research methods and criminal justice article analysis

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prepare a review and critique of the article. article and more instructions are attached.

the article is about police shooting in minorities make that the focal point of the article analysis and critique

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Surname 1 Name Professor Course Date Research Methods and Criminal Justice The Criminal Justice and Behavior is a peer-reviewed journal site that covers fields related to criminology and psychology. The journal site was founded in 1974. Currently, the peer-reviewed academic journal site is published by SAGE publication in association with the International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology and the American Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychologists. The journal publishes research on topics that are central to criminal justice and behavior. The journal also publishes related to theoretical contributions, innovative activities, and programs related to criminal justice and behavior. Some of the major topics the journal focuses on includes psychology and law issues, psychology and policing offender and offensive characteristics, and effectiveness of various sanctions. Other relevant topics include; education and training, prevention, intervention and treatment programs, causes of criminal behavior and delinquency and classification and treatment of offenders. The submission process of Criminal Justice and Behavior is sent electronically to The author of the article must make sure that it is not going to be published in another journal to avoid copyright infringement issues. The author should upload the manuscript with an accompanying letter. The manuscripts should be typed and double-spaced with a font 11 or 12, Times New Roman in most cases. They should also contain charts tables and references on separate pages. Surname 2 The ideal page count for the manuscript to become successfully submitted at Criminal Justice and Behavior is 25-35 pages. The format used by the author should be described in the APA Publication manual (6th Edition). One should be careful to note the various changes that have been made from the 5th to the 6th edition. In the case of the abstract, it should not be more than 300 words and should appear at the beginning of the article. More importantly, the tables, endnotes, and references do not count a part of the total page limit. Surname 3 Works Cited SAGE Publishing. Criminal Justice and Behavior. Retrieved from R E S E A RC H A RT I C L E C I V I L I A N S K I L L E D B Y P O L I C E A Bird’s Eye View of Civilians Killed by Police in 2015 Further Evidence of Implicit Bias Justin Nix Bradley A. Campbell Edward H. Byers University of Louisville Geoffrey P. Alpert University of South Carolina and Griffith University Research Summary We analyzed 990 police fatal shootings using data compiled by The Washington Post in 2015. After first providing a basic descriptive analysis of these shootings, we then examined the data for evidence of implicit bias by using multivariate regression models that predict two indicators of threat perception failure: (1) whether the civilian was not attacking the officer(s) or other civilians just before being fatally shot and (2) whether the civilian was unarmed when fatally shot. The results indicated civilians from “other” minority groups were significantly more likely than Whites to have not been attacking the officer(s) or other civilians and that Black civilians were more than twice as likely as White civilians to have been unarmed. Policy Implications We implore the U.S. government to move forward with its publication of a national police use-of-force database, including as much information about the officers involved The authors would like to thank The Washington Post for providing them with the data and especially Amy Brittain, David Fallis, Jeff Leen, and Ted Mellnik for their assistance while preparing this article. The authors would also like to thank four anonymous reviewers and Hyeyoung Lim for their helpful feedback. Direct correspondence to Justin Nix, Department of Criminal Justice, University of Louisville, 2301 S. 3rd Street, Louisville, KY 40205 (e-mail: DOI:10.1111/1745-9133.12269  C 2017 American Society of Criminology Criminology & Public Policy r Volume 16 r Issue 1 309 Research Article Civilians Killed by Police as possible. We further suggest police departments use training programs and community activities to minimize implicit bias among their officers. Keywords police, deadly force, race, implicit bias P olicing in America is in the midst of a legitimacy crisis, having faced immense scrutiny in recent years resulting in large part from several highly publicized deadly force incidents captured on video (e.g., most recently, Keith Lamont Scott in Charlotte, NC and Terence Crutcher in Tulsa, OK). These videos have gone “viral” on social media and have led to unprecedented levels of public discontent with the police (Weitzer, 2015). This discontent has fueled violence toward police officers: in July 2016 in Dallas, for example, a peaceful protest turned deadly when five officers were fatally shot and another nine wounded.1 One specific concern is that minorities are disproportionately shot and killed by the police. For example, Black Lives Matter (n.d.) has proclaimed on its website that “Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise” and that “[e]very 28 hours a Black man, woman, or child is murdered by police or vigilante law enforcement.” These statements imply that the police are overtly prejudiced toward minorities, which is certainly possible but unlikely. The results of experimental studies, however, have suggested that officers might be implicitly biased against minorities and more likely to use force against them as a result (i.e., the “implicit bias” effect; see Correll, Park, Judd, and Wittenbrink, 2002; Cox, Devine, Plant, and Schwartz, 2014; Payne, 2001). At the same time, the results of more recent research have pointed to evidence of a “counter bias” effect, whereby officers seem more hesitant to use force against minorities (James, James, and Vila, 2016; James, Vila, and Klinger, 2014). Mixed findings have been produced in prior studies examining the relationship between civilian2 race and police use of deadly force (Goldkamp, 1976; Jacobs and Britt, 1979; Klinger, Rosenfeld, Isom, and Deckard, 2015; Sorenson, Marquart, and Brock, 1993), but importantly, the focus has been on either single cities or national-level data that have noted flaws (Swaine and Laughland, 2015; Williams, Bowman, and Jung, 2016). Consequently, our knowledge of race and police deadly force at the national level is limited. Although many claims have been made, three empirical questions remain unanswered: (1) How often do civilians die by police gunfire in the United States? (2) Among those shot and killed, were minority civilians less likely 1. Ten days later, three Baton Rouge police officers were ambushed and killed. There is growing concern about a “war on cops,” but a recent article suggested that felonious killings of police officers do not seem to be increasing (Maguire, Nix, and Campbell, 2016). 2. Here and throughout this article, we use the term “civilian” to refer to individuals not employed by a law enforcement agency. 310 Criminology & Public Policy Nix et al. than White civilians to have been attacking the police or others? (3) Among those shot and killed, were minority civilians more likely to have been unarmed than White citizens? One reason for our absence of knowledge is the lack of national data available that would allow researchers to address adequately such questions. Ironically, it was only after the August 2014 death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, MO, that Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Director James Comey became aware that his agency does not collect reliable data pertaining to civilians killed by the police (Comey, 2015). Although the FBI through its Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) Program keeps a record of justifiable homicides (i.e., the killing of a felon by a law enforcement officer in the line of duty), reporting is voluntary and not all agencies participate. According to The Guardian, only 224 agencies (or approximately 1% of all agencies) reported a killing to the FBI in 2014 (Swaine and Laughland, 2015). Indeed, academic research findings have suggested that the FBI’s data underestimate the prevalence of civilian deaths at the hands of police (Fyfe, 2002; Klinger, 2012b; Klinger et al., 2015; Planty et al., 2015; Williams et al., 2016). Criminologists have implored the U.S. government to develop a national database on officer-involved shootings (see, e.g., Alpert, 2015a; Fyfe, 2002; Geller and Scott, 1992; Klinger et al., 2015)—and recently proposed bills offer promise—but for now, the state of knowledge concerning police deadly force in the U.S. remains “a national embarrassment” (Alpert, 2015b). Although the government has failed to provide the necessary information on police shooting deaths, at least two media outlets have developed national data sets. The Washington Post and The Guardian have developed repositories of reported officer-involved shootings and other use-of-force incidents resulting in civilian deaths. These resources afford researchers an opportunity previously unavailable: the ability to analyze all civilian deaths at the hands of the police on a national scale over an extended period of time. The purpose of the present study is twofold: The first is to analyze the data on civilians shot and killed by police in 2015, and the second is to determine whether minority civilians shot and killed by police were more or less likely to have been (a) attacking the police or (b) unarmed at the time of their death. Such an analysis will allow for a more informed dialogue about the extent and nature of civilian deaths at the hands of police in America. We believe it will also provide a meaningful contribution to our knowledge concerning the “implicit bias” effect, given that studies to date have relied on research carried out in laboratory settings or with data from a single agency. Literature Review Police Use of Force Police use of force is a controversial topic with a rich history. For decades, researchers have sought to provide a better understanding of the use of force by police officers (Adams et al., 1999; Alpert and Dunham, 1997, 2004; Bayley and Garofalo, 1989; Bittner, 1970; Fridell and Lim, 2016; Fyfe, 1988; Klinger, 1997; Legewie and Fagan, 2016; Reiss, 1971; Westley, 1953). This line of research has generally been used to examine the issue from one of Volume 16 r Issue 1 311 Research Article Civilians Killed by Police four perspectives: individual (e.g., Paoline and Terrill, 2004), situational (e.g., McCluskey and Terrill, 2005), organizational (e.g., Smith, 2004), or ecological (e.g., Fridell and Lim, 2016). The individual perspective holds that there is something about particular officers (e.g., their background or outlook) that makes them more likely to resort to using force in a given interaction (Muir, 1977). The findings from this research indicate that officers with higher levels of education are less likely to use force (Lim, Fridell, and Lee, 2014; Paoline and Terrill, 2004, 2007; Terrill and Mastrofski, 2002) perhaps because these officers are better equipped to defuse a situation without having to resort to physical coercion. Officer gender and race, on the other hand, seem to be unrelated to use of force (Engel and Calnon, 2004; Lawton, 2007; McCluskey and Terrill, 2005). To date, experience has been negatively correlated with police use of force: those who have been in law enforcement longer seem not only less likely to use force (Paoline and Terrill, 2007), but also they tend to have less favorable attitudes toward using force (Kop and Euwema, 2001). Furthermore, a positive correlation between experience and certain types of force (e.g., electronic control devices— see Fridell and Lim, 2016) has been suggested by some researchers, whereas still others have failed to find a significant relationship (Lawton, 2007; Sun and Payne, 2004). Thus, beyond the effect of officer education on use of force, the evidence pertaining to individual officer characteristics is mixed at best. An understanding of the situational perspective shifts the focus to the suspect. Black (1976), for example, argued that the police are more likely to use coercive force against members of the lower class (e.g., the poor, minorities, and youth). Suspects who are mentally ill, under the influence of drugs or alcohol, noncompliant, or otherwise disrespectful are also at a greater likelihood of having force used against them in part because the police view these suspects as more deserving of punishment (see also Van Maanen, 1974). Officers are more likely to use force when there is evidence that a crime has been committed (McCluskey and Terrill, 2005) or when the suspect is armed (Johnson, 2011), under the influence of drugs/alcohol (Engel, Sobol, and Wordon, 2000), or resistant (McCluskey and Terrill, 2005). The evidence is not so clear-cut with respect to gender: the police are more likely to use force against males (Engel and Calnon, 2004; Kaminski, DiGiovanni, and Downs, 2004; Lim and Lee, 2015; Lim et al., 2014), according to some researchers, whereas others have indicated no relationship exists between the decision to use force and suspect gender (Engel et al., 2000; Lawton, 2007). Results from research exploring the effect of suspect race on police use of force have been mixed as well. Minority suspects have a greater likelihood of being subjected to force (Engel and Calnon, 2004; Robin, 1963; Terrill and Mastrofski, 2002), according to some researchers, whereas others have found no relationship between suspect race and use of force (McCluskey and Terrill, 2005; Sun and Payne, 2004), and still others have suggested that race effects wash away when accounting for other variables such as compliance (Garner, Maxwell, and Heraux, 2002). Further complicating matters, Black suspects seem more likely to resist arrest and/or be combative than White suspects (Belvedere, Worrall, and Tibbetts, 2005; Engel, 2003; Kaminski and Sorenson, 1995), 312 Criminology & Public Policy Nix et al. which may explain any observed racial disparities in force applied by the police. Given the current state of affairs in the United States, it is imperative that researchers continue to consider whether suspect race significantly influences police use of force. The organizational perspective seeks to explain variation in officer use of force using agency-level characteristics. Police agencies—with their formal policies, standard operating procedures, and system of rewarding and disciplining officers—encourage officers to handle similar encounters in a consistent manner (Wilson, 1968). When longitudinal research has been conducted in single cities, restrictive deadly force policies yield fewer instances of deadly force (see, e.g., Alpert, 1989; Fyfe, 1979; Sherman, 1983). In using a national probability sample of 265 agencies, Alpert and MacDonald (2001) found that agencies that required supervisors to complete use-of-force forms experienced significantly lower rates of force than did agencies that allowed officers to complete such forms on their own. Importantly, however, these authors also found that the violent crime rate exerted the strongest influence on use of force. Smith (2004) found that more “formal” agencies (i.e., those with a greater number of written rules) did not experience significantly fewer police killings; nevertheless, the hours of field training required was positively associated with police killings. Again, the evidence with respect to the relationship between organizational variables and police use of force is mixed, and more research is needed to help shed light on the topic. Finally, the ecological perspective asserts that police behavior, including the decision to use force, varies according to the broader context of where the incident takes place (Bayley and Mendelsohn, 1969; Klinger, 1997; Smith, 1986; Terrill and Reisig, 2003). That is, officers are more likely to use force in areas that they perceive as more dangerous. Bayley and Mendelsohn (1969) suggested that the police are more apt to use coercion and make arrests in neighborhoods with high levels of crime, and Terrill and Reisig (2003) later demonstrated that police in two cities were more likely to use greater levels of force on suspects in neighborhoods characterized by disadvantage and high homicide rates (see also McCluskey, Terrill, and Paoline, 2005; cf. Lim et al., 2014). These effects were observed regardless of differences in officer age, education, and training. Furthermore, the relationship between suspect race and level of force used was mediated by neighborhood context. Klinger et al. (2015) found that neither economic disadvantage nor racial composition of neighborhoods influenced police shootings, but the rate of firearm violence exerted a significant curvilinear effect. That is, neighborhoods with moderate levels of firearm violence experienced the greatest number of police shootings over a 10-year span. Beyond these few studies, empirical research regarding the ecology of police force has been scant. At a minimum, then, the results from this body of research have suggested that police use of force is an intricate issue with many factors potentially affecting its occurrence. Each of the four perspectives—individual, situational, organizational, and ecological— have received varying amounts of support. Up to this point, we have discussed police use of force generally. We now turn our attention to the most serious level of force: deadly force. Volume 16 r Issue 1 313 Research Article Civilians Killed by Police Deadly Police Force Deadly force by police has been a concern for the American public for many decades (Alpert and Fridell, 1992; Fyfe, 1988; Goldkamp, 1976; Klinger, 2012a) and has come to the forefront again because of several highly publicized civilian deaths (Nix and Wolfe, 2015, 2016; Pyrooz, Decker, Wolfe, and Shjarback, 2016; Wolfe and Nix, 2016). Unfortunately, we do not have a good understanding of police use of deadly force because existing national data reported by the government are flawed. The approach taken in prior reviews and research has been to rely on either UCR data or on the National Vital Statistics System (NVSS), and generally, researchers have concurred that police use of deadly force is positively correlated with violent crime (Jacobs and Britt, 1979; MacDonald, Kaminski, Alpert, and Tennenbaum, 2001; Sherman and Langworthy, 1979; Smith, 2003, 2004; Sorenson et al., 1993). Nevertheless, the findings from subsequent research have demonstrated that both the UCR and the NVSS underestimate the frequency with which civilians are killed by police. Planty et al. (2015), for example, suggested the police kill about twice as many civilians in a given year than UCR and NVSS data indicate. As such, the findings from studies that have used these data must be interpreted with caution. Furthermore, as Fyfe (1978: 32) pointed out, deadly force encompasses much more than just civilian deaths at the hands of police: it is “physical force capable of or likely to kill; it does not always kill.” As noted, this is a second limitation of prior research because the police are using deadly force every time they fire their weapon—even if the suspect is wounded and survives or the bullets miss the suspect altogether. In Miami-Dade during the mid-1980s, Alpert (1989) found that only 31% of suspects shot at were hit by a bullet. In St. Louis, from 2003 to 2012, Klinger et al. (2015) found that police were on target only 49% of the time and that only 16% of all suspects fired at were killed. Finally, as Klinger et al. (2015) pointed out, using ...
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School: UC Berkeley


Surname 1
Research methods and criminal justice article analysis
This study examines various issues about the police shooting. These issues include police
use of force, deadly police force and the race factor. The study is about the analysis of 990 fatal
police shooting in 2015 by the Washington Post.
Summary of the literature and theory review
This seeks to provide a better understanding of the use of excessive force by police
officers. Four perspectives have been used in the literature analysis: individual, situational,
organizational and ecological. According to individual perspective, particular ind...

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