Personality, the Self, and
Moral Development
11
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Learning Objectives
After completing this chapter, you should be able to:
• Understand how kinds of temperament are associated with principles of reciprocal relationships and goodness of fit.
• Outline Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.
• Articulate and evaluate the theoretical ideas of Marcia and Levinson.
• Compare and contrast trait and type theories and how they each assess personality.
• Outline the evidence for the emergence of self-awareness and summarize demographic differences in
self-esteem.
• Define ethnic identity and understand how it influences identity development.
• Distinguish among behaviors that are indicative of different stages of moral development.
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Prologue
Chapter Outline
Prologue
11.1 Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self
Categories of Infant Temperament
Goodness of Fit
11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development
Erikson: Stages of Psychosocial Development
Application of Erikson’s View and Empirical Findings
11.3 Other Perspectives of Personality Development
Marcia: Identity Status Model
Levinson: Life Transitions
Evaluation of Levinson
11.4 Trait and Type Theories of Personality
Measuring Traits: The Big Five
Applications of the Big Five
Measuring Personality Types: The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator
11.5 Development of the Self
Self-Awareness
Other Indicators of Self-Awareness
Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
11.6 Ethnic Identity
11.7 Theory of Moral Development
Kohlberg’s Levels and Stages of Moral Development
An Alternative to Kohlberg: Carol Gilligan’s Approach
Summary & Resources
Prologue
Try for a moment to describe a person without referring to physical characteristics. Words
such as “shy,” “patient,” or “easygoing” may come to mind. These are personal and social traits,
which are part of personality. Psychologists think of personality as descriptions that are both
consistent and individually distinctive for each person. Even if a person’s thoughts, feelings,
and behaviors consistently express turmoil and change, we may describe that person with
words like “flighty,” “impulsive,” or “undependable.” Therefore, personality consists of stable
or enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and, ultimately, behaviors.
Furthermore, noticing that a person did a kind thing is different from noticing that a person
is kind. The latter implies a sense of permanence. When a shy person acts in a more assertive manner, most people recognize the behavior as out of character—different from his or
her typical personality. But if the “shy” person persists in being more assertive, we might
ask whether the person is still inherently shy or whether that person’s personality has truly
changed. The most famous American talk show host of the 1970s and 1980s, Johnny Carson,
always described himself as shy. How can that be?
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Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self
Section 11.1
This chapter will explore how psychologists view these differences and various theories that
attempt to describe how our personalities develop. Traditional Freudian theory, introduced
in Chapter 2, which focused on the id, ego, and superego, has given way to science-based trait
theories, which suggest that personality remains fairly stable during adulthood. We will also
look at the emergence of self, identity, moral development, and how we evaluate and become
aware of ourselves. This focus on personality and identity development will serve as an introduction to how we define ourselves according to gender, relationships, and other social roles,
which will be explored in the following chapters.
11.1 Early Personality Development: Temperament and
the Emergent Self
In Chapter 10 we discussed the emergence of emotions, which are generally regarded as temporary states or moods. In addition to transitory states, we exhibit a characteristic style of
arousal, or pattern of experiencing the world. Psychologists use the term temperament to
describe those characteristics that are relatively enduring and consistent during the early
years of life. It previews personality and includes how easily we become emotionally aroused,
how long the arousal persists, and how easily it fades. An “easy” baby can be fussy or unhappy
at times but still generally handles distress well and is relatively predictable; an “active” baby
does not always engage in prolonged activity but can still be described as mostly energetic
and vigorous. Regardless of any transient emotions, “easy” and “active” describe more consistent traits—temperament.
Differences in temperament can be
observed in neonates—even during
fetal development—and remain relatively stable across various situations
(Casalin, Luyten, Vliegen, & Meurs,
2012). There is strong evidence that
genetics and biology influence temperament, including in factors related
to emotions, motor activity, selfregulation, and attention. Together,
these characteristics interact with the
environment and begin to define personality, the topic of the remainder of
this chapter (Ivorra et al., 2010; Posner,
Rothbart, & Sheese, 2007; Rothbart,
Purestock/Thinkstock
2007). Temperament is the mostly bioTemperament describes characteristics that are
logical foundation upon which experelatively consistent during the early years of
riences with the environment build
life. Neonates can demonstrate differences in
personality. There is also evidence
temperament.
that culture and a parent’s personality affect temperament (Laxman et al.,
2013). For instance, although cultural differences decline with age, infants born in the United
States score relatively high in measures of surgency, a psychological measure that encompasses
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Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self
Section 11.1
extraversion, confidence, and independence. These characteristics tend to be valued in more
individualistic countries. U.S. infants are relatively better at managing feelings of frustration
and other negative emotions, too (Slobodskaya, Garstein, Nakagawa, & Putnam, 2013).
Categories of Infant Temperament
In 1977, researchers Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess offered the first widely accepted
conceptual model of temperament. They followed a group of 141 U.S. infants into adulthood.
Each person was rated on several dimensions, including activity level, adaptability, attention
span, and mood. Multiple interviews and observations with parents and children revealed
that infant emotional reactivity could be classified according to one of three types of temperament (Thomas & Chess, 1977).
• Infants with an easy temperament are generally happy. They find ways to selfsoothe and establish regular body rhythms of sleeping, eating, and elimination. They
adapt relatively easily to change. About 40% of children fit this category.
• Infants with a difficult temperament often display intensely negative reactions.
They have difficulty establishing regular routines and do not adapt well to new experiences. About 10% of children fit this category.
• About 15% of infants are slow to warm up. They are relatively less active with
somewhat regular biological rhythms for activities like sleep and elimination. They
have mild to moderate reactions to new experiences, but are notably more accepting
than difficult children.
• About 35% of children show a combination of characteristics and do not clearly fit
any of the categories (Thomas & Chess, 1977; Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1968).
The differences observed during infancy are found to be moderately stable throughout childhood. Longitudinal research has found that children who are classified as easy during infancy
have fewer adjustment problems in school than those who are identified as difficult. Difficult
children are comparatively more likely to be aggressive and to withdraw from social interactions. Slow-to-warm-up infants exhibit relatively smooth developmental adjustment during
infancy, but during elementary school they are found to have more problems than easy children. In general, children who have emotional and behavioral problems in later childhood
have temperament profiles that include a lower degree of emotional stability and relatively
poor self-regulatory skills (Althoff et al., 2012; Caspi & Silva, 1995; Chess & Thomas, 1984; De
Pauw & Mervielde, 2011).
Other models of temperament focus less on biological
rhythms, but they still emphasize attention, activity, and
Critical Thinking
emotionality. Research by Rothbart and her colleagues
If a parent has an active infant, but comes has been particularly instrumental in focusing on variahome exhausted from work, what advice
tions in reactivity and self-regulation, including intenwould you offer? What about an exhausted sity of motor and emotional responses, self-soothing
behaviors, and self-control. Accordingly, researchers
parent and a quiet infant?
often explore how easily they can elicit temper tantrums and whether children can be easily calmed (Gartstein & Rothbart, 2003; Rothbart, Ahadi, & Evans, 2000; Rothbart & Bates, 2006).
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Section 11.2
Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development
Goodness of Fit
The match between temperament and environmental demands is referred to as goodness of
fit. For instance, the diagnosis of some attention disorders is often dependent on individual
parenting style and culture. Some parents and educators may tolerate certain kinds of offtask behavior more than others. The amount of patience adults display affects how children
respond. Fussy infants become more difficult toddlers when they are faced with parents who
generally impose harsher restrictions. These parents become more easily stressed, more negative, and more hostile; they might engage in inconsistent discipline practices and aggravate
the child’s behavior problems. In contrast, parents who show support and patience can have
a significant positive effect on children’s behavior (Paulussen-Hoogeboom, Stams, Hermans,
& Peetsma, 2007; Raikes, Robinson, Bradley, Raikes, & Ayoub, 2007). In other words, the temperament of some children may be a better or poorer fit than others for particular situations.
Children’s adjustment may therefore be linked to biological temperament acting on fit.
To counteract what might be poor goodness of fit, difficult children benefit from warm, sensitive parents who have consistent rules for behavior and make reasonable demands. Less
active infants and toddlers benefit from parents who will engage them—asking questions,
exploring, naming objects. Because active, outgoing children will naturally self-stimulate, for
them, intrusive adult involvement may limit exploratory behavior and innate curiosity. Many
parents fail to recognize when they are not responding according to their children’s temperament. In these instances, parenting programs that include directed interventions to identify
emotions appear to be helpful. In one study that focused on these techniques, children were
able to engage in a higher level of social behavior. Additionally, by learning how to better recognize emotional cues in their children, parents also became more aware of their own emotional regulation (Wilson, Havighurst, & Harley, 2012).
Section Review
What is the association between infant temperament and personality development? Describe
three different types of infant temperament, including implications for parenting and goodness of fit.
11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development
Like issues that arise with goodness of fit, it is not always easy to find an appropriate balance between being patient and responsive, and imposing necessary restrictions on what
appears to be normal developmental needs. How often should difficult babies be held? How
much freedom should teenagers be given to express themselves? Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development outlines these issues. His theory of how social interactions affect personality development remains a historical benchmark from which contemporary theory has
evolved. In many ways, Erik Erikson is to psychosocial development what Piaget is to cognitive development. And like Piaget, psychologists continue to find Erikson’s ideas practical
and worthwhile. Part of Erikson’s theory concerns the development of the self, which is a
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Section 11.2
Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development
conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves. Erikson
stressed how the self develops as a function of the way we constantly interact with society.
Erikson: Stages of Psychosocial Development
Erikson was influenced by Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. Both of these psychology
pioneers emphasized the importance of early development on later personality and behavior. However, while Freud felt early development was largely a function of sexual conflict,
Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development focused on social influences during the life
span (Erikson, 1950/1993). According to Erikson, each developmental period is marked by
a psychosocial challenge that can have either a favorable or an unfavorable outcome. The
desired outcome provides opportunity for growth, whereas the alternative inhibits personality growth. The settlement of each stage does not have an all-or-none effect on personality
development; there are degrees of resolution. Although Erikson proposed general age ranges
for his stages, there is no firm consensus on when each stage begins and ends.
Basic Trust Versus Mistrust (birth to 1 year old): Erikson proposed that the fundamental challenge of infancy concerns an infant’s dependency needs and parental responsiveness. Infants need to feel secure that they will be fed, changed, nurtured, and comforted.
If parents are responsive and dependable, infants become confident that their needs will
be met; they develop a sense of trust. In contrast, an insecure infant (perhaps one who has
been neglected) will develop a sense of mistrust. Therefore, the first of Erikson’s stages is
referred to as basic trust versus mistrust.
Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt (ages 1 to 3 years): If infants trust their parents,
then as toddlers they can more confidently explore their environment. As toddlers begin
to master skills like crawling, walking, talking, dressing, and feeding themselves, they discover a sense of autonomy that leads to self-esteem. Parents must guide the development
of this independence so that children develop appropriate self-control without feeling
shame that they have done something bad and consequently doubt their own abilities.
Initiative Versus Guilt (ages 3 to 6 years): When children gain autonomy, they begin to
master the world around them. They become more independent but sometimes suffer
negative consequences as a result. Early “experiments” with food flying off of a highchair,
which first occur randomly, are now done with more purpose. Children might cut their
own hair. Parents again need to juggle reactions. If a 4-year-old attempts to bring a dish
to the sink but ends up breaking it, how should the parent react? Children can either be
reinforced for taking the initiative or feel guilt for having done something wrong. The
key to helping children overcome this initiative versus guilt challenge is to set balanced
limits—not always an intuitive, easy task.
Industry Versus Inferiority (ages 5 to 12 years): Play becomes more purposeful or goaloriented as children learn more about the ways of the world. If they take the initiative,
they can become accomplished and feel a sense of industry. If they feel inadequate, perhaps because of the guilt from the earlier stage, children become discouraged in their
attempts to acquire knowledge or complete tasks. In that case, they may feel incompetent and unproductive, which can lead to feelings of inferiority. By becoming industrious
through the acquisition of a number of competencies, children begin to build a sense of
identity.
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Section 11.2
Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development
Identity Versus Role Confusion (adolescence): Erikson believed that the stage of identity
development that coincides with adolescence was pivotal. Early stages lead up to it, and
later stages are dependent on it. In this stage, teenagers try to discover who they really
are, including their sexual identity and what they want to do in life. Beginning in early
adolescence, physical, sexual, and cognitive changes, as well as more complex social
demands, contribute to confusion about identity. Erikson called this time of potential
upheaval the adolescent identity crisis. During this period, adolescents will often try out
different behaviors before finding a clear path. The process of reconciling these challenges
results in an individual’s achieving a sense of identity. On the other hand, when children
are not allowed to explore, create, and accomplish, they do not develop the competence
necessary to define goals and forge a unique sense of self. Current and future roles remain
undefined, or confused. This role confusion may lead to difficulty forming close adult relationships. After all, if a person does not have a strong sense of identity, then there are few
intimacies that he or she can share with another person. This outcome is sometimes
referred to as identity diffusion since the self, or personality, lacks a unified core. Erikson
proposed that identity versus role confusion was the key to developing into an adult.
Intimacy Versus Isolation (early
adulthood): The adult personality rests firmly on the successful resolution of the challenges
of earlier developmental stages.
Although close relationships may
have formed prior to this stage,
the task here is to form successful
relationships and create intimacy.
If a young adult has not successfully resolved the crisis of identity,
then it becomes more difficult to
form deep emotional connections.
Expressing hopes, dreams, and
fears to an intimate partner also
iStock/Thinkstock
helps solidify and integrate self- If young adults have had trouble forming an identity,
image. In the absence of intimacy, they can also have trouble forming deep emotional
relationships are more superficial; connections and develop a sense of isolation.
without the risk of vulnerability, a
sense of isolation develops. Erikson does not limit these intimate relationships to sexual
intimacy but extends them to relationships with special friends also.
Generativity Versus Stagnation (middle adulthood): Adults seek to accomplish goals
that make them feel as if they have made a difference in the world. Personality is integrated to achieve occupational, social, and personal goals. People gain a sense of fulfillment from these accomplishments, but they also seek additional satisfaction by “leaving
a mark.” Generativity refers to providing for the next generation, by engaging in activities
like teaching values, coaching sports, raising children, and volunteering. In contrast, some
individuals may not get much satisfaction from their nine-to-five jobs, and simply come
home, eat dinner, watch some TV, and do it again the next day. They develop a sense of
stagnation, a feeling of selfishness and lack of productivity.
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Section 11.2
Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development
Integrity Versus Despair (late adulthood): If adults have been successful in prior stages, a
sense of personal integrity emerges. People accept their lives and what they have accomplished, including leaving a mark on younger generations. When looking back on their
lives, they experience a sense of fulfillment. There is an acceptance of life’s limitations
and the understanding that regrets are unproductive. Despair is the result of knowing that
goals went unfulfilled and there is no longer enough time to achieve them.
Hope and Faith Versus Despair (mid-eighties and later): Late in his career, when he
became old himself, Erikson and his wife formulated a ninth stage (Erikson & Erikson,
1998). In the oldest stage there are some new challenges. One has to contend with the
death of close friends and family members. There is less autonomy than previously. Mobility can become more difficult. People may be forced to move so that everyday activities
are easier to manage. If the challenges of this stage are successfully navigated, people will
experience a feeling of hope and faith. Erikson suggested that successful resolution of this
stage includes a shift in perspective from a materialistic and rational view of the world
to one that is transcendent and not easily measured. Death is accepted as the way of all
living things.
Application of Erikson’s View and Empirical Findings
Erikson’s view enjoys both theoretical and applied support and provides additional understanding of both child and adult behaviors. For example, if an employee is extremely reserved
and finds it difficult to ask for a deserved raise, Erikson’s stage theory would suggest the
worker had not met the challenge of autonomy versus shame and doubt; the person has not
gained assertiveness. That outcome could lead to a failure resolving the next stage, initiative
versus guilt, where the worker associates assertion with negative feelings. The lack of confidence and fear of self-assertion makes it more difficult to form intimate relationships, leading
to feelings of isolation from others.
Research provides general support for the theory as well. For instance, Erikson suggested
that without a sense of intimacy, it is difficult to commit to relationships and activities that
will provide for the next generation. Further, studies have shown that those who have stable
relationships and careers are indeed more likely to demonstrate generativity than those who
are still floundering (Peterson & Klohnen, 1995). As might be predicted, generativity increases
as we age. Roughly 50% experience it by age 40, which increases to 83% by age 60. Other
research is similarly supportive (e.g., Whitbourne, Zuschlag, Elliot, & Waterman, 1991). This
motivation to “give back” and create a purpose in life is widely seen among older adults and
is an excellent predictor of happiness and success in marriage (Vaillant, 2002; Wnuk, Marcinkowski, & Fobair, 2012).
Section Review
Summarize Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, and explain how these challenges
relate to the development of personality.
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Section 11.3
Other Perspectives of Personality Development
11.3 Other Perspectives of Personality Development
Though an alternative psychosocial perspective over the lifespan has not emerged, there are
theories that attempt to explain individual stages. James Marcia’s identity status model is a
well-regarded application that has found support among Western cultures; Daniel Levinson’s
life transitions has received much popular support outside of academia and psychology professionals, but falls short scientifically. We will look at these two perspectives next.
Marcia: Identity Status Model
James Marcia uses Erikson’s stage of identity versus role confusion as a backdrop and suggests that there are four ways of resolving the crisis of identity that adolescence presents. His
identity status model classifies individual identity development in terms of two characteristics: crisis and commitment. Crisis refers to a period of some turmoil, during which adolescents begin to question previous values. As a result, individuals explore different alternatives.
For example, a high school senior may consider a technical school, traveling, or several different college majors. Commitment refers to whether or not a decision has been made related
to the exploration (Marcia, 1966, 2007). There is quite a difference, for instance, between an
unmotivated high school student who jumps in and out of menial part-time jobs and one who
attends college workshops and volunteers at a health care agency. In the latter case, exploration will eventually lead to commitment.
Absent
Present
Adolescents sometimes commit to an identity
without adequately exploring alternatives, perhaps because of the strong influence of an authority figure or societal norm. They join the military,
work in the family business, or pursue a law
degree because their parents have decided that is
“what is best.” This status of identity foreclosure
does not necessarily equal unhappiness, but it is
associated with a high need for approval. Identity foreclosure is more common among Asian,
Exploration (crisis)
As Figure 11.1 indicates, Marcia organized four observable identity statuses based on the two
criteria of exploration (crisis) and commitment. Identity achievement occurs when occupational and social challenges of education, career,
and marriage are explored and pursued and there Figure 11.1: Marcia’s identity
is a current commitment. For example, after an statuses
individual investigates a number of opportunities in the mental health field (e.g., social work, James Marcia described four possible
counseling psychology, research and teaching), outcomes related to adolescent identity
identity achievement would occur when the indi- development.
vidual commits to the pursuit of one over another.
Early identity achievement is associated with
Commitment
high achievement motivation, empathy, compasPresent
Absent
sion, and self-esteem. However, for most, identity
does not solidify until the early to mid-20s (Bang,
2013; Kroger, 2007; Kroger, Martinussen, & MarIdentity
Identity
cia, 2010).
Foreclosure
Diffusion
Identity
Achievement
Identity
Moratorium
Source: Adapted from Marcia (1966, 2007).
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Section 11.3
Other Perspectives of Personality Development
European, and collectivist cultures than in mainstream, middle-class culture in the United
States. Therefore, the independence that is indicative of identity achievement is not necessarily a desirable goal for every group. Furthermore, secular changes within cultures affect
goals and values. For instance, among adolescents there has been a recent shift in attitudes,
resulting in an increased concern for other people and the environment. As a result, career
development in the contemporary cohort of adolescents and young adults includes relatively
more collectivist goals and less materialism (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligini, & Maynard, 2003;
Park, Twenge, & Greenfield, 2014; Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000).
Traditionally, though, middle-class culture in the United States is usually associated with
exploration. The common mantra of “you can be anything you want to be” is an example of
parents encouraging the exploration of various alternatives. When adolescents actively
explore choices but are not committed, it is referred to as identity moratorium. This struggle for identity is often associated with anxiety, since the future is unplanned. Those who are
considering changing majors or colleges, or dropping out of school altogether, are often in
moratorium.
Critical Thinking
In what ways can attending college and
pursuing a degree be categorized as identity foreclosure? When is it moratorium?
Finally, adolescents who have neither explored nor
committed to any social or occupational choices are in a
state of identity diffusion. These individuals tend to be
flighty, without clear direction for the future. They may
be confused about goals, occupation, sexual identity, or
gender roles. The lack of occupational or social dedication makes it difficult to sustain relationships. Consequently, these individuals are more likely than others to
become isolated.
It is considered a positive development when individuals move from diffusion to foreclosure to moratorium to achievement. However, adolescents are not necessarily fixed into one
identity status, and achievement does not mean identity will remain stable. It is common for
individuals to change statuses from moratorium to achievement and back again, in what has
been called the MAMA cycle. This sequence is considered normal and may appear periodically throughout the lifespan, though moratorium status peaks during late adolescence and
declines thereafter. About half of all adolescents have a stable identity status (Kroger, 2007;
Kroger et al., 2010). Among college students, status begins to change later than young adults
who do not attend college.
The way in which Erikson and Marcia discuss the concept of identity development is both a
culmination of sorts and a jumping-off point. That is, according to Erikson, we have a tendency
to strive to reach a key phase of self-identity and carry that forward into marriage, community, and retirement. Note, however, that these processes apply mostly to Westernized youth
and young adults. (Neither Erikson nor Marcia suggested that their theories could be applied
universally.) Cross-cultural studies have validated Marcia’s conceptual basis for achievement.
However, identity development is quite different, even within Western countries, when there
are choices in career and education and everyday survival can be taken for granted (e.g.,
Brzezińska & Piotrowski, 2013; Cinamon & Rich, 2014; Crocetti, Sica, Schwartz, Serafini, &
Meeus, 2013). In coal-mining towns or other working-class communities, for instance, the
menu of careers to explore often appears limited. Education might not be a high priority, and
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Section 11.3
Other Perspectives of Personality Development
economic necessity may dictate when and where a young adult seeks work. Identity development through exploration would not even be considered when daily living remains a struggle.
Levinson: Life Transitions
Another way of looking at how personality develops is to identify normative age-graded influences, or how people view the world at any particular time (see Chapter 1). For instance,
there are specific life transitions that coincide with age-based norms, such as turning 30 or
the “Big 5-0.” Puberty and menopause are two examples of biological influences that are
linked by age. However, from a psychosocial perspective, age-based norms have become more
fluid. For example, the social clock (age-graded social expectations) that formerly existed for
getting married, having children, and even retirement has expanded widely. The timing of
these events is much less predictable than in past generations.
Nevertheless, some have suggested
that “transitional” ages like 30 and 50
do affect personality development. The
most often cited theory is that of Daniel Levinson, who famously described
the “midlife crisis” (Levinson, 1978,
1997). Like Erikson, he separated
development into a number of stages
and transitions. Levinson suggested
that everyone goes through the same
basic stages of adult development, each
of which we must master before transitioning to the next stage. For example, the early adult years comprise the
Stockbyte/Thinkstock novice phase of adulthood when there
The timing of events such as marriage, childbearing, is a transition from dependent child to
and retirement is much less predictable than in past independent adult. Unattached young
adults may be successful at having intigenerations.
mate relationships as long as they live
independently or with parents, but they can face unknown challenges after marrying. According to Levinson, these kinds of adjustment periods occur in every new stage. Once we master
new tasks, stability exists in the new stage until it is time to move on again.
The late twenties and early thirties are marked by family and career development. At the
completion of this stage, adults move beyond exploration, reach an era of stability, and look
forward to the transition into middle adulthood—Levinson’s major focus. He suggested there
is a significant adjustment period, and was the first to call this period the midlife crisis. It is
a time of reflection and transition, including questioning self-identity as either being “young”
or “old.” The midlife crisis is another psychological concept that has captured a significant
place in popular culture. Entertainment media provide amusing stories of middle-aged men
and women trading in their staid family and work lives for the excitement of a sports car,
younger sexual partners, and adventure.
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Section 11.4
Trait and Type Theories of Personality
Evaluation of Levinson
Despite its perpetuation in the media, the midlife crisis is not all that prevalent, if it exists at
all. Although Levinson reported that stages and transitions occur for both men and women,
other research suggests that it happens in only a small percentage of the population (Aldwin
& Levinson, 2001; Lachman, 2004). People may identify with experiencing crises in middle
age, but data show that upsetting events are not more likely to occur at that time than at others. In addition, middle-aged adults are generally happier and more content than at any previous stage (Carstensen et al., 2011; Wethington, 2000). Perhaps people report having midlife
crises simply because it is normative behavior to do so.
Though the midlife crisis is largely a myth, there are practical reasons why there often appear
to be major transitions. In middle adulthood, especially, people think about values and priorities. What may look like a crisis to some is often a reassessment and a discerning look back at
early adulthood and a preparation for new adventures (Vaillant, 2002). Children are grown
and so parents no longer need a practical car. There is often more disposable income than at
any other time, and there is still a youthful mentality to spend it. What appears to be a radical
change may only be the realization of opportunities. The “midlife crisis” may indeed be the
prime of life.
Section Review
Describe how models proposed by Marcia and Levinson can help us understand important
age-graded influences in personality development.
11.4 Trait and Type Theories of Personality
In contrast to traditional models, which hypothesize that personality is mostly a product of
cultural, interpersonal, and environmental forces, the trait theory of personality is heavily influenced by biology and genetics. In describing someone’s personality, we usually do
not refer to physical characteristics; instead, we use words such as “outgoing,” “reliable,”
and “reserved.” These traits represent stable, enduring characteristics. The degree to which
someone is described along a number of enduring dimensions comprises the person’s personality. Trait theory therefore focuses on measuring recurring patterns of thoughts, feelings,
and behaviors.
Measuring Traits: The Big Five
The most widely accepted trait model of personality is the five-factor theory (McCrae, Costa,
John, Robins, & Pervin, 2008). Its origins began with a more pragmatic approach to personality theory, which included simply asking people to describe themselves. The combination of
words allows us to emphasize the uniqueness of each individual. One of the first trait theorists, Gordon Allport (1897–1967), is credited with going through the dictionary and compiling a list of 4,500 words that could be used to describe personality (Allport & Odbert, 1936).
With so many words, though, there was a problem of psychological standardization; the list
needed to be whittled down to fewer, core traits.
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Section 11.4
Trait and Type Theories of Personality
The next big advance occurred in 1960 when Raymond Cattell and his colleagues culminated
decades of identifying, measuring, and analyzing the most fundamental traits. They ended up
identifying 16 specific surface traits (observable through behaviors), which they then clustered into five broader (global) categories called source traits (the underlying psychological
factors) (Cattell, 1965). According to Cattell, each of 16 surface traits varies on a continuum
and can be used to provide a unique personality profile. Importantly, the five global source
traits led to the development of the five-factor theory, which is now simply referred to as the
Big Five. According to the five-factor theory, people differ from one another along the dimensions of Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional Stability (also referred to as Neuroticism). Although there remains disagreement about
both the names of the traits and the relative importance of each, there is now widespread
acceptance of using the Big Five as a general structure for studying personality (Browne et al.,
2012). The Big Five are summarized in Table 11.1.
Table 11.1: The Big Five personality traits
Trait
Extremes
Description
Openness to experience
• Imaginative versus practical
• Curious versus cautious
• Variety versus routine
Conscientiousness
• Disciplined versus impulsive
• Careful versus careless
• Organized versus
disorganized
Extraversion
• Sociable versus solitary
• Energetic versus reserved
• Fun loving versus serious
Agreeableness
• Helpful versus uncooperative
• Altruistic versus
unsympathetic
• Considerate versus
antagonistic
Emotional stability
• Anxious versus calm
• Self-defeating versus
confident
• Insecure versus secure
People high on this trait are more likely to
be independent, try new foods, and look
forward to meeting new people. Those
low on this scale tend to be more conventional and conforming.
People high on this trait tend to adhere to
schedules and be on time—like students
who always submit timely responses and
keep a schedule of activities. Those low
on the scale tend to procrastinate, be
disorganized, and lack perseverance.
Successful salespeople generally score
high on this trait. Those with lower
ranking on this trait enjoy more time by
themselves; constant socialization may be
exhausting.
Retail employees who are helpful,
friendly, and kind score high on agreeableness. People who routinely get upset
if they do not receive special treatment
would score low.
People ranking high in this trait have a
negative opinion of themselves and their
abilities; they tend to overreact to stressful situations, like the characters often
portrayed in films by Woody Allen or Jim
Carrey. Those scoring low on this scale
tend to be less emotional, like characters
often portrayed by Angelina Jolie or Clint
Eastwood.
Source: Based on McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. (1987). Validation of the five-factor model of personality across instruments and
observers. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 81–90. American Psychological Association. Adapted by permission.
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Section 11.4
Trait and Type Theories of Personality
Applications of the Big Five
Because of its growing empirical support, the Big Five are increasingly being used for practical
applications like predicting occupational interests, enhancing communication, and assessing
learning styles (e.g., Abedi et al., 2012). Measuring traits has been useful in describing behaviors associated with career success and health. Employers, academicians, and others are finding new ways to improve productivity and relationships in the workplace and elsewhere.
Conscientiousness
There is increasing consensus that the Big Five are universal, crossing cultures, gender, and
sex (McCrae et al., 2008; McCrae & Costa, 1987, 1997). Further, there is evidence that the trait
of conscientiousness is singularly predictive of a number of important outcomes. An extensive review found that it associated with self-regulation, motivation, and internalization of
standards that are used to understand normative behavior (Eisenberg, Duckworth, Spinrad,
& Valiente, 2014). But it is not simply a matter of getting to work on time or finishing school
homework. High conscientiousness is associated with the completion of long-term goals,
more thoughtful decision making, and the fulfillment of personal obligations. These traits
lead to better performance in school and greater career success. Because of its especially
strong predictive value for later success, the study of conscientiousness has led to increased
attention among educators and psychologists (Borghans, Duckworth, Heckman, & Weel,
2008; Duckworth, Quinn, & Tsukayama, 2012; Sutin, Costa, Miech, & Eaton, 2009).
Stability Versus Change
Experimentally, the Big Five are used to assess whether or not personality changes (as psychodynamic theory would argue) or whether it simply matures within an environmental context. Overall, it is apparent that personality is stable in some ways and unsettled in others.
Compared to other traits, extraversion and openness to experience remain relatively stable
(Soto, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2011). On average, people who score high on extraversion may
behave differently depending on family, school, and other environmental conditions, but will
generally remain energetic and sociable for their circumstances (Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000;
Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006). The same is true for openness.
On the other hand, agreeableness and conscientiousness show the most relative change
across adulthood (Soto et al., 2011). These traits probably adjust out of a necessity for success. People who are more disagreeable and less responsible are less likely to pass classes,
have dependable friends, and obtain a successful career. As personality matures over the
course of adulthood, people learn to be more accepting and gain more control over their emotions, which is reflected in more emotional stability (i.e., lower neuroticism; Lachman, 2004).
Overall, adults become more optimistic as well. They are more confident, cheerful, calm, and
warm toward others (Brim, Ryff, & Kessler, 2004; Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). Together, these
findings suggest that as people age, they focus more on the positive and less on the negative.
Traits and Health Across the Lifespan
We also know that individual traits can predict long-term health and social outcomes, too
(e.g., Kern, Hampson, Goldberg, & Friedman, 2014; Hong, 2013; Vollrath, Hampson, & Júlíusson, 2012). Conscientiousness alone predicts obesity in adulthood, along with negative health
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Section 11.4
Trait and Type Theories of Personality
outcomes. People who have a stronger internal dialogue, more self-control, and intrinsic
motivation are likely to engage in the types of behaviors that will increase health outcomes
(Hampson, Edmonds, Goldberg, Dubanoski, & Hillier, 2013). Being more agreeable also leads
to greater longevity. This finding is consistent with a great deal of research that shows that
hostility, the opposite of agreeableness, is a risk factor for cardiovascular disease and other
conditions that shorten lifespan. Other research finds that personality can predict heart and
lung functioning, unhealthy habits, and infections and other diseases (e.g., Friedman & Martin; 2011; Hill, Turiano, Hurd, Mroczek, & Roberts, 2011; Israel et al., 2014; Olsen, Tuu, Honkanen, & Verplanken, 2015). Understanding personality traits in this way may very well allow
health care professionals to inexpensively design personalized preventive health care plans.
Measuring Personality Types: The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator
Instead of a continuum of five traits, some theorists propose that there are just certain types of
personalities based on characteristic ways of behaving. The most popular type theory is based
on the work of Carl Jung (1923). Jung recognized that people do not act randomly; rather, they
have orderly, consistent preferences for behavior. You might have a preference for chocolate
ice cream rather than vanilla ice cream, but that does not mean that you never eat vanilla ice
cream. In relation to personality, Jung said that people have four different preferences.
Katharine Briggs and her daughter, Isabel Myers, wanted to make Jung’s ideas practical and
usable by a wide variety of people. Their work led to the development of the Myers-Briggs
Type Indicator (MBTI). The MBTI measures individual psychological preferences on four
dimensions: Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and Judging–
Perceiving (see Table 11.2).
Table 11.2: MBTI types
Extraversion (E)
or
Introversion (I)
Thinking (T)
or
Feeling (F)
Sensing (S)
Judging (J)
or
Intuition (N)
or
Perceiving (P)
Extraversion–Introversion explains how people get energy for life. Extraverted people draw
energy from the outer world of people, activities, and things, while introverted people draw
energy from their inner world of impressions, emotions, and ideas.
Sensing–Intuition describes how an individual takes in information. Sensing types gather
concrete information through the five senses (taste, touch, smell, sight, hearing), while individuals who are more intuitive take in information through inspiration or a “gut feeling” that
extends beyond the five senses (Myers et al., 1998).
Thinking–Feeling points to the different ways that people make decisions. A person with a
thinking preference makes decisions in a logical, rational, objective way, while a someone who
is a feeling type is generally driven by emotion, preferring to make decisions more personal.
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Section 11.5
Development of the Self
Judging–Perceiving has to do with the basic approach that a person takes toward life. People
who are more judging tend to be more structured and prefer planning and organizing their
lives. People who are more perceiving prefer more flexible and spontaneous lives.
While Jung believed that all eight functions are present in every human being, and all are used
at least to some degree, he suggested that every person has a preference for one of the two
possibilities in each dichotomy. The combination of the four preferences makes up an individual’s psychological type, or personality. The four combinations yield 16 different types.
Individuals sharing one of the 16 different types tend to reflect similar values, interests, and
approaches to life, in contrast with others who have different types. Because the MBTI has
been translated into over 20 languages with over two million administrations annually, from
a practical aspect, its widespread use suggests that people find it useful to advance personal
understanding (Myers et al., 1998).
Section Review
Describe the differences and similarities in trait theory and type theory.
11.5 Development of the Self
In section 11.2, we learned that the self is a conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts
and attitudes about ourselves. It is indirectly influenced by temperament and reciprocal relationships, and both implicit and explicit feedback
from others. As we grow, those around us continue
to have a heavy influence in the construction of
self, as its development is tied to social norms and
expectations. The first step in this process is being
able to recognize ourselves as distinct individuals.
Self-Awareness
Psychologists agree that babies are not born with
inherent knowledge that self is separate from others. To develop an expression of individuality, children must first develop an understanding of themselves. That is, children define their identities only
after they are able to recognize that they are separate from others. Piaget and other cognitive psychologists suggest that infants do not demonstrate
awareness of themselves until they begin to show
intention, beginning at about 8 months (see the discussion about the sensorimotor stage in Chapter
7). Other views hold that children lack the cognitive capacity to know that they are distinct persons
until they recognize themselves in a mirror or in
Digital Vision/Valueline/Thinkstock
By 24 months of age, most children
recognize their distinct selves in a
mirror, in photos, and in videos.
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Section 11.5
Development of the Self
photographs. This process is called self-awareness. Children can define their identities only
when they are able to recognize that they are separate from others.
The most common method for identifying the psychosocial milestone of self-awareness is
the mirror-and-rouge test. In a clever experiment, infants are prominently marked on their
nose or forehead. The children are then placed in front of a mirror. They may attempt to wipe
off the mark, point to it in the mirror, or otherwise pay attention to it. If they do, it may be concluded that they are aware of their own physical characteristics—the first step in developing
a sense of self that is independent from other people and objects.
Infants as young as 12 months old sometimes react to the mark, but the median age is closer
to 18 months. By 24 months, nearly every child attempts mark-directed behavior, suggesting
an increased sense of awareness. They also recognize themselves in photos and videos by
pointing and verbalizing their own name or saying, “That’s me” (Amsterdam, 1972; Lewis,
Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985). While some researchers argue that the mirror-and-rouge test
shows that awareness occurs discontinuously, Bertenthal and Fischer (1978) suggest that it
is more gradual. In a comprehensive experiment involving a series of identification tasks, 46
out of 48 children showed consistent patterns of gradually increasing self-awareness within
each of five stages. According to them, self-awareness changes incrementally and develops in
a more continuous fashion than typically represented by the mirror-and-rouge test (Bertenthal & Fischer, 1978).
Other Indicators of Self-Awareness
When infants and toddlers begin to use words like “me” and “you,” it signals the emergence
of self-concept. Soon they will be able to identify themselves according to sex and age and
compare themselves to others based on other variables. Categorizing in this way represents
an emergence of identity. It will eventually include any number of characteristics, including
gender, ethnicity, and career attributes.
People in the United States generally grow up in a culture that emphasizes individual traits
and abilities over interdependence and group goals (individualistic versus collectivistic). As
a result, early childhood characterizations of self typically include mostly concrete descriptions (“I like to draw,” “I am smart”). In contrast, Chinese culture favors modesty and the
social aspects of the self. As such, Chinese children are more likely than children in the United
States to use more situational and social accounts to describe the self (“I play with my friends
at the park,” “I like to help my teacher”). These differences are evident as early as 3 years of
age (Wang, 2006). In adolescence, psychosocial factors expand to include romantic relationships and sexuality. Descriptions gradually become more complex and include both personal
and social aspects of self (“I am a good friend,” “I work hard, but sometimes I get lazy,” “I am
Latino”).
Self-awareness is also noticeable in the development of the higher-order emotions introduced in Chapter 10. The self-conscious emotions of shame, guilt, and pride are accompanied by behavior that indicates self-knowledge. For instance, self-awareness is acknowledged
when toddlers warily “challenge” parents by touching forbidden objects. They will not automatically take food from another child’s plate because they know their behavior will be met
with disapproval. When children implore parents to “Look!” at a pose, a block design, or an
arrangement of stuffed animals, it shows pride of accomplishment. There is ownership of the
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Section 11.5
Development of the Self
task. Self-awareness and a growing consciousness are also demonstrated when toddlers fail
at a task. Tears of frustration show that toddlers understand their own limitations; they are
able to separate outside forces from internal appraisals (Stipek, Recchia, & McClintic, 1992).
In the next section, we will look at the emergence of self-concept as self-awareness becomes
more refined, mirroring the change in cognition from concrete into abstract thinking.
Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
Complete the activity on self-concept. The descriptions describe who you are and illustrate
your self-concept, or your own perception of characteristics related to academics, athletics,
family roles, ethnicity, sexuality, and more. Though the terms self-concept and self-esteem are
often used interchangeably, they refer to different dimensions. Self-concept is concerned with
constructing a sense of identity through self-expression. Self-esteem is the evaluation of that
self-concept. For instance, if you identify yourself as a caring father, a dedicated student, a
terrible athlete and a technology genius, and all of that is okay with you, then those attributes
contribute to a positive self-esteem. On the other hand, if you are not the father you would like
to be, think of yourself as a poor student, or are self-critical for not being a better athlete, then
that evaluation may negatively affect you. A person may not reasonably assess self-concept,
but nevertheless it defines self-esteem. Personal characteristics distinguish self-concept; the
assessment of those characteristics is self-esteem.
Activity
Take a moment and think of words that describe you. Formulate descriptions that are related
to your culture and ethnicity, gender, and sex. Also include adjectives that relate to the way you
perform at work or in school, and the way you behave around your family or in groups.
Self-esteem therefore contributes to emotional well-being. It refers to how capable and significant a person feels and contributes to a number of developmental areas (Juth, Smyth, &
Santuzzi, 2008; Kong, Zhao, & You, 2012). Those with low self-esteem tend to believe failures
are a reflection of who they are and that they cannot succeed even if they try harder. Children
with low self-esteem follow a pattern of employing ineffective strategies, repeatedly failing,
and then giving up entirely. Experts sometimes refer to this outcome as the “why try” model
of behavior that further reduces self-worth in adulthood (Corrigan, Larson, & Rüsch, 2009;
Erdley, Cain, Loomis, Dumas-Hines, & Dweck, 1997).
In contrast, high self-esteem contributes to motivation to achieve goals, greater persistence,
and better school performance, setting the stage for more successful work and other positive psychosocial outcomes (Freudenthaler, Spinath, & Neubauer, 2008; Graham & Williams,
2009). Self-esteem may impact motivation to excel, the variety of jobs that are offered, and
whether or not a person receives a raise when requested. However, self-esteem is not necessarily associated with job performance (Ferris, Lian, Brown, Pang, & Keeping, 2010).
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Section 11.5
Development of the Self
Self-Esteem Across the Lifespan
Early adolescence is generally considered a difficult time,
during which self-esteem suffers before rising during early Critical Thinking
adulthood (Birkeland, Melkevik, Holsen, & Wold, 2012; Erol
& Orth, 2011). The physical changes of puberty can be awk- How might grade inflation affect
ward, and universally elevated expectations regarding aca- self-esteem?
demics may not be consistent with abilities. During this time
of increased psychosocial challenges, there is usually a simultaneous decrease in the physical and emotional availability of teachers. Furthermore, due to the development of abstract
thought and the hypothetical reasoning that goes with it, adolescents are better able to evaluate their goals and limitations. For instance, this is the time when many children discover
that the road to becoming a professional athlete is more limited than the idealized version of
middle childhood. Therefore, cognitive change is both a healthy way of assessing reality and a
potential detriment to self-esteem (Harter, 2006; Harter & Whitesell, 2003).
Extensive research using longitudinal data for over 300,000 people found that self-esteem
rises steadily from young adulthood to middle adulthood (see Figure 11.2). During late adulthood, self-esteem drifts downward, particularly as health and income decline (Robins, Trzesniewski, & Tracey, 2002). Although self-esteem appears to decline in later years, older
adults have developed coping mechanisms that help them adapt to change. So even when
facing declines, their self-esteem does not drop as much as might be expected (Baltes & Mayer,
1999).
Figure 11.2: Average change in self-esteem across the lifespan
The trajectory of self-esteem for a nationally representative sample of 3,617 individuals aged 25
years to 100 years.
3.75
Full sample
Self-esteem
3.5
3.25
3
2.75
25
30
35
40
45
50
55
60
65
70
75
80
85
90
95
100
Age (years)
Source: From Orth, U., Trzesniewski, K. H., & Robins, R. W. (2010). Self-esteem development from young adulthood to old age: A
cohort-sequential longitudinal study. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 98(4), 645–654. Copyright . 2010 by the
American Psychological Association. Reproduced with permission.
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Section 11.5
Development of the Self
On the other hand, since adaptation to the aging process is an important component of healthy
development, when people become preoccupied with age-related changes, they generally
present poorer self-esteem. It is important to note that adults (accurately) do not view themselves as aging as a whole; rather, they see parts of themselves aging, which allows people to
remain “young at heart” while perhaps “old” at activities such as running or understanding
new kinds of social media. One study found that people who had an optimistic view of aging
lived an additional 7.5 years compared to those with a negative view, even when accounting
for socioeconomic status, gender, and health (Levy, Slade, Kunkel, & Kasl, 2002).
Psychology in Action: Improving Self-esteem
Self-esteem is not something you can “give” to a person. Certainly there are specific kinds of
interactions that will affect self-esteem one way or another, but someone cannot magically pat
you on the back to increase your self-esteem. Instead, just as Erikson proposed, self-esteem
must be earned through accomplishment. Inflating the worth of a job just provides a false feeling of esteem until the individual either recognizes the truth (which could be immediate) or
fails at another, similar task.
There are two important ways that you can increase self-esteem in a realistic manner. The
first entails setting small goals. Make a reasonable list, approach one task at a time, recognize
completed activities, and move on to the next goal. Constructing a list is an important first step
because it initiates the recognition of overall progress (that is, accomplishment and competency). It is also important to approach goals in specific ways. For instance, avowing, “I will
lose 40 pounds” is not as effective as stating, “After lunch every day I will walk for 30 minutes.”
If you tend to procrastinate, establishing a goal of “finish a 10-page paper in two weeks” is less
realistic than undertaking to “finish the outline today” and then set smaller goals for the rest
of the week. With each small success comes more confidence.
The second strategy is to practice compassion. Research has shown that doing for others
increases self-esteem (e.g., Mongrain, Chin, & Shapira, 2011). Earnestly volunteering allows individuals to feel competent and it also provides a sense of worth that friends and relatives may not
be able to provide. Psychotherapists use this technique with clients who have low self-esteem or
who are depressed. The feeling of accomplishment while doing for others can be quite powerful.
Differences Between Groups
Women generally have lower self-esteem than men in young adulthood, but by middle adulthood both groups are about the same. Individuals who have more education have consistently
higher self-esteem than those with less education (Orth, Trzesniewski, & Robins, 2010). In a
meta-analysis of hundreds of self-esteem studies, boys scored higher overall on self-esteem,
but overall differences were small (Kling, Hyde, Showers, & Buswell, 1999). More recent studies have continued to find little or no gender difference (Erol & Orth, 2011). Girls generally
place greater emphasis on physical appearance than boys, but overall both boys and girls can
be described as having high self-esteem (Bachman, O’Malley, Freedman-Doan, Trzesniewski,
& Donnellan, 2011; Van den Berg, Mond, Eisenberg, Ackard, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2010).
Self-esteem also varies as a function of culture, race, and ethnicity, but again, when differences
exist they tend to be small (see Figure 11.3). In general, strong ethnic identity—regardless of
the group with which you identify—is associated with high self-esteem (Smith & Silva, 2011).
Furthermore, across 18 separate surveys over two decades, differences between and within
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Section 11.5
Development of the Self
Figure 11.3: Frequency distributions of self-esteem index scores by race/
ethnicity, gender, and grade, 1991–2008
The percentages of students with low, medium, and high levels of self-esteem show similar patterns
across gender and ethnic groups.
45
40
45
a. 8th-grade males
35
Percent of students
Percent of students
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
b. 8th-grade females
40
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1,000– 1,625– 2,125– 2,625– 3,125– 3,625– 4,125– 4,625–
1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000 3,500 4,000 4,500 5,000
1,000– 1,625– 2,125– 2,625– 3,125– 3,625– 4,125– 4,625–
1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000 3,500 4,000 4,500 5,000
Self-esteem score
45
40
Self-esteem score
45
c. 10th-grade males
35
Percent of students
Percent of students
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
d. 10th-grade females
40
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1,000– 1,625– 2,125– 2,625– 3,125– 3,625– 4,125– 4,625–
1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000 3,500 4,000 4,500 5,000
1,000– 1,625– 2,125– 2,625– 3,125– 3,625– 4,125– 4,625–
1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000 3,500 4,000 4,500 5,000
Self-esteem score
45
40
Self-esteem score
45
e. 12th-grade males
35
Percent of students
Percent of students
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
f. 12th-grade females
40
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1,000– 1,625– 2,125– 2,625– 3,125– 3,625– 4,125– 4,625–
1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000 3,500 4,000 4,500 5,000
1,000– 1,625– 2,125– 2,625– 3,125– 3,625– 4,125– 4,625–
1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000 3,500 4,000 4,500 5,000
Self-esteem score
African-American
Self-esteem score
White
Hispanic
Asian-American
Source: Adolescent self-esteem: Differences by race/ethnicity, gender, and age. Jerald G. Bachman, Patrick M. O’Malley, Peter
Freedman-Doan, Kali H. Trzesniewski & M. Brent Donnellan. Self and Identity 2011, 10(4): 445–473. Copyright © 2011 Routledge.
Republished by permission of the publisher Taylor & Francis. Ltd.
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Section 11.6
Ethnic Identity
various ethnicities, genders, and age groups have remained fairly constant. Blacks generally
score highest on measures of self-esteem, followed by whites, Hispanics, and Asians. In contrast to gender similarities in other groups, studies show that black males have slightly lower
self-esteem than black females (Bachman et al., 2011; Twenge & Crocker, 2002).
One factor that does appear to affect measures of self-esteem is socioeconomic status (SES).
Substantial evidence shows that low SES has a negative effect on self-esteem, particularly
during adolescence (e.g., Twenge & Campbell, 2002; Veselska et al., 2010). This is the time
when children typically focus more on material goods like clothes, cars, and purchases that
affect appearance. Coupled with adolescent egocentrism, teenagers are likely to elevate the
importance of appearances, which is affected by income level. These small (but statistically
significant) differences are remarkably consistent throughout North America, Europe, Africa,
and Asia, even in relatively poor countries (e.g., Amazue & Uzuegbu, 2013; Fagg, Curtis, Cummins, Stansfeld, & Quesnel-Vallée, 2013; Sanal-Erginel & Silman, 2005; Var, Paul, Kumar, &
Shah, 2011).
Section Review
What is the difference between self-awareness, self-concept, and self-esteem? How do they
each connect to the development of the self, as in the title of this chapter?
11.6 Ethnic Identity
Socioeconomic differences highlight the complex nature of how identity is formed and individually assessed. Feelings regarding race and ethnicity are part of this process, since “who
you are” includes descriptors of group membership. Children and adolescents feel a sense
of belongingness in their shared values, traditions, language, and customs.
Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and
customs within the culture change,
but it remains an enduring part of the
self. A positive ethnic identity reflects
a stronger self-concept and is associated with greater school achievement
and higher self-esteem (Eccles, Wong,
& Peck, 2006). Increasingly, children
identify with more than one race or
culture, making for a stronger multifaceted foundation in the search for a
sense of self, rather than one that is
more diffuse. The growing culture of
Fuse/Thinkstock
globalization has expanded this conChildren and adolescents feel a sense of
cept worldwide, even to less develbelongingness in shared beliefs and customs, but
oped countries (Jenson, 2003; Rao et
increasingly children identify with more than one
al., 2013; Trask, 2013).
race or culture.
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Section 11.6
Ethnic Identity
Although younger children are aware of ethnic differences, individuals do not begin to reflect about the meaning of them until they reach the cognitive advancements
of formal operations (see Chapter 7). A psychological conflict similar to the adolescent identity crisis arises when
minority teenagers are exposed to possible negative cultural views during their exploration of identity. Developing metacognition accelerates this process as adolescents
integrate cultural history with future possibilities.
Critical Thinking
If children were completely shielded
from any mention of skin color or race,
at what age do you think they would
notice differences?
According to Jean Phinney (1989, 1990), in order to fully develop a sense of self, adolescents
need to reconcile the degree to which ethnicity is a part of identity. She developed a model
based on the same dimensions of exploration and commitment as James Marcia’s model of
identity statuses (section 11.3). After conducting interviews of Asian, black, Hispanic, and
white 10th graders, she concluded that ethnic identity for minorities developed in three
stages (white, mainstream American students could not be similarly classified):
• More than half of all minorities were in the beginning stage of unexamined ethnic
identity. They were either in diffusion (an absence of interest in adopting the attitudes of their ethnicity) or foreclosure (adopting views that they acquired from others,
usually parents). These groups in general spent little time or energy in exploration.
For instance, one Mexican American male remarked, “My parents tell me . . . about
where they lived, but what do I care? I’ve never lived there” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).
• A little less than one quarter felt an increasing awareness of ethnic issues and understood the importance of placing more emphasis on its relation to identity development. They were categorized as being in moratorium, or ethnic identity search. A
black female’s remark is indicative of this stage: “I think people should know what
Black people had to go through to get to where we are now” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).
• The remaining one fifth were in ethnic identity achievement, characteristic of those
who had explored, accepted, and internalized their ethnic identity and reconciled
the differences between their minority status and mainstream culture. A male interviewed by Phinney is quoted as saying, “I have been born Filipino and am born to be
Filipino . . . I’m here in America, and people of many different cultures are here too. So
I don’t consider myself only Filipino, but also American” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).
This last quote also exemplifies the formation of a bicultural identity, which allows minority
adolescents to identify with their ethnic heritage as well as mainstream culture. Individuals
with a bicultural identity are neither consumed by mainstream culture nor restricted by attitudes and beliefs in their cultures of origin that may not serve them well in the United States.
Identifying with two or more cultures often provides a richer background and a stronger
foundation for identity development (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992; Quintana, 2007).
Section Review
Describe how culture and ethnicity might become integrated into identity.
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Section 11.7
Theory of Moral Development
11.7 Theory of Moral Development
An additional example of how experiences merge with identity formation is in the area of
moral development. In Chapter 10 we learned that social referencing and empathy are indications of cognitive sophistication. A developing child shows emotional growth when he or
she begins to see beyond themselves by showing an interest in how others respond to his or
her emotions and, similarly, by understanding the emotions shown by others. It is thought
that moral values and attitudes also follow a prescribed sequence of cognitive sophistication
while being guided by a fair dose of social exposure.
In perhaps the most widely accepted theory, Lawrence Kohlberg used Piaget’s stage theory
of cognition as a backdrop to explain the gradual sophistication of moral behavior. Kohlberg
proposed that morality emerges through a systematic three-level, six-stage sequence (Colby,
Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman, 1983). By following the progression of boys aged 10 to 16 over
a 26-year period, Kohlberg and his colleagues determined that the stages are invariant and
follow a predetermined structure.
Kohlberg developed a theory of moral development after posing a series of moral dilemmas
to 87 boys ranging in age from 10 to 16 years old and asking them to explain how they would
resolve the dilemma. He then studied their explanations to identify their reasoning. To follow their moral development, he then tested the children periodically for the next 20 years.
The Heinz Dilemma is one of the questions the researchers used in their original study (Rest,
Turiel, & Kohlberg, 1969, p. 229):
In Europe a woman was near death from a special kind of cancer. There was
one drug that the doctors thought might save her. It was a form of radium that
a druggist in the same town had recently discovered. The drug was expensive
to make, but the druggist was charging 10 times what the drug cost him to
make. He paid $200 for the radium and charged $2,000 for a small dose of the
drug. The sick woman’s husband, Heinz, went to everyone he knew to borrow
the money, but he could only get together about $1,000, which is half of what
it cost. He told the druggist that his wife was dying and asked him to sell it
cheaper or let him pay later. But the druggist said, “No, I discovered the drug
and I’m going to make money from it.” Heinz is not sure what he should do in
this difficult situation. He doesn’t know if it is right for a husband in his situation to steal the drug for his wife.
After presenting the dilemma, researchers asked, “What should Heinz do?” By looking at
the various responses to this question, Kohlberg and his colleagues were able to classify
the development of moral judgments into three levels: preconventional, conventional, and
postconventional, each of which contain two stages. At all three levels of moral development,
there were individuals who answered “yes” and answered “no” to whether Heinz should steal
the drug to save his wife. However, Kohlberg was more interested in the reasons that people
gave for their answers than whether they thought stealing the drug was right or wrong (see
Table 11.3).
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Section 11.7
Theory of Moral Development
Table 11.3: Should Heinz steal the drug? Kohlberg’s stages of moral development
Stage
Positive response
Negative response
Preconventional
Yes: He could get in trouble if he lets his
wife die.
No: It’s against the law to steal.
Post-conventional
Yes: Heinz is justified in stealing the
medicine. It is fair and just that the wife
be saved, even if theft is necessary. The
law is flawed and should be changed
so that others don’t face the same
dilemma.
No: Even though the druggist’s actions
are appalling, the druggist has the right
to be compensated for his discovery.
Conventional
Yes: He should steal it because his
intentions are good and no one should
let another person die.
No: While his motives are good, we
can’t have everyone breaking the law.
Kohlberg’s theory focuses on people’s reasoning about what to do in a moral dilemma, not
their actual choices. A key factor that promotes moral development is a sustained responsibility for the welfare of others (Kohlberg, 1973). As individuals move from one level to the next,
their moral thinking becomes more complex as they consider the meaning of Heinz’s action.
Kohlberg’s Levels and Stages of Moral Development
There are three levels of moral development, and each level has two stages. Although there
is a general relationship to age, the levels and stages are not tied to specific ages. At the preconventional level, people are mostly concerned with self-interest rather than what might
be a universal standard. For instance, children will yield to authority figures in order to avoid
punishment. An action is thought to be morally wrong if it results in a negative outcome for
the perpetrator. Children generally do not progress beyond this level until at least 10 years
old or so.
1. Stage 1 (obedience/punishment): Children are mostly concerned with adhering to
authority figures in order to avoid punishment. An action is thought to be morally
wrong if it results in a negative outcome for the perpetrator. Children know not to
take a candy bar before dinner because it will result in an admonishment.
2. Stage 2 (self-interest): The lack of multiple perspectives results in concern for others
being overshadowed if the individual gets rewarded. Unlike in later stages, “Do unto
others . . .” is not a typical social contract. A child will have a candy bar before dinner
if her brother is having one, because it would not be “fair” if only one of them had a
treat.
At the conventional level, we base morality on societal norms. Behavior is generally acceptable if values are based on a concern for group functioning and conformity. There is logic to
peer pressure and a focus on how others will feel about an individual’s behavior. People at
this stage often get upset if they are singled out for misbehavior when others are not similarly
punished. Unlike younger children, individuals in stages 3 and 4 show a concern for others.
3. Stage 3 (conformity and interpersonal accord): “Everybody does it” makes behavior
acceptable, and values are based on a concern for group functioning and conformity. There is logic to peer pressure and a focus on how others will feel about an
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Section 11.7
Theory of Moral Development
individual’s behavior. “Do unto others . . .” now includes empathic understanding, so
there is an emphasis on fairness for all, not just the individual. At this stage, children
who lose privileges at school would be upset either that they were singled out or
that everyone else who has engaged in the same behavior was not similarly punished. Many individuals maintain this perspective well into adulthood.
4. Stage 4 (law and order orientation): According to Kohlberg, this is the highest stage
many adults reach. Individuals depend on social rules and institutional order. There
is an emphasis on fair justice and reward. A morally advanced adolescent might
forego the advantage of parental assistance on an essay if it means there is a decided
advantage in grading against peers. Adults at this stage would self-sacrifice instead of
disturbing the social order; they would not park a car in a manner that would inconvenience others if the only purpose were self-gain.
The post-conventional level of morality is distinguished by idealized principles in society
and may transcend respect for authority. Rather than accepting authority without question,
people can imagine a different kind of social order than the one that currently exists. The
concept of civil disobedience arises at this level, which might include deliberately breaking
laws that are believed to be immoral. People at this level are less concerned with legal consequences, realizing that what is moral and what is legal are sometimes in conflict. Therefore,
morality is more abstract than a list of rules and may become situational. Individual rights
and values are respected because they promote good for all.
5. Stage 5 (social contract): Individual rights and values are respected because they
promote good for all, regardless of any laws or list of rules. People are punished to
protect society, not as an act of retribution (but instead because that is what is best
for everyone, even the perpetrator). Laws are unethical if they fail to promote the
best outcome for the largest number of people. For instance, if interracial and gay
marriages do not impose on the rights of others, then they should be supported in
order to promote the general welfare for all couples.
6. Stage 6 (universal principles): Principles are based on self-selected ideas relating to
equality of all. Though it has been said that “it is easier to fight for one’s principles
than to live up to them,” the stage 6 individual fights for what is right—because it is
right. If laws are not just, then there is an obligation to disobey. Stage 6 individuals
are rare and difficult to identify. They may value rights over their own lives, like 2014
Nobel Peace Prize recipient Malala Yousafzai, who, at 11 years old, and in the face
of opposition from Pakistan’s Taliban, demanded an education; perhaps Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi are representative of this stage, as well.
Research shows that 95% of children and 81% of adults do not reach the post-conventional
level (Walker, de Vries, & Trevethan, 1987).
Kohlberg’s theory has stood up well, although it has been modified to fit newer data. For
example, college students were asked about moral dilemmas having to do with information
technology (Kiser, Morrison, & Craven, 2011). By the time students finish college, most are
at the conventional level of moral thinking. In a study conducted with 280 Muslim college
students from Kuwait, researchers found a similar pattern. Most students were at the conventional level (Bouhmama, 2013). The higher adolescents and young adults score on moral reasoning tests, the less likely they are to become delinquent (Raaijmakers, Engels, & Van Hoof,
2005). Only a small percentage of people reach Kohlberg’s highest level of moral maturity.
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Section 11.7
Theory of Moral Development
An Alternative to Kohlberg: Carol Gilligan’s Approach
Kohlberg’s theory has been criticized for failing to consider gender and cultural differences
(e.g., Fuchs, Eisenberg, Hertz-Lazarowitz, & Sharabaany, 1986). For example, some cultures
may value caring for family members over all other causes. Individuals may be acting according to the highest moral standards of their culture but would not meet Kohlberg’s concept of
post-conventional morality. Another continuing criticism is that Kohlberg’s research was conducted exclusively with males, and yet it has been applied routinely to females.
According to Carol Gilligan (1982),
males and females have differing
views of morality. Whereas boys are
more likely to be concerned with justice and fairness, girls are more likely
to engage in self-sacrifice and shared
responsibility (Gilligan, 1977; Taylor,
Gilligan, & Sullivan, 1995).
Gilligan found that females are more
concerned with the context in which a
decision is to be made and males are
more absolute. Girls are more likely
than boys to focus on care for individual needs; compared to boys, girls
iStock/Thinkstock
demonstrate more compassion. This According to Carol Gilligan, girls are more likely
behavior stems from their greater than boys to show compassion and focus on care for
emphasis on developing interdepen- individual needs.
dent relationships. Children transition from an early stage of selfishness and practicality to the moral pursuit of goodness. For
instance, a girl may participate in activities she does not like if she believes it is part of maintaining a strong friendship. According to Gilligan, the most advanced type of morality occurs
when women accept their moral equivalence to others. Though these views may not be consistent with Kohlberg’s definition of post-conventional morality, they may nonetheless represent the highest form of moral behavior (Sherblom, 2008).
The question about the nature of moral development remains unresolved. Although some
studies have found gender differences in moral development, most evidence does not support Gilligan’s view of distinctions either within mainstream U.S. culture or among diverse
people internationally (Jorgensen, 2006; Skoe, 2012; Turiel, 2006). The major criticism of
Gilligan’s view is that she is too absolute in dismissing Kohlberg’s stages. Most research tends
to find that males and females rely on both justice and caring. People in general tend to use
more care reasoning to make decisions concerning relationships and more justice reasoning
for non-relationship issues, like cheating in school or on a tax return. The issues of care that
Gilligan emphasizes may stem from the types of dilemmas that females are more likely to
face rather than from the ways they are addressed. In this way, perhaps the moralities of care
and justice operate together and depend on specific circumstances (Juujärvi, Myyry, & Pesso,
2010; Skoe, 2012).
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Summary & Resources
Hekman (1995, p. 8) points out that Gilligan isn’t saying one position is better than the other,
just that they are different: “Gilligan claims that individuals can see moral conflicts in terms of
either justice or care, but not both at once. Moral problems are thus not resolved by balancing
justice and care, but by taking one perspective rather than the other.” Gilligan’s view has met
resistance, however, as empirical support for differences in the moral perspectives of men
and women is lacking (Pratt, Diessner, Hunsberger, & Prancer, 1991; Gilgun, 1995). Recently,
researchers tested Gilligan’s ideas about the difference between reasoning based on justice
and reasoning based on care. A recent study of 89 women over age 60 found that the women’s
reasoning was highly consistent with the care orientation (Dakin, 2014).
Although there are criticisms of Kohlberg’s theory, it has been very influential in psychology
and formed the foundation for other theories that show development over the lifespan. Gilligan has been an important contributor as well, as she has helped broaden the perspective on
moral reasoning, including first identifying the bias of Kohlberg’s work. Later, she also
acknowledged that the development of morality is more nuanced than she at first proposed,
and should consider not only gender differences but also similarities (Gilligan & Attanucci,
1988).
Section Review
How does sense of morality become more sophisticated as we begin to understand ourselves?
As we begin to understand others?
Summary & Resources
Chapter Summary
Evidence indicates that infants are born with a particular disposition, which we call temperament. These early indications of personality can initially be measured by variables such
as the intensity of infant emotional reactions and how well infants can soothe themselves.
Sometime in the latter part of the first year, infants start to understand they are separate
beings and begin to define their own identities. As children grow, they develop individual
styles and more distinct personalities. Part of the overall challenge of psychosocial development occurs as children integrate various parts of self-concept, including ethnicity and a
sense of morality.
Erikson’s theory outlined challenges that we face at different stages of the lifespan. Though
the theory remains an historical standard, the application of trait theories has become a
strong focus of investigation. The Big Five, in particular, are increasingly used to help us
understand what personality styles lead to success in education, health, and industry. Psychologists have also stepped up efforts to understand personality changes that appear later
in life, including the search to preserve optimism and maximize outcomes. As introduced in
the prologue, factors related to gender, social roles, and career contribute to identity development as well. These areas of development will be addressed in the following chapters.
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Summary & Resources
Summary of Key Concepts
Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self
•
•
Infant temperament previews personality. It can be classified as easy, difficult, or
slow to warm up. Research strongly suggests that these early markers of personality
remain associated with other childhood behaviors.
Temperament is mediated by the ways in which caregivers and others respond to
the infant and is likely to affect how relationships develop.
Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development
•
•
•
Erik Erikson postulated that there are nine stages of psychosocial development.
Beginning with infancy, individuals navigate the environment and experience a set of
psychosocial challenges during their lifespan.
Four stages lead up to the “identity crisis” of adolescence, which sets the stage for
interpersonal and intrapersonal development in adulthood.
According to Erikson, self-identity is formed when a balance exists between adult
responsiveness, appropriate patience, and appropriate restriction.
Other Perspectives of Personality Development
•
•
•
•
•
James Marcia specifically focused on the crises of adolescence and whether or not
teens have explored and committed to an identity.
He identified four identity statuses: achievement, foreclosure, moratorium, and
diffusion. We often cycle through different statuses as we strive toward identity
achievement.
Though experimentally validated in some populations, because of personal and cultural limitations some elements of Marcia’s model do not exist for everyone.
Levinson proposes that personality develops within normative, age-graded influences. He believed that everyone goes through the same basic stages and transitions
of adult development, including a “midlife crisis.”
Despite popular usage of the term, the “midlife crisis” is mostly a myth.
Trait and Type Theories of Personality
•
•
•
Trait theory strongly emphasizes the role of biology and genetics in personality
development. According to this perspective, one’s unique constellation of traits
makes up personality, which consists of stable or enduring patterns of thoughts,
feelings, and behaviors.
The five-factor theory is a widely accepted model of personality that is based on
identifying traits. The Big Five source traits are: Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional Stability.
Carl Jung’s work led to the development of the MBTI, a commonly used personality assessment tool. The MBTI measures individual psychological preferences along
four axes: Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and
Judging–Perceiving. The interaction of these four preferences constitutes one’s psychological type, or personality.
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Summary & Resources
Development of the Self
•
•
•
•
•
•
Children define their identities only after they are able to recognize that they are
separate from others. The most common method for identifying the psychosocial
milestone of self-awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test.
Other indicators suggest that self-awareness occurs earlier than the mirror-androuge test indicates.
The formation of self-concept begins with self-awareness and continues during late
infancy as toddlers develop awareness of others.
Self-esteem is not the same as self-concept. Rather it is the evaluation of one’s
self-concept.
Research shows that self-esteem has remained fairly stable over time and across
gender and ethnic groups. Though boys and girls may focus on different parts of
themselves, on average both groups enjoy high self-esteem.
Self-concept is influenced by factors related to race and ethnicity, sex and gender,
and a country’s culture.
Ethnic Identity
•
•
Children and adolescents feel a sense of belongingness in their shared values, traditions, language, and customs. Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and customs within
the culture change, but it remains an enduring part of the self. A positive ethnic identity reflects a stronger self-concept and is associated with greater school achievement and higher self-esteem.
Jean Phinney developed an ethnic identity model based on the same dimensions
of exploration and commitment as James Marcia’s model of identity statuses. She
concluded that ethnic identity for minorities developed in three stages: unexamined
ethnic identity, ethnic identity search, and ethnic identity achievement.
Theory of Moral Development
•
•
•
Kohlberg’s stage theory of moral development integrates the advances we see in
cognitive functioning with psychosocial advances. He identified three levels of moral
development, each of which contains two stages.
Kohlberg’s theory has earned empirical support but has been criticized because he
studied only boys while formulating his theory.
An alternative theory proposed by Carol Gilligan has helped to broaden the perspective on moral reasoning, including first identifying the bias of Kohlberg’s work.
However, her work has also been criticized for being too restrictive.
Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions
1. Is it important to specifically identify a child’s temperament? Explain.
2. Consider what you learned about attachment in Chapter 10. If an adult is unable
to fully trust another adult and form an intimate relationship, Erikson might suggest that development was arrested during the trust versus mistrust stage of psychosocial development. How can an adult reestablish this necessary ability? Using
Erikson’s theory, explain how a relationship during adulthood can begin to reverse
negative attachment experiences from infancy.
3. How do culture and socioeconomic status influence Marcia’s identity status model?
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Summary & Resources
4. Although the midlife crisis has not been scientifically validated, most people would
probably agree that it exists. Why do you think this is the case?
5. Which of the Big Five traits has changed the most for you? The least? Which do you
anticipate will change the most in the future?
6. There are no pairs of personality types that form ideal relationships. Two people of
the same type may get along just as well as two people that are completely opposite types. With that in mind, take an online type indicator assessment with a close
friend or family member, then discuss why the two of you might have the relationship that you do.
7. Should people strive to achieve post-conventional morality? Explain.
8. Which theory of moral development resonates most strongly for you? Do you think
your gender plays a role in your decision?
Additional Resources
Web Resources
•
•
The Myers & Briggs Foundation: Learn more about the MBTI type indicator
http://www.myersbriggs.org/my-mbti-personality-type/mbti-basics/
Big Five Personality Test: Take a 25 question test hosted on the Psychology Today
website
http://psychologytoday.tests.psychtests.com/take_test.php?idRegTest=1297
Further Research
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Allport, G. W., & Odbert, H. S. (1936). Trait names: A psycho-lexical study. Psychological Monographs, 47(211), whole issue.
Erikson, E. H. (1950, 1993). Childhood and society. New York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H., & Erikson, J. M. (1998). The life cycle completed: Extended version with
new chapters on the ninth stage of development. New York: Norton.
Jung, C. G. (1923) Psychological types. New York: Harcourt Brace.
McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. (1997). Personality trait structure as a human universal.
American Psychologist, 52, 509–516.
Phinney, J. S. (1989). Stages of ethnic identity development in minority group adolescents. Journal of Early Adolescence, 9, 34–49.
Thomas, A., & Chess, S. (1977). Temperament and development. New York: Brunner/
Mazel.
Vaillant, G. E. (2002). Aging well: Surprising guideposts to a happier life. New York:
Hachette Book Group.
Key Terms
adolescent identity crisis A time during
which adolescents contemplate social, personal, and cognitive demands.
autonomy versus shame and doubt The
second of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development begins around the second year
until about 3 years of age. Infants and toddlers develop either autonomy or shame and
doubt, depending in part on the freedom
they are allowed when exploring.
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Summary & Resources
basic trust versus mistrust The first of
Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.
Develops between birth and the middle
of the second year. Trust develops when
infants can depend on caregivers to fulfill
basic needs; when caregivers do not respond
adequately, infants develop mistrust.
bicultural identity The identity that is
formed when minorities identify with their
ethnic heritage as well as with mainstream
culture.
Big Five The five factors, or clusters, of
traits. Generally accepted as a structure
for studying personality, they are: Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion,
Agreeableness, and Emotional Stability (or
Neuroticism).
commitment According to James Marcia,
one of two dimensions that determine identity. Refers to whether or not a decision has
been made regarding a crisis.
conventional level The second of three
levels of moral development, according to
Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages:
conformity and interpersonal accord and
law and order orientation. People adhere
to socially accepted (conventional) rules
because they feel an obligation to others.
crisis According to James Marcia, one of
two dimensions that determine identity.
Refers to the exploration of alternative
behaviors related to identity formation. See
also commitment.
difficult temperament A generally negative disposition coupled with poor adaptation to new experiences.
easy temperament An overall positive disposition coupled with regular rhythms.
ethnic identity achievement Ethnic
identity development that is consistent with
Marcia’s status of identity achievement.
ethnic identity search Ethnic identity
development that is consistent with Marcia’s
status of identity moratorium.
five-factor theory A widely accepted
framework for studying personality that
focuses on the Big Five (five factors, or clusters of traits).
generativity versus stagnation The
seventh of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development. Adults either “leave a mark”
(generate) or develop a sense of stagnation
when they la...
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