and progress in paper technology, printin g, and marketing allowed for a new mass market of texts and a much broader literate audience. Conduct manuals, medical guides, scientific treatises, garden magazines, novels, and newspapers flooded the marketplace and presented the increasing numbers of literate individuals with a range of material both representing and constructing new images of science and technology. 19th century • Newspapers and weekly journals allowed individuals to learn about the global, political, social, and cultural changes taking place, and these textual forms meant that scientific knowledge could be distributed much more widely and rapidly. • The growth of new scientific disciplines and specializations, and of related disciplines including anthropology and sociology, had a cultural impact on gender roles. • Science served as a tool to both manipulate and identify roles for men and women, and as scientific discourse gained influence • Within this exciting culture of change and newness, women both gained and struggled; progress brought new opportunities for women on the one hand and stifled them further on the other. What was termed in the 19th century “The Woman Question”— a range of debates, representations, and concerns that dominated discussions of gender within the period intersected quite often with the scientific and medical knowledge that flourished during this time. 19 th century • Within this exciting culture of change and newness, women both gained and struggled; progress brought new opportunities for women on the one hand and stifled them further on the other. • Scientific discourses provided multiple ways to imagine women and men, but with the growing institutionalized nature of fields like medicine and with stronger divisions between the public and private realms, women were often relegated to the private sphere as the domestic ideal of angel in the house. 19 th century • The 19th century was a crucial era in the development of scientific ideals. Throughout this period of invention and progress, there emerged a desire to understand and explore the “newness” of things, their natures, and their relationships. • Within this era, a continued struggle between a • biological basis for the nature of individuals particularly in terms of gendered and racial identities and a social understanding of them continued, and science became immersed in the cultural debates surrounding these issues. 19th century • By the end of the century the enduring “Woman Question” had to deal with the “New Woman,” a figure shaped by the new educational and professional activities opening to women. Although, by the end of the 19th century, men still dominated the sciences, an influential legacy of women’s work allowed for a new set of role models to emerge; dial ogues about sexuality and female biology forced the public to complicate its vision of ideal masculinity and femininity. • As the century progressed, women participated increasing ly in the scientific culture that had become part of everyday life, and while the women highlighted here stand out as the exceptional pioneers in the expanding fields of science, many women, yet undiscovered, played crucial roles as edu cators, observers, and explorers of scientific knowledge. 19 th century • By the end of the 19th century, life had changed drastic ally because of the scientific developments that emerged and the ways scientific knowledge could be read, viewed, and analyzed. New technological innovations, including photography, xray, and a vast range of new tools and instruments, changed the nature of scientific work and the way it was recorded. • Perhaps what is most significant about this period of scientific growth is that the models of empiricism, objectivity, and truth that are so embedded in science were built into not only the scientific professions that emerged but also the culture itself. 20th Century • By the early 20th century, political situations and educational reforms begun in the 19th century had come to fruition, making it more likely that women might become scientists. • Educational reforms fell in lockstep with political ones. • By the early 20th century, women were active in most fields of science, although certain areas such as the biological and the human sciences were better represent ed than the physical sciences and mathematics. 20th Century • The achievements of women like Annie Jump Cannon, Alice Hamilton, Karen Horney, Emily Noether, Beatrix Potter, Margaret Higgins Sanger and many others were possible because of the political and educational changes made in the previous century. • Although women were still at a decided disadvantage, as the century progressed they had the opportunity to earn college degrees, to participate in professional organizations, and (more rarely) to use their education to earn a living. Part 3 Consideration of social norms, professional practice and legal systems, and their implications regarding the marginization of women in MSE and related areas. How does the image of engineering affect student recruitment & retention • Early engineering feast go as far as to 550 BC. With the use of metal tools & weapons . • Engineers have historically been the primary designer and maker of tools. • The early focus of engineering has been on agriculture and the military. How does the image of engineering affect student recruitment & retention • With printing becoming widely available in the 15th century, the applications of engineering principals have been shared by many groups and nations, especially in Europe after the renaissance, leading to a series of industrial revolutions. • The role of an engineer has evolved with the advance of technology from an independent, self sufficient & highly motivated to an interdependent team member of a corporate world, small or large. How does the image of engineering affect student recruitment & retention • There was a little over two million engineers in the USA by 2000. • Approximately 1% of the total US population. • The absolute number of employed engineers grew at an average rate of 10% per year during the last half of the century. • Only1.2 million engineers are in jobs that are engineering related. How does the image of engineering affect student recruitment & retention • Among all engineering major ,Mechanical engineering appears to have the largest number of graduates • Electrical engineering coming a close second. • Computer engineering , has shown significant increases and becoming a strong third discipline. • Civil & Chemical engineering have had a decreasing pattern of graduates. How does the image of engineering affect student recruitment & retention • For the first time in year 2000 The percentage of women receiving bachelor’s degrees in engineering exceeded 20% . • Still the increase is not as sharp as in the late 1970’s and early 1980s, but the number of women engineers is still on the rise. • The starting salaries offered to BS and MS engineering graduates are in the top 5% of all professions. How does the image of engineering affect student recruitment & retention • The evidence shows the US economy is still doing well despite a slowdown in early 2001. • But there is an acute shortage of technically well-prepared graduates. This is even greater among women and minorities. • You may ask why are the engineering schools in the country not flooded with applications & inquiries? How does the image of engineering affect student recruitment & retention • There are several reasonable answers to these questions & some possible explanations. These include: • Engineering curriculum is not an easy & trivial subject matter to study. • Many high school graduates in the USA are not academically prepared to study engineering , science they do not take a sufficient dose of mathematics, science and technology based courses before they graduate from high school. • Many potential students, their families, primary and secondary education teachers are not aware of the opportunities available in engineering, in general they do not encourage students to consider engineering as a choice of college study. How does the image of engineering affect student recruitment & retention • The current image of engineering , according to the survey conducted by, The American society for Engineering Education in 1998 ,showed that 45% of the public was not well informed about the profession of engineering & engineers as practitioners. • The same survey showed that 55% of women were not very well informed. • Of those surveyed , 16% said that they were not at all informed a bout engineering and amongst the women the number went up to 23%. JANUAR Y 14, 2 01 5 WOMEN AND LEADERSHIP Chapter 3: Obstacles to Female Leadership Americans widely believe that men have a better shot at leadership positions in business and politics, even as majorities say that men and women make equally good leaders. There is little consensus, however, on why women remain underrepresented in these fields. About four-in-ten believe higher standards for women and lack of readiness by companies to hire women for top positions and by voters to elect women to higher office are major reasons that there aren’t more women in top leadership roles in business and politics. Other reasons, such as family responsibilities, inexperience, or women not being tough enough, are cited less frequently as significant barriers to female leadership. The public expresses some skepticism about whether women will be able to overcome the obstacles that keep them out of top leadership positions, at least in business. About half (53%) don’t think women will achieve parity with men in top executive business positions in the foreseeable future; 44% say that as more women move into management roles, it’s only a matter of time before there are as many women as men in top corporate leadership positions. Do Women Have an Equal Shot at Top Leadership Positions? About two-thirds of Americans, including majorities of men and women alike, say it is easier for men than women to get elected to high political offices and to get top executive positions in business, but women are more likely to express this view. About three-quarters of women say men have a better shot at these roles, compared with about six-in-ten men, a pattern that is repeated across generations. For example, Millennial and Boomer women are 13 percentage points more likely than their male counterparts to say it is easier for men to get top executive positions in business; there is a 14-point gender gap among Gen Xers and a 17-point gap among the Silent generation on this question. Similarly, there are double-digit gender gaps across generations on views that it is easier for men to get elected to high political offices. Across party lines, majorities say men have an advantage when it comes to getting top executive jobs in business and being elected to high political offices, but Democratic, Republican and independent women are considerably more likely than men in their respective groups to say this is the case. About eight-in-ten Democratic and independent women and seven-in-ten Republican women say it is easier for men to get top positions in business and politics, at least 13 percentage points higher than the share of men in the corresponding groups. Barriers to Female Political Leadership If Americans think men and women make equally good political and business leaders but say men have an advantage when it comes to getting top positions in these realms, what do they think is holding women back? While there is no clear consensus, about four-in-ten (38%) say a major factor is that women who run for office are held to higher standards than men and need to do more to prove themselves. About an equal share (37%) say many Americans aren’t ready to elect a woman to higher office, and 27% say women who are active in party politics get less support from party leaders. Still, at least a third say these are not reasons that there aren’t more women in high political offices. Women are generally more inclined than men to see higher expectations, voter hesitation and lack of institutional support as major obstacles to female political leadership. Fully 47% of women believe women who run for office are held to higher standards and have to do more to prove themselves, compared with 28% of men who see this as a major reason that more women are not in top elective office. Across generations, women are more likely than men to say that uneven expectations are a major obstacle to female political leadership. The gap is particularly pronounced among Baby Boomers; Boomer women are about twice as likely as Boomer men to offer this view (52% vs. 25%). By double digits, women are also more likely than men to say that voters not being ready to elect a woman to higher office and party leaders giving less support to women (41% vs. 31% and 33% vs. 21%, respectively) are significant obstacles to female political leadership. Gender gaps on these factors are not as consistent across generations. For example, the views of Millennial and Silent women and men don’t differ significantly on either measure, while Gen X and Boomer women are more likely than men in their generations to say each of these is a major barrier. Men and women alike reject the idea that women aren’t tough enough for politics; 73% of women and 72% of men say this is not a reason that there aren’t more women in top elective office. About half (48% of women and 49% of men) also say that family responsibilities are not a barrier for political leadership, but about as many say this is at least a minor obstacle. Barriers to Female Business Leadership As with factors that hinder women’s political leadership, there is little agreement on the major barriers to female business leadership, although majorities of Americans – men and women alike – don’t think a lack of toughness or management skills are keeping women from reaching top executive positions. Uneven expectations and companies not being ready to elevate women are cited more than any other factor as a major reason that more women are not in top leadership roles in business. About four-in-ten cite as significant barriers that women are held to higher standards than men and that many businesses aren’t ready to hire women for top executive positions (43% each). But in both cases, at least three-in-ten say these are not factors holding women back (33% and 31%, respectively). On almost every factor tested, women and men offer different views about significant obstacles to female leadership in business. The gap is particularly wide on matters related to unfair expectations and hesitation to hire women. About half of women (52%) say a major reason more women are not in top leadership positions in business is that women are held to higher standards and have to do more to prove themselves; one-third of men share this view. Similarly, 50% of women say many businesses aren’t ready to hire women for these positions, compared with 35% of men who believe this is a major obstacle to female leadership. Women in the Millennial, Gen X and Boomer generations are more likely than men to say these are key reasons that there aren’t more women business leaders. Is Family an Obstacle for Female Leaders? Four-in-ten Americans do not believe that women’s responsibilities to family stand in the way of them becoming top business executives, but about a quarter (23%) say this is a major reason and an additional 35% say it is at least a minor reason that more women are not running large businesses. Women are somewhat more likely than men to see family responsibilities as a significant barrier for women hoping to reach the top levels of corporate leadership; 26% of women and 20% of men say this is a major reason that more women are not in top executive business positions. When asked if it’s better for a woman who wants to reach a top executive position in business to have children early on in her career, to wait until she is well established in her career to have children, or to not have children at all, Americans are divided: 40% say it is better to wait, and 36% say it is better to have children early on. About one-in-five (22%) say a woman with top business leadership aspirations is better off not having children. Men and women offer similar opinions about when women who want to reach a top executive positon should have children, but there is a considerable generation gap on this matter. In particular, Millennials are far more likely than members of the Silent generation to say women who want to reach the highest levels of business leadership are better off waiting until they are well established in their careers. Among Millennials 46% say it is better to wait and 29% say it is better for women to have children early on in their careers. In contrast, 30% of Silents say women who want a top executive position in business should wait to have children, and 48% say they are better off having children early on. About one-in-five in each generation say women who want leadership positions in business are better off not having children at all. Among Silents, opinions differ widely between men and women. Among Silent women, 54% believe it is better for a woman who wants to reach a top executive position in business to have children early in her career, while 30% say it is better to wait and 15% say it would be better not to have children at all. Four-in-ten Silent men say it is better for women who aspire to top business positions to have children early on. About an equal share say women should wait until they are more established in their careers (30%) as say they should not have children at all (29%). Older Generations Less Optimistic about the Future Americans are divided about prospects for the future of female business leadership, but more offer a pessimistic view than one that is optimistic. Overall, 53% believe men will continue to hold more top executive positions in business, even as more women move into management roles; 44% believe that as more women move into management, it is only a matter of time before there are as many women as men in top business leadership positions. Men and women express nearly identical views. Members of the Baby Boom and Silent generations are particularly skeptical about the future of female business leadership. About six-in-ten Boomers (59%) and Silents (61%) believe men will continue to hold more top executive positions in the foreseeable future. Millennials and Gen Xers are equally divided between those who believe men will continue to dominate business leadership positions and those who say it is only a matter of time before there is gender parity. Workplace Equality About seven-in-ten Americans (71%) say the country needs to continue to make changes to give men and women equality in the workplace; 28% believe the country has made the necessary changes. The view that the country needs to continue making changes to achieve gender equality in the workplace is particularly common among women; 77% say this, compared with 63% of men. The gender gap is especially pronounced among Republicans and among those with at least some college education. While 66% of Republican women say more changes are needed to achieve equality, less than half (45%) of Republican men agree. Among those with a college degree, 81% of women say the country needs to continue making changes to give men and women equality in the workplace, compared with 60% of men. Similarly, while 78% of women with some college education say more changes are needed, 57% of men with the same level of education agree. Few See Widespread Gender Discrimination Thinking more broadly about society, only 13% say women currently face a lot of discrimination, with an additional 44% saying women face some discrimination. By comparison, 28% say there is a lot of discrimination against gays and lesbians in our society today, and about one-in-five see the same level of discrimination against African Americans (21%) and Hispanics (19%). Nearly two-thirds of women (65%) say there is a lot of (15%) or some (50%) discrimination against women in our society today. Men, however, are nearly evenly divided: 48% say women face at least some discrimination, while 51% believe there is only a little or no bias against women. This gender gap is evident across generations, with double-digit gaps between Millennial men and women (11 percentage points), Gen X men and women (17 points), Boomer men and women (20 points) and men and women from the Silent generation (21 points) who say women face at least some discrimination. There is also a partisan gap on perceptions of gender discrimination, with Democrats far more likely than Republicans and independents to see biases against women. About seven-in-ten Democrats say women face a lot of (21%) or some (50%) discrimination. In contrast, just 4% of Republicans and 8% of independents say discrimination against women is widespread; 36% and 42%, respectively, say women face some discrimination. Within each political group, women are more likely than men to say society discriminates against women, a view that is most widespread among Democratic women; 79% say women face at least some discrimination, compared with 47% of Republican and 57% of independent women. Among men, 62% of Democrats, 32% of Republicans and 44% of independents share this view. It is worth noting that gender and partisan gaps are also evident in perceptions of discrimination against gays and lesbians, African Americans and Hispanics. In each case, women and Democrats are more likely to say the group faces discrimination. Pagination Part 1-3 Women’s Education in Mathematics, Science & Engineering : Women in Science and Mathematics: 15th through the 19th Century • Educational opportunities to women, limited to highest socioeconomic level. • Educational opportunities for women, even at highest levels, were seldom available. • Until late 1800’s, few women had access to post-secondary education. • With some notable exceptions, women were not among those who produced new scientific and mathematical concepts. Women in Science and Mathematics: 15th through the 19th Century • Participation frequently relied on substantial encouragement from, or collaboration with, parents, relatives or spouses. • Education frequently relied on an “underground” system of tutorials, lectures, home study. • Anti–intellectual atmosphere until early 19th century • Post-secondary education closed to women until founding of women’s college in late 19th century. Women in Science and Mathematics: 15th through the 19th Century • Women’s colleges in late 19th century: Vassar, Smith, Wellesley, Radliffe, Bryn, Mawr, Mount Holyoke. • Women’s early work in science often focused on data-gathering, rather than idea-creation. • By early 20th century, more women were participating in theoretical science and mathematics, and considerably larger numbers were being educated for future contributions. Women in Science and Mathematics through the 20th century • By the early 1970s, significant changes had occurred in federal civil rights laws governing the treatment of women in higher education. • Title IX of the educational Amendment of 1972 required higher education institutions that received federal funding to treat women and men equally in admission, funding, and sports. Women in Science and Mathematics through the 20th century • From 1973 to 1995 there was substantial growth in the representation of women in all broad fields of science and engineering. • Women still continued to be significantly under represented in the field of mathematics, engineering, and physical sciences. Women in Science and Mathematics through the 20th century • Lucy Stone was the first women to receive a baccalaureate degree in United States In 1847.(Solomon,43) • By 1985, women received half of the bachelor’s degree among all fields. • By 1990 women represented 40 percent of undergraduate degree in Science & Engineering in US. Women in Science and Mathematics through the 20th century • By the early 1980’s, women outnumbered men in undergraduate education. • In 1995, Sixty percent of U.S. undergraduate students were women. • From 1975 to 1995, the total number of baccalaureate degrees awarded to women increased by twenty-six percent. Doctoral Degrees in Science and Engineering • The first doctoral degree in America was awarded to a man at Yale University in 1862. • The first women received doctorate degree in America, fifteen years later was from Boston University in 1877. • By the end of 19th century , 9 percent of all Ph.D’s had been awarded to women, with 228 women and 2,372 men receiving degrees. U.S. Education Science and Engineering Doctoral Degrees Percentage Earned by Women Field 1970 1999 Natural Sciences 9 34 Math & Computer Sciences 6 22 Social & Behavioral Sciences 16 54 Engineering 0.5 15 U.S. Engineering – 2004 Percentage of Women Bachelor Degrees 20 Master Degrees 22 Doctoral Degrees 18 Workforce 9 Doctoral Degrees in Science and Engineering • The progress in doctoral degrees was not the same. By 1990 women were still less than 30 percent of the Ph.D.s in science and engineering fields. • Overall, even with the significant gains that have been made, women continue to lag behind men, especially in science and engineering fields where the percent of degrees awarded to women remains substantially below 50 percent. Participation of women at California State University Northridge 2001-2002 • Table and figure 1& 2 shows the total & percent of female graduate and undergraduate students at California Stare University Northridge during academic year 2001-2002 . California State University Northridge 2001-2002 California State University Northridge 2001-2002
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