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First, read Douglas S. Massey's "The Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act." Now do your best to answer (in a few brief sentences) the questions below: 1) According to Massey, how did federal policies encourage/create mass homeownership and mass suburbanization as a response to the Great Depression? Why was this wave of suburbanization only available to white people? 2) According to Massey, how were “urban renewal” and public housing projects used to preserve residential segregation in U.S. cities? 3) What was the “Dirksen compromise” and how did it limit the effect that the Fair Housing Act could have on housing discrimination? In the end, who became largely responsible for enforcing the Act? 4) How did George Romney, who became HUD secretary in 1969, try to get the federal government to act “affirmatively” to promote integration? Why didn’t his efforts succeed? 5) According to Massey, what were the three main failures of the 1968 Fair Housing Act that caused segregation to continue largely unchanged through 1980? 6) What are three factors that slowed desegregation in certain metropolitan areas? (This also applies to Hispanic communities, according to Massey…) 7) What do “audit studies” show when it comes to the persistence of discriminatory practices? 8) According to Massey, what are three ways to achieve the dispersal of affordable housing into advantaged residential areas? Give a specific example of one of these. The Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act Author(s): Douglas S. Massey Source: Sociological Forum, Vol. 30, No. S1, SPECIAL ISSUE: COMMEMORATING THE FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS (JUNE 2015), pp. 571-588 Published by: Wiley Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43654407 Accessed: 04-01-2019 05:17 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Wiley is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Sociological Forum This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Sociological Forum, Vol. 30, No. SI, June 2015 DOI: 10. 1 1 1 1 /socf. 12178 © 2015 Eastern Sociological Society The Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act Douglas S. Massey1 Civil rights activists in 1968 hoped that the passage of the Fair Housing Act would lead to the residential desegregation of American society. In this article, I assess the degree to which this hope has been fulfilled. I begin by reviewing how the black ghetto came to be a universal feature of American cities during the twentieth century and the means by which high levels of black segregation were achieved. I then describe the legis- lative maneuvers required to pass the Fair Housing Act and review its enforcement provisions to assess its potential for achieving desegregation. After examining trends in residential segregation since 1970, I conclude with an appraisal of the prospects for integration as we move toward the fiftieth anniversary of the Act's passage.2 KEY WORDS: civil rights; inequality; neighborhood; policy; race; segregation. INTRODUCTION The Fair Housing Act passed in the wake of Martin Luther King nation in an effort to address, at least symbolically, the anger of African who were rioting in the nation's ghettos. For the first time in American islation banned racial discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. levels of black residential segregation were extreme, higher than any gro experienced before or since. The two most common measures of segregat index of dissimilarity and the isolation index (Massey and Denton 19 mer index measures the degree to which blacks and whites are unevenly across neighborhoods and equals 0 when each neighborhood replicat composition of the city as a whole and 100 when blacks and whites sh borhood in common. The isolation index gives the percentage of Afric in the neighborhood of the average black city dweller and reaches a mini to the city's overall black percentage when African Americans are ev across neighborhoods and a maximum of 100 when every black city dwell an all-black neighborhood (Massey and Denton 1988). At the time of t sage, the average black-white dissimilarity index stood at around 78 a isolation index was 66 (Rugh and Massey 2014). Civil rights activists in 1968 hoped that outlawing racial discrimin housing markets would lead to the desegregation of American society cle, I assess the degree to which this hope has been fulfilled. I begin 1 Office of Population Research, 239 Wallace Hall, Princeton, New Jersey dmassey@princeton.edu. This article is part of a special issue entitled, "Commemorating the Fiftieth Anniversa Civil Rights Laws." Other authors include Andrews and Gaby (2015), Bonastia (2 McAdam (2015), Pettit and Sykes (2015), Santoro (2015), Valdez (2015), and Whitlinge 571 This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 572 Massey how the bla twentieth c achieved. I ing Act and desegregatio clude with a eth annivers CREATING THE BLACK GHETTO The black urban ghetto was created in the late nineteenth and early eth centuries through deliberate actions taken by white Americans to i can Americans spatially, and thus marginalize them socially, economi politically. The impetus for their segregation was the Great Black Mig of the rural South and into cities throughout the country, which produ growing black populations that triggered a rising tide of prejudice and nation and a hardening residential color line (Lieberson 1980). In before the ghetto was consolidated, the average black-white dissimilari 19 Northern and Southern cities was just 36 and in 1890 the average tion index in 17 Northern cities was only 7 (Massey and Denton 1993 however, the average black-white dissimilarity index in 64 cities had r and the average isolation index had climbed to 21 (Massey, Roth Domina 2009). Thus the foundations of the ghetto had been laid at the turn of the century. As the Great Black Migration accelerated over the ensuing dec of racial segregation steadily rose, with the average black-white dissimilari ing 71 by 1940 and average black isolation attaining a value of 52 (Mass well, and Domina 2009). Initially the residential the residential col enforced by white-on-black violence. African Americans attempting to neighborhoods were met by angry white mobs, burning crosses, bombi ings, and arson (Massey and Denton 1993). In an effort to keep the peace, the Baltimore City Council in 1910 p setting aside certain neighborhoods for African Americans and others (Rice 1968). Legislation mandating separate black and white neigh quickly spread to other jurisdictions throughout the nation and might vided the basis for a legalized system of apartheid were it not for the U.S. Court, which in its 1917 Buchanan v. War ley ruling declared laws man dential segregation to be unconstitutional, not so much because they di against blacks, but because they deprived white property owners of th dispose of assets as they wished (Rice 1968). The outbreak of World War I in 1914 brought about a surge in indu duction while simultaneously curtailing mass immigration from Europ labor shortages throughout urban America, shortages that only grew when the United States entered the war in 1917. In response, black ou from the South surged from 197,000 during 1900-1910 to 525,0 This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act 573 1910-1920 (Farley and Allen 1987). The mi inevitably spilled over to the white side of wave of antiblack race riots that swept thr culminating in the great Chicago Riot of 19 In response to the wanton destruction of real estate industry stepped in to institutiona In 1924 the National Association of Real E code of ethics stating that "a Realtor shoul into a neighborhood. . .members of any ra clearly be detrimental to property values remained in effect until 1950 (Helper 1969 Board followed up by developing a restric neighborhood organizations and real estate 1978). A covenant was a private contract betw geographic area who agreed not to rent or s majority of property owners in a covered a binding and violators could be sued in court f enants remained the favored legal tool institu declared unenforceable and contrary to pub its 1948 Shelly v. Kramer decision (Jackson 19 Black out-migration from the rural S Depression and accelerated during World W suburban boom of the 1950s and 1960s. Ma iod was substantially tied to federal policies tration (FHA) was authorized to create a m revolutionize housing and lending markets the mortgage conformed to criteria estab insure up to 90% of the loan's value against free way of making money. The conformin period of up to 30 years at a fixed interest 10% down payment, banks were happy to the loan would be federally insured. Small dow ments made mass home ownership possible creation for the white middle class (Jackson 1 Although little changed in urban Ameri years, after the war the Veterans Administra insurance program modeled on that of the and VA-approved mortgages to create a sur were happy to satisfy by purchasing cheap lan ducing standardized homes. The combinatio tion techniques made it cheaper to buy comparable older dwellings in the central exacerbated by FHA regulations that favo homes, and large lot sizes (Jackson 1985). The resulting wave of suburbanization wa 2015). Building on a set of maps originally This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 574 Massey Corporation itworthiness erally insu perceived cutting t them son 1985). T Americans, hood is to r pied by the restrictive The massiv tunities for through m 1970, for th and Washin phia, St. Lo thus creatin hood bound inevitably t for protect the expansi 1983; White Whenever urban renew of eminent middle-clas other black increasing t 1993). By 19 the black is THE FAIR HOUSING ACT The passage of legislation to address housing segregation proved to b the most difficult tasks undertaken by the civil rights movement. Congress cifically excluded the FHA and VA insurance programs from coverage u 1964 Civil Rights Act (Lief and Goering 1987), and although a fair housi sions had passed the House in 1966, it died under the weight of a Senate and an attempt to revive it in 1967 bottled up the legislation in committ sky 1969). Although President Lyndon Johnson continued to call for the fair housing legislation, the prospects for passage seemed bleak as 1968 da In February, however, Senators Walter Mondale of Minnesota and E Brooke of Massachusetts offered legislation to prohibit discrimination in Their bill sought to ban discrimination in the sale or rental of all hou authorized the secretary of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to in This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act 575 allegations of discrimination, issue compl nation, hold hearings to assess the severity desist orders in cases where discrimination general was empowered to prosecute agen of discrimination, and individual victims civil suits in federal court for significant d attorney's fees (Metcalf 1988). Southern senators naturally opposed th ing repeated cloture motions, attempting to ers would be forced to give up in order t To draw liberal Republicans into support Illinois offered an amendment that re nation's housing stock, mainly by excluding fewer rental units. The compromise also we by eliminating HUD's authority to hold cease and desist orders, while also lowering A day after the Dirksen compromise w Commission issued its report on urban ri toward two societies, one black, one whit segregation as a leading cause of racial t Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders greatly strengthened the political consensus issue of fair housing (Massey and Dent amendments to adjust the extent of the Act March 4 and the amended bill was sent adopted without changes or face dubiou Committee (Dubofsky 1969). Although the chairman of the House J mous consent to the Senate bill, Southern the Rules Committee, where hearings dra for the legislation seemed bleak when th Thursday, April 4, but a few hours later and the nation's mood changed dramatical out the nation. Some 21 House Republica urged passage of the Senate bill. Howeve remained steadfast in their opposition to an uncertain fate in conference committee switched sides. With his own constituents' m he made a principled voted to send it to the Guard troops quartered in the basement from riots in adjacent black neighborhoo signed it into law the next day (Dubofsky martyr's blood finally to outlaw discrimina The Fair Housing Act expressly banned practices that had evolved over the years lawed the refusal to rent or sell to some This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 576 Massey discriminati in real estat dwelling's a agents from promote pa 80% of the months late Although t principle, s compromise ing to the F housing dis the allegati ered only t problem. M stantially e the complain Even if HU crimination damages, pr breaker in possible pros could only a if the alleg (Metcalf 19 Fair Housin wants to di In the end, "aggrieved p ages in fede for actual d filed withi mediation; a ble for all co to be prose the damages of 1980, onl In addition Act also cal relating to h policies of words, HUD housing pol wherever After it he c b affirmative This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act 577 that HUD had a clear obligation to consi fact open up new, nonsegregated housin decreasing the effects of past housing dis "the impact of the concentration of the extends beyond the city boundaries to include the surrounding community solve problems of the 'real city,' only metropolita man 2007:387). To enact this vision, he proposed an "Open Com HUD financial assistance to a community to its ac thereby promoting desegregation by race and clas ated a task force to implement the program on a communities in several states, choosing suburbs with tle or no affordable housing. Not surprisingly, th opposition from suburban politicians and public of to the White House. Nixon's political strategy, of c voters, middle-class suburbanites, and Southerne change and told his adviser John Ehrlichman that "th time for either forcibly integrated housing or forcib 2014:149). Romney was ordered to release HUD fun restrictions (Lamb 2005). When a St. Louis suburb struction of affordable housing, Romney's plea fo General John Mitchell was refused, and he was fo munities initiative in September 1970 (Mason 2014 Nixon progressively came to disdain his HUD sec chief of staff, "just keep [Romney] away from me the White House for his departure rose, and short 1972, Romney resigned, disappointed with Nixon don't know what the president believes in. Maybe (Reeves 2001:277). In subsequent years, HUD's exer under the Fair Housing Act's affirmative mandate quent HUD secretaries carried out Nixon's bidding and civil rights, triggering a series of lawsuits by 2015). When a lower court in 1968 found the Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) guilty of promoting racial segregation in public housing, HUD Secretary Carla Hills chose to fight the decision and appealed all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which in Hills v. Gautreaux (1976) unanimously affirmed HUD's complicity in promoting segregation and ordered a metropolitan-wide desegregation plan (Vernarelli 1986). In the case of Shannon v. HUD , residents of an urban renewal area in Philadelphia argued that HUD had failed to fulfill its affirmative mandate by not developing procedures to assess the effect of project construction on the racial com- position of the neighborhood. Once again, HUD strenuously fought the lawsuit, but in 1970 a federal judge ordered HUD and the Public Housing Authority to develop procedures that took racial composition into account in selecting sites for public housing projects (Rubinowitz and Trosman 1979). HUD was similarly obstructionist when a nonprofit developer sought to build subsidized apartments in This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 578 Massey a suburb of application Noting a d report by t not been fo sion on Civ SEGREGATION SINCE 1968 Although the Fair Housing Act is often heralded as a key piece of ci legislation, in reality it was only the first of several steps Congress undert mote residential segregation. Although the Act banned racial discrimina sale and rental of housing, it took no action to stop discrimination in lending. It was not until Congress passed the Equal Credit Opportunity that discrimination against black individuals was prohibited and it was 1977 that it passed the Community Reinvestment Act to outlaw discr against black neighborhoods, thus eliminating the legal basis for the practic lining (Lief and Goering 1987). Given the weak enforcement authority granted to HUD under the ing Act, the agency's well-documented record of foot-dragging with re affirmative mandate, and the delay in outlawing discrimination in lending, haps not surprising that in their analysis of segregation trends through sey and Denton (1993) detected little movement toward integration bet and 1980. Owing to the technical limitations of the time, however, they on segregation trends in the 50 largest metropolitan areas. In subsequent moreover, metropolitan America was radically transformed by mass im and rising inequality to produce a dramatically different urban contex Hispanics had become the nation's largest minority group and segregatio economic status was on the rise (Massey et al. 2009; Reardon and Bishoff Figure 1 draws on Rugh and Massey's (2014) analysis of 287 con defined metropolitan areas to show trends in average dissimilarity from panic whites for blacks, Hispanics, and Asians from 1970 through 2010. ity is measured at the census tract level and average values are weighted by of the minority population in each metropolitan area. As can be seen downward trend in black-white segregation that Massey and Den observed between 1970 and 1980, though modest, continued steadily a ensuing decades, dropping by around 4.5 points per decade and movin value of 78 in 1970 to 60 in 2010, a shift that prompted Glaeser and Vi to declare "the end of the segregated century." Logan and Stults (2011) found that declining black-white segregation was far from universal and th metropolitan areas displayed a pattern of "stalled integration." In their analysis, Rugh and Massey (2014) found that as of 2010, hig black segregation were actively promoted by restrictive density zoning and high levels of antiblack prejudice across metropolitan areas. High s persisted especially in large areas with older housing stocks and large This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act 579 90 80 Hispanics I »/) so .E II M M Asians 8« I~ ~ 30 GMD i > 20 10 o 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Year Fig. 1. Trends in neighborhood-level dissimilarity from whites, 1970-2010. American populations characterized by low levels of income and education relative to whites. Declines in segregation over the period were significantly slower in metropolitan areas displaying high levels of antiblack sentiment, restrictive density zoning regimes, and low black socioeconomic status. The five most segregated metropolitan areas in 2010 were Milwaukee, Gary, Detroit, Newark, and New York, and in these areas no decline in black segregation was observed. A follow-up analysis by Massey and Tannen (2014) showed that in 21 metropolitan areas African Americans remained hypersegregated in 2010 and that these areas accounted for a third of all metropolitan blacks. In their factor analysis of seg- regation indices, Massey and Denton (1988) identified five geographic dimensions of segregation and in subsequent work they showed that uniquely among racial-ethnic groups, African Americans in a subset of metropolitan areas were highly segre- gated on at least four of the five spatial dimensions, a pattern they labeled hypersegregation (Massey and Denton 1989). Although the number of areas in which blacks were hypersegregated declined from 40 to 21 between 1970 and 2010 and the share of African Americans experiencing hypersegregation declined by half, among those areas that remained hypersegregated in 2010 there was no apparent movement toward integration, and in several areas average levels of segregation across the five dimensions had increased. Although black segregation may have declined substantially in some metropolitan areas, therefore, it certainly has not disappeared and indeed has displayed a remarkable persistence in many places. Turning to Hispanics, we see that on average their segregation from non-Hispanic whites displayed no trend toward integra- tion from 1970 to 2010 and, in fact, increased slightly, going from a dissimilarity This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 580 Fig. Massey 2. Trends score of ics were 46 no persegrega communiti dential segr whites, rest the form o flat with a Asians did (Massey an Given stead huge increa drive up le this is exac sus tract th same period 20%. In con going from similarity a the period. experienced Latino sen This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act 581 -HP*WW -«-P»WB -*-P*WA 100 X Oí ç __ __ ^ 70 "O tS 60 i 3 50 0 1 40 I 8 30 20 - 10 'i 0 1970 1980 I 1990 2000 2010 Year Fig. 3. Trends in white isolation and contact indices. growing numbers, the degree of isolation remained quite low compared with blacks and Hispanics. Despite the declines in black-white segregation and the rising presence of Hispanics within U.S. metropolitan areas, in a very real way whites remain the most spatially isolated of all groups in the United States. Figure 3 shows trends in nonHispanic white isolation within census tracts from 1970 to 2010, along with tractbased interaction indices. The latter give the percentage of blacks, Hispanics, and Asians in the neighborhood of the average white metropolitan resident. Although the trend in white isolation is clearly downward, it still remains quite extreme. From 1970 to 2001 the white isolation index dropped from 92 to 72, but the latter figure is still quite high compared to the values of 47, 45, and 21 for Hispanics, blacks, and Asians, respectively; and the likelihood that a white person shared residential space with a minority person was still quite small in 2010. The likelihood of spatial inter- action with blacks was only 8%, compared with 6% for Asians, and 11% for Hispanics. THE PAST AND FUTURE OF SEGREGATION Despite some signs of progress toward a more integrated society, desegregation has been quite uneven, and 46 years after the passage Housing Act, many metropolitan areas remain just as segregated as th 1968. Indeed, as of 2010 African Americans remained hypersegregated in politan areas, including Milwaukee, Detroit, St. Louis, Cleveland, Ch This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 582 Massey York, Philad prominent b Boulder, Fo containing c typical of u politan Afri and another dissimilarity Since 1970 t 463% and le politan area New York. I low socioeco and Massey estimated p and Stringfi lived under tion index o dent lived in In many wa tion in the black ghetto time the civ crimination become clan employ audit istics and sen rent in a spe documented tinue to be portionately away from et al. 2002). Audit studies likewise indicate the persistence of discrimination against African Americans in mortgage lending as well as the continued redlining of black neighborhoods (Hartman and Squires 2013; Ross and Yinger 2002), though in recent years redlining has given way to "reverse redlining," or predatory lending in which black borrowers are channeled into high-interest, high-risk loans (Hyra et al. 2013; Rugh, Albright, and Massey 2015; Squires 2004). Research also reveals substantial "linguistic profiling" during phone calls to inquire about the availability of housing, such that callers speaking Black English Vernacular or having a "black" accent are not informed of opportunities that are made readily apparent to those speaking Standard American English (Fischer and Massey 2004; Massey and Lundy 2001; Purnell, Idsardi, and Baugh 1999; Squires and Chadwick 2006). Over the years audit studies have been commissioned by HUD to measure discrimination in selected housing markets, but the agency has generally lacked This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act 583 funding to conduct these studies widely acr time. Moreover, as already noted, the agency ods for purposes of enforcement. Given th the funding nor the authority for a wider fe likely to be forthcoming anytime soon. Audit ing groups around the country, however, b crimination; but once again, funding has been often successful in court, are laborious, tim ineffective in deterring discrimination more Under these circumstances, the most rea more of what we have seen in the past. Blac fall, on average, but will be characterized b metropolitan areas with less restrictive zon black populations, on the one hand, and larg zoned suburbs and large, poor black commu former will continue to desegregate at a st come to be comprised of a distinct set of hyp ment toward integration occurs. Hispanic s to creep upward and neighborhood isolatio growth continues. Given that Hispanic seg against undocumented migrants and that la politan areas are presently undocumented will depend on what happens with respect t gress, which currently have dubious prospe in the House of Representatives. Hopes for faster desegregation thus rest wi being, and at this writing the Obama admi possibility of unilateral actions on immigr elections. Likewise, the Obama administrati to enact HUD's fair housing mandate along ties initiative 45 years earlier. The rule, la Housing," would require states and local g complete an assessment of their progress tow coming historic segregation moving toward in of poverty in minority neighborhoods; red borhood quality; and progress toward resp Department of Housing and Urban Develop required to submit the assessment to HUD, complete and whether it was making suffi Once accepted, HUD would work with lo Action Plan, detailing how they would affir their community, setting forth specific strat issues identified in the assessment. At this point we do not know whether or how the proposed rule on Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing will be implemented, and if it is implemented, the degree to which it might be effective in bringing about racial-ethnic integration and This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 584 Massey the déconce ties Progra to leave dis persal of af one of erty three areas; by construc According t achieve resi In the Mov public housi neighborho lems with t sey 2008), disadvantag generally e 2010; Ludw expectation taged areas class segre have been p ever, vouch ing desegre Requiring considerabl Simmons 2 2011), revea tive means o of children affluent ne metropolita complex of suburb, des that it woul a systemati neighborho low-income Compared reduction i negative lif 2015). At th increase in half times. disorder an although th school distr This content downloaded from 128.195.79.96 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 05:17:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act 585 Thus, affordable housing programs carry the disadvantages imposed on poor minorit Recent research indicates that the concent imposed by residential segregation is the black poverty and the main explanation fo equality (Sampson 2012; Sharkey 2013). Co housing and fair lending laws with a wider programs would go a long way toward deseg class and move the nation closer to the id 2015). As Schwemm (1989:47) once noted, " the Fair Housing Act cannot keep." Nearly Housing Act, making good on that promise REFERENCES Andrews, Kenneth T., and Sarah Gaby. 2015. "Local Protest and Federal Policy: The Impa Rights Movement on the 1964 Civil Rights Act." Sociological Forum 30: SI: 509-527. Bauman, John F. 1987. 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