Social Determinants of Health
Copyright © 2015 by Nelson Education Ltd.
1
Social Determinants of Health
• Includes social, economic, and physical
environmental circumstances
• Are factors that are found to be equally
or more important to our health status
than medical care and personal health
behaviour
• Involve a complex interplay of significance
and impact on certain people and at
different times of life
Copyright © 2015 by Nelson Education Ltd.
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Social Determinants of Health graphic
Copyright © 2015 by Nelson Education Ltd.
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12 Social Determinants of Health
• Income and Social Status
• Social Support Networks
• Employment and Working
Conditions
• Education and Literacy
• Social Environments
• Physical Environments
• Personal Health Practices
and Coping Skills
• Healthy Child Development
• Biology and Genetic
Endowment
• Health Services
• Gender
• Culture
Copyright © 2015 by Nelson Education Ltd.
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Social Determinants: The
Five Most Applicable to
Early Childhood Settings
1. Healthy child development
2. Income and social status
3. Education and literacy
4. Social support networks
5. Culture
Copyright © 2015 by Nelson Education Ltd.
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Health Promotion
ACTION PLAN
LEVEL
❖ Individual problem
solving
❖ Community action
❖ Micro
❖ Societal Change
❖ Macro
❖ Meso
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Individual Problem Solving
and Self-Reliance
•
•
•
•
We solve problems all the time.
We make changes in our behaviour to
meet our goals.
We may face challenges when changing
our health behaviours.
We build confidence and promote our
own health when we accomplish our
health goals. E.g. Jack enrols in a “healthy
cooking in a rush” course
Copyright © 2015 by Nelson Education Ltd.
7
Community Action
• Individuals come together as a community
to pool skills, knowledge,
and resources.
• Communities can be small or large.
• The goals are:
– Have an impact on the whole group.
– Follow a process known as community
capacity building, where all members
of the community are involved.
– e.g. weekend session to recertify staff in
CPR and first aid
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Societal Action
•
Actions of decision makers in both the
public and private sectors advocate for
laws and policies that promote the health
and well-being of the population.
•
For example:
•
Municipal legislation
– Provincial (Ontario) legislation banning smoking in cars
with children under 16 years age
– Provincial legislation on setting minimum wages
– Federal legislative bans on manufacturing and selling
equipment that doesn’t conform to safety regulations
– Federal legislation for Parental leave legislation (Federal)
Copyright © 2015 by Nelson Education Ltd.
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Social Determinants of Health
•
•
Upstream Thinking ????
Downstream Thinking ???
Read:
‘Upstream or Downstream Thinking’
(1 page –on Blackboard)
Copyright © 2015 by Nelson Education Ltd.
REFLECTION # 2
Addressing a Social Determinant of Health in
Early Learning and Child Care
Yanella Loor
George Brown College
REFLECTION # 2
Culture
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Introductory paragraph – IDENTIDY THE SOCIAL DETERMINAT – CULTURE –
WHY?
My social determinant: Culture - I was aware the most on the cultural social
determinant while working in the childcare sector for four years and half.
USE QUOTE FROM ONE RESOURCE AND CONNECT TO SENTECES
“ While working I was aware of this because, we have many parents and
caregivers with different beliefs, religion and culture” Reading a book to
preschool about same gender parents was really complex and it often create
big arguments with parents and even treats to pull out the children from the
center, while at the same time you have parents complaining why this books
are not being read to children.
USE QUOTE FROM ONE RESOURCE AND CONNECT TO SENTECES
My reflection connection to this social determinant after this currently issue
was, that teachers - register ECE are not often prepare to have an open
conversation with parents and that the College does fail to prepare us to deal
with conflict resolutions about this topic. When looking back to this time I
wanted to so strongly probe to parents that the teacher meant not harm by
reading certain books to the children and that we are inclusive to all family’s
structures. All center portrait inclusion and respect for beliefs and religion.
However, this was a really complex situation when trying to please and
understand both families. It does create an intense contradictions for
teachers to implement appropriate development curriculum without feeling
you are being disrespectful to other families.
Talk about :
Linkage of your idea for each of the 3 health promotion levels to indicate your
professional understanding and leader impact perspective:
Individual problem solving (micro)
Teachers no always feel comfortable to resolve the issue on their own, they do not feel
confident enough to address topics about gender, religion or culture fail to individual
solving problem which then it is pass to the manager team.
Community action (meso) what can our Colleges do to help us be more prepare how can
our employees support us more
Societal Change (macro) How can we put in place legislations to run inclusive childcare
centers without feeling we are disrespecting other families, or educate parents about
inclusive center.
REFLECTION # 2
✓ USE QUOTE FROM ONE RESOURCE AND CONNECT TO SENTECES Upstream or
Downstream Thinking What are your thoughts on thinking ‘upstream’ or
‘downstream’?
•
An example of upstream for me it is income, (elaborate this paragraph about
this and emerging my emerging professional self-identity.
PLEASE READ THE RESOURCES TO ADD THREE QUOTES THAT CONNECT WITH MY
EXPERINCE.
Building Healthy Communities: Advocacy and Leadership 2019
Reflection Paper #2
Due: by Friday Feb. 22nd Value: 15%
Addressing a Social Determinant of Health in Early Learning and Child Care
Choose one of the five social determinants of health listed below that you are currently aware
of in your current or in a past placement. Although all 12 social determinants are linked, the
five below have a significant impact on children and families. Avoid evaluating the placement.
Instead, connect your reflections on the social determinant you were most aware of, and
introduce an example that would be considered ‘upstream’ in your emerging professional selfidentity. The five determinants to choose from are:
1. Healthy child development
2. Income and social status
3. Education and literacy
4. Social support networks
5. Culture
Please keep the following in mind:
Before writing this paper, you need to read the following on Blackboard:
✓ Social Determinants of Health POWERPOINTS
✓ Resources for reference: Reflection paper #2
✓ Upstream or Downstream Thinking
This paper should be between 2 and 3 pages long. Use Verdana 11, 1½ line spacing, and 2.5cm
margins at most. You will include a cover page, and a reference page. To be submitted
electronically Please use your GB email if possible)
RUBRIC CRITERIA ON NEXT PAGE:
RUBRIC: REFLECTION PAPER #2
Criteria:
Max.
Comment
marks
marks
Clarity of Opening Paragraph,
identifying the social
determinant you have chosen
(see list of 5) and why (the
context)
3
What are your thoughts on
thinking ‘upstream’ or
‘downstream’?
Linkage of your idea for each of
the 3 health promotion levels to
indicate your professional
understanding and leader
impact perspective:
2
6
Individual problem solving
(micro)
Community action (meso)
Societal Change (macro)
Effectiveness of Summary
paragraph
2
Grammar and spelling, APA
referencing, cover page and
reference page
2
I suggest checking your spelling
and grammar. For example:
www.grammarcheck.net/editor/
Total:
15
/15
How Canadians Perceive SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF HEALTH (SDOH)
There remains a strong individualistic understanding of health rather than a social determinants
view (Shyleyko, 2013). People seem to understand the relationship between health and the
downstream factors (like lifestyle choices), better than upstream factors (such as housing and
income). Canadian scholar Dennis Raphael asks why “the social determinants of health are not
the primary understandings held by the public, health workers, and government policy makers
when it has been pointed out that the ‘holy trinity of risk’ of tobacco, diet, and physical activity
receives the predominant share of attention by public health workers and government policy
makers?” (2006, pg 663). Taking the findings of this scoping review into consideration, it
seems that in Canada our emphasis on health care and individual health choices is
downstream thinking; it is where poor health is manifested. Through this review, we found
that much more research is being done on Canadian’s perceptions of the income-health link
than any other social determinant of health. Some studies focused exclusively on perceptions of
income as a determinant of health; because of this, we have a deeper and more nuanced
understanding of how people perceive the income-health link (e.g. there are findings of
perception by health condition). That said, we have a limited understanding of perceptions for
other determinants of health. For example, only one out of 15 studies measured perceptions of
racism as a determinant of health (Shyleyko R. & Godley J., 2013), which reveals a clear lack of
understanding from researchers on this important and emerging determinant of which there is
a clear need for increasing our understanding. Similarly, there are not a lot of studies looking at
employment. However, because this study focused on employment as an SDOH rather than
looking to understand the relationship between health and employment, it misses more
nuanced discussions that may be underway in other bodies of literature. The questions are
simply whether employment influences health, not including different trajectories of
employment and unemployment that may lead to better or poorer health, such as
unemployment, precarious work, workplace harassment, racism, and access to employment
benefits. Further investigation would also shed light on to what extent researchers are looking
at how people understand connections between the determinants (e.g. racism and
employment and housing).
The social determinants of health are the conditions in which people are born, grow, work and
age. They have clear links to our health (Raphael, 2006). The consensus is that political
commitment and policy change is brought about when an issue has broad public support (and
also that increasing understanding can bring about broad support). Further research is needed
to improve understanding of the public’s understanding of the SDOH, the causes of poor health,
and how to communicate the SDOH and health equity to all.
(excerpts from: The Wellesley Institute: Perceptions of the Social Determinants of Health Across
Canada An Examination of the Literature By Jo Snyder, Rebecca Cheff, Brenda Roche,
December, 2016)
Social Determinants of Health:
The Canadian Facts
Juha Mikkonen
Dennis Raphael
[COVER]
Social Determinants of Health
THE CANADIAN FACTS
Juha Mikkonen
Dennis Raphael
Social Determinants of Health: The Canadian Facts
Mikkonen, J., & Raphael, D. (2010). Social Determinants of Health: The Canadian Facts.
Toronto: York University School of Health Policy and Management.
The publication is available at http://www.thecanadianfacts.org/
Pictures by Juha Mikkonen (p. 7, 10, 12, 20, 26, 29, 32, 35, 38, 41, 53), Gregory Talas (p. 17, 44, 47),
Heidi Malm (p. 15), Laurence Parent (p. 50) and Dennis Raphael (p. 23).
Copyright © 2010 Juha Mikkonen and Dennis Raphael
The authors gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by
York University in the production of this document.
Cover design: Juha Mikkonen
Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication
Social Determinants of Health: The Canadian Facts / Juha Mikkonen and Dennis Raphael
ISBN 978-0-9683484-1-3
1. Public health—Social aspects—Canada. 2. Public health—Economic aspects—Canada. 3. Medical
policy—Social aspects—Canada. I. Mikkonen, Juha, II. Raphael, Dennis
Social Determinants of Health: The Canadian Facts
Authors
Foreword by the Honourable Monique Bégin
7
1. Introduction......................................................................................................................................5
10
2. Stress, Bodies, and Illness................................................................................................................6
12
3. Income and Income Distribution....................................................................................................15
15
4. Education........................................................................................................................................17
17
5. Unemployment and Job Security....................................................................................................18
20
6. Employment and Working Conditions............................................................................................21
23
7. Early Childhood Development........................................................................................................24
26
8. Food Insecurity...................................................................................................................................27
29
9. Housing............................................................................................................................................29
32
10. Social Exclusion............................................................................................................................32
35
11. Social Safety Net...........................................................................................................................34
38
12. Health Services..........................................................................................................................37
41
13. Aboriginal Status...........................................................................................................................39
44
14. Gender............................................................................................................................................43
47
15. Race...............................................................................................................................................47
50
16. Disability.......................................................................................................................................49
53
17. What You Can Do.........................................................................................................................53
57
Appendix I. Resources and Supports.................................................................................................59
61
Appendix II. Quotation Sources.......................................................................................................
AUTHORS
Juha Mikkonen (Helsinki, Finland) has worked with numerous non-governmental organizations in Europe. Currently
he is a vice-president of the European Anti-Poverty Network Finland (EAPN-Fin). At the international level, he is a
member of the executive committee of the European Anti-Poverty Network. He has held positions in many decisionmaking bodies at the University of Helsinki, the Finnish Student Health Services and the Finnish Youth Co-operation
Allianssi, which is an umbrella organization for 112 Finnish youth NGOs. In addition, he has been a member of the
board of the Gaudeamus – Helsinki University Press Ltd.
He is the editor of Arkipäivän kokemuksia köyhyydestä, 2007 (Everyday Experiences of Poverty) and Rikas runo, 2009
(Rich/Wealthy Poems; an anthology of poems about poverty). He was one of the organizers of the writing contest
“Everyday Experiences of Poverty” which collected over 800 autobiographical writings from people living in low-income
situations. Currently he is working in the areas of health inequalities, marginalization, political advocacy, health policy,
and the social determinants of health. His most recent publication Terve Amis! (2010) provides 50 recommendations
for reducing health inequalities among vocational school students in Finland. Contact: mikkonen iki.fi
Dennis Raphael (Toronto, Canada) is a professor of health policy at the School of Health Policy and Management at
York University. Over the course of his career he has carried out research in child and adolescent development, student
mathematics and science achievement, health promotion and quality of life, social exclusion, and public policy and the
social determinants of health. Currently he is working on the social determinants of the incidence and management of
type II diabetes in vulnerable communities and the impacts of globalization on the health of Canadians.
He is the editor of Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (2009, 2nd edition) and Health Promotion and
Quality of Life in Canada: Essential Readings (2010); co-editor of Staying Alive: Critical Perspectives on Health, Illness, and
Health Care (2010, 2nd edition); and the author of About Canada: Health and Illness (2010) and Poverty and Policy in
Canada (2007). Dr. Raphael has published 170 scientific papers and has made 214 public presentations since he began
working on quality of life issues in 1993. He manages the 1240 member Social Determinants of Health Listserv at York
University. Contact: draphael yorku.ca
Printed and bound colour copies of this document are available.
Details are provided at www.thecanadianfacts.org
4 • AUTHORS
FOREWORD
W
e have known for a very long time that
health inequities exist. These inequities affect all Canadians but they have especially strong
impacts upon the health of those living in poverty.
Adding social sciences evidence – the understanding of social structures and of power relationships
– we have now accumulated indisputable evidence
that “social injustice is killing people on a grand scale.”
When the World Health Organization’s Commission on Social Determinants of Health published
its final report (containing the quote above) that
demonstrated how the conditions in which people
live and work directly affect the quality of their
health, we nodded in agreement. Everyone agrees
that populations of Bangladesh, Sierra Leone or
Haiti have low life expectancy, are malnourished,
live in fearful and unhealthy environments, and are
having a terrible time just trying to survive.
But what does that have to do with us in Canada?
For years, we bragged that we were identified by the
United Nations as “the best country in the world in
which to live”. We have since dropped a few ranks,
but our bragging continues. We would be the most
surprised to learn that, in all countries – and that
includes Canada – health and illness follow a social
gradient: the lower the socioeconomic position, the
worse the health.
The truth is that Canada – the ninth richest country in the world – is so wealthy that it manages
to mask the reality of poverty, social exclusion and
discrimination, the erosion of employment quality, its adverse mental health outcomes, and youth
suicides. While one of the world’s biggest spenders
in health care, we have one of the worst records in
providing an effective social safety net. What good
does it do to treat people’s illnesses, to then send
them back to the conditions that made them sick?
This wonderful document, Social Determinants of
Health: The Canadian Facts, is about us, Canadian
society, and what we need to put faces and voices
to the inequities – and the health inequities in particular – that exist in our midst. Only when we
see a concrete description of these complex and
challenging problems, when we read about their
various expressions in all the regions of the country and among the many sub-groups making up
Canada, can we move to action.
A document like this one, accessible and presenting the spectrum of existing inequities in health,
will promote awareness and informed debate, and I
welcome its publication. Following years of a move
towards the ideology of individualism, a growing
number of Canadians are anxious to reconnect
with the concept of a just society and the sense of
solidarity it envisions. Health inequities are not a
problem just of the poor. It is our challenge and it
is about public policies and political choices and
our commitments to making these happen.
I find it an honour to write this Foreword to Social
Determinants of Health: The Canadian Facts, a great
initiative of our Canadian advocate for population
health, Dennis Raphael, and his colleague from
Finland, Juha Mikkonen.
The Hon. Monique Bégin, PC, FRSC, OC
Member of WHO Commission on
Social Determinants of Health
Former Minister of
National Health & Welfare
FOREWORD • 5
WHAT PEOPLE ARE SAYING ABOUT THE CANADIAN FACTS
“Congratulations on this most valuable contribution to Canadians’ understanding of what really needs to
change in order to improve population health. My hope is that it also sends a strong yet accessible message
to those of us in the Canadian health system about how we need to change our practice.”
– Penny Sutcliffe, MD, MHSc, FRCPC, Chief Executive Officer, Sudbury & District Health Unit
“Juha Mikkonen and Dennis Raphael have created a resource that is at once educational, easy to read,
evidence-based, and a powerful call to action. I hope to see this document open on the desks of policy
makers, public health professionals, students, and front line health providers. This important contribution
to the dialogue around social determinants of health in Canada offers both an accessible resource, and a
straightforward guide to what we need to do to reduce inequities in health.”
– Gary Bloch, Family Physician, St. Michael’s Hospital, Toronto; Assistant Professor,
University of Toronto
“This is a superb document for getting the message out there regarding the politics of health. There is
nothing like it in Canada. The text and the graphs will enlighten even the skeptics. The cover art is great. The
layout is engaging and the whole thing is entirely readable. I’ll be using it in every class I teach.”
– Dr. Elizabeth McGibbon, St. Francis Xavier University
“Under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, everyone has rights ‘to an
adequate standard of living’ and ‘the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health.’ Nonetheless, the evidence for comprehensive action on the social determinants of health is
overwhelming. Like highly skilled trial lawyers, Juha Mikkonen and Dennis Raphael have assembled this
evidence, concisely, clearly and compellingly, into a single document. As a result, the prospect of realizing
the rights that constitute an international standard for a decent human life is that much brighter. Bravo!”
– Rob Rainer, Executive Director, Canada Without Poverty
“The Canadian Facts so succinctly described in this readable little book are not nice ones. But beneath the
intersecting pathways by which social injustices become health inequalities lies the most sobering message:
Things are getting worse. We have lived through three decades where the predatory greed of unregulated
markets has allowed (and still allows) some to accumulate ever larger hordes of wealth and power while
denying others a fair share of the resources they need to be healthy. This book is a fast-fact reference and an
invitation for Canadian health workers to join with social movement activists elsewhere to reclaim for the
public good some of these appropriated resources. “
– Ronald Labonté, Professor and Canada Research Chair, Globalization and Health Equity,
University of Ottawa
“With unusual clarity and insight, this informative resource will help change the way readers think about
health. It renders visible how underlying social and economic environments influence health outcomes even
more than personal behaviors, genetic profiles, or access to healthcare. Solutions, it reminds us, lie not in new
medical advances or even ‘right choices’ but in the political arena: struggling for the social changes that can
provide every resident the opportunity to live a healthy and fulfilling life.”
– Larry Adelman, creator and executive producer, “Unnatural Causes: Is Inequality Making
Us Sick?”
6 • WHAT PEOPLE ARE SAYING
1. INTRODUCTION
A health care system – even the best health care
system in the world – will be only one of the
ingredients that determine whether your life
will be long or short, healthy or sick, full of
fulfillment, or empty with despair.
– The Honourable Roy Romanow, 2004
T
he primary factors that shape the health of
Canadians are not medical treatments or
lifestyle choices but rather the living conditions
they experience. These conditions have come to be
known as the social determinants of health. The importance to health of living conditions was established in the mid-1800s and has been enshrined in
Canadian government policy documents since the
mid-1970s. In fact, Canadian contributions to the
social determinants of health concept have been so
extensive as to make Canada a “health promotion
powerhouse” in the eyes of the international health
community. Recent reports from Canada’s Chief
Public Health Officer, the Canadian Senate, and
the Public Health Agency of Canada continue to
document the importance of the social determinants of health.
But this information – based on decades of research
and hundreds of studies in Canada and elsewhere
– tells a story that is unfamiliar to most Canadians. Canadians are largely unaware that our health
is shaped by how income and wealth is distributed,
whether or not we are employed, and if so, the working conditions we experience. Furthermore, our wellbeing is also determined by the health and social
services we receive, and our ability to obtain quality
education, food and housing, among other factors.
And contrary to the assumption that Canadians
have personal control over these factors, in most cases these living conditions are – for better or worse –
imposed upon us by the quality of the communities,
housing situations, our work settings, health and
social service agencies, and educational institutions
with which we interact.
There is much evidence that the quality of the social determinants of health Canadians experience
helps explain the wide health inequalities that exist
among Canadians. How long Canadians can expect to live and whether they will experience cardiovascular disease or adult-onset diabetes is very
much determined by their living conditions. The
same goes for the health of their children: differences among Canadian children in their surviving
beyond their first year of life, experiencing childhood afflictions such as asthma and injuries, and
whether they fall behind in school are strongly
related to the social determinants of health they
experience.
Research is also finding that the quality of these
health-shaping living conditions is strongly determined by decisions that governments make in
a range of different public policy domains. Governments at the municipal, provincial/territorial,
and federal levels create policies, laws, and regulations that influence how much income Canadians receive through employment, family benefits,
or social assistance, the quality and availability of
affordable housing, the kinds of health and social
INTRODUCTION • 7
services and recreational opportunities we can access, and even what happens when Canadians lose
their jobs during economic downturns.
These experiences also provide the best explanations for how Canada compares to other nations
in overall health. Canadians generally enjoy better health than Americans, but do not do as well
as compared to other nations that have developed
public policies that strengthen the social determinants of health. The World Health Organization
sees health damaging experiences as resulting from
“a toxic combination of poor social policies and
programmes, unfair economic arrangements, and
bad politics”.
Despite this evidence, there has been little effort
by Canadian governments and policymakers to
improve the social determinants of health through
public policy action. Canada compares unfavourably to other wealthy developed nations in its support of citizens as they navigate the life span. Our
income inequality and poverty rates are growing
and are among the highest of wealthy developed
nations. Canadian spending in support of families, persons with disabilities, older Canadians, and
employment training is also among the lowest of
these same wealthy developed nations.
Social Determinants of Health: The Canadian
Facts provides Canadians with an introduction to
the social determinants of our health. We first explain how living conditions “get under the skin” to
either promote health or cause disease. We then
explain, for each of 14 key social determinants of
health:
1) Why it is important to health;
2) How we compare on the social determinant of
health to other wealthy developed nations;
3) How the quality of the specific social determinant can be improved.
8 • INTRODUCTION
Key sources are provided. We conclude with a
section that outlines what Canadians can do to
improve the quality of the social determinants of
health.
Social Determinants of Health: The Canadian
Facts is a companion to two other information
sources about the social determinants of health.
Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (2009) is an extensive and detailed com-
pilation of prominent Canadian scholars and
researchers’ analyses of the state of the social determinants of health in Canada. About Canada:
Health and Illness (2010) provides this information in a more compact and less academic presentation.
Improving the health of Canadians is possible but
requires Canadians think about health and its determinants in a more sophisticated manner than
has been the case to date. The purpose of Social
Determinants of Health: The Canadian Facts is to
provide a foundation to these efforts.
Juha Mikkonen
Dennis Raphael
Suggested readings
Raphael, D. (Ed.). (2009). Social Determinants of
Health: Canadian Perspectives. 2nd edition. Toronto:
Canadian Scholars’ Press Incorporated.
Raphael, D. (Sept., 2010). About Canada: Health and
Illness. Halifax: Fernwood Publishers.
World Health Organization. (2008). Closing the Gap
in a Generation: Health Equity through Action on
the Social Determinants of Health. Geneva: World
Health Organization.
Figure 1.1 A Model of the Determinants of Health
Figure shows one influential model of the determinants of health that illustrates how
various health-influencing factors are embedded within broader aspects of society.
Source: Dahlgren, G. and Whitehead, M. (1991). Policies and Strategies to Promote Social Equity in Health.
Stockholm: Institute for Futures Studies.
Box 1.1 Social Determinants of Health
Among the variety of models of the social determinants of health that exist, the one developed at a York
University Conference held in Toronto in 2002 has proven especially useful for understanding why some
Canadians are healthier than others. The 14 social determinants of health in this model are:
Aboriginal status
disability
early life
education
employment and working conditions
food insecurity
health services
gender
housing
income and income distribution
race
social exclusion
social safety net
unemployment and job security
Each of these social determinants of health has been shown to have strong effects upon the health of
Canadians. Their effects are actually much stronger than the ones associated with behaviours such as
diet, physical activity, and even tobacco and excessive alcohol use.
Source: Raphael, D. (2009). Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives, 2nd edition.
Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
INTRODUCTION • 9
2. STRESS, BODIES, AND
ILLNESS
Prolonged stress, or rather the responses it
engenders, are known to have deleterious
effects on a number of biological systems and
to give rise to a number of illnesses.
– Robert Evans, 1994
Why Is It Important?
P
eople who suffer from adverse social and material living conditions also experience high levels
of physiological and psychological stress. Stressful
experiences arise from coping with conditions of
low income, poor quality housing, food insecurity,
inadequate working conditions, insecure employment, and various forms of discrimination based on
Aboriginal status, disability, gender, or race. The lack
of supportive relationships, social isolation, and mistrust of others further increases stress.
At the physiological level, chronic stress can lead
to prolonged biological reactions that strain the
physical body. Stressful situations and continuing
threats provoke “fight-or-flight” reactions. These
reactions impose chronic stress upon the body if
a person does not have enough opportunities for
recovery in non-stressful environments. Research
evidence convincingly shows that continuous stress
weakens the resistance to diseases and disrupts the
functioning of the hormonal and metabolic systems. Physiological tensions provoked by stress
make people more vulnerable to many serious illnesses such as cardiovascular and immune system
diseases, and adult-onset diabetes.
At the psychological level, stressful and poor living
conditions can cause continuing feelings of shame,
insecurity and worthlessness. In adverse living
10 • STRESS, BODIES, AND ILLNESS
conditions, everyday life often appears as unpredictable, uncontrollable, and meaningless. Uncertainty about the future raises anxiety and hopelessness that increases the level of exhaustion and
makes everyday coping even more difficult. People
who experience high levels of stress often attempt
to relieve these pressures by adopting unhealthy
coping behaviours, such as the excessive use of
alcohol, smoking, and overeating carbohydrates.
These behaviours are generally known to be unhealthy but they are effective in bringing momentary relief. Damaging behaviors can be seen as responses to adverse life circumstances even though
they make the situation worse in the long run.
Stressful living conditions make it extremely hard
to take up physical leisure activity or practice
healthy eating habits because most of one’s energy
is directed towards coping with day-to-day life.
Therefore, taking drugs – either prescribed or illegal – relieves only the symptoms of stress. Similarly,
healthy living programs aimed at underprivileged
citizens are not very efficient in terms of improving health and the quality of life. In many cases,
individually-oriented physical activity and healthy
eating program do not address the social determinants of health that are the underlying causes of
many serious illnesses.
Policy Implications
•
The focus must be on the source of problems
rather than dealing with symptoms. Therefore, an
effective way to reduce stress and improve health
is by improving the living conditions people experience.
•
Elected representatives and decision-makers
must commit themselves to implementing policy
that ensures good quality social determinants of
health for every Canadian.
Key sources
Brunner, E. & Marmot, M. G. (2006). ‘Social Organization, Stress, and Health’. In Marmot M. G. &
Wilkinson, R. G. (Eds.) (2006). Social Determinants
of Health (pp. 6-30). 2nd edition. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
Raphael, D. (2009). ‘Social Structure, Living Conditions, and Health’. In Raphael, D. (Ed.), Social
Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp.
20-36). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’
Press.
Figure 2.1 Social Determinants of Health and the Pathways to Health and Illness
Figure shows how the organization of society influences the living and working conditions we experience that then go on to shape
health. These processes operate through material, psychosocial, and behavioural pathways. At all stages of life, genetics, early life, and
cultural factors are also strong influences upon health.
Source: Brunner, E., & Marmot, M. G. (2006). ‘Social Organization, Stress, and Health.’ In M. G. Marmot &
R. G. Wilkinson (Eds.), Social Determinants of Health. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Figure 2.2, p. 9.
STRESS, BODIES, AND ILLNESS • 11
3. INCOME AND INCOME
DISTRIBUTION
Health researchers have demonstrated a clear link
between income and socio-economic status and health
outcomes, such that longevity and state of health rise
with position on the income scales.
– Andrew Jackson, 2009
Why Is It Important?
I
ncome is perhaps the most important social
determinant of health. Level of income shapes
overall living conditions, affects psychological
functioning, and influences health-related behaviours such as quality of diet, extent of physical
activity, tobacco use, and excessive alcohol use. In
Canada, income determines the quality of other
social determinants of health such as food security,
housing, and other basic prerequisites of health.
The relationship between income and health can be
studied at two different levels. First, we can observe
how health is related to the actual income that an
individual or family receives. Second, we can study
how income is distributed across the population
and how this distribution is related to the health
of the population. More equal income distribution
has proven to be one of the best predictors of better
overall health of a society.
Income comes to be especially important in
societies which provide fewer important services and benefits as a matter of right. In Canada, public education until grade 12, necessary
medically procedures, and libraries are funded by general revenues, but childcare, housing, post-secondary education, recreational
opportunities, and resources for retirement
must be bought and paid for by individuals.
12 • INCOME AND INCOME DISTRIBUTION
In contrast, in many wealthy developed nations these services are provided as citizen rights.
Low income predisposes people to material and social deprivation. The greater the deprivation, the less
likely individuals and families are able to afford the
basic prerequisites of health such as food, clothing,
and housing. Deprivation also contributes to social
exclusion by making it harder to participate in cultural, educational, and recreational activities. In the
long run, social exclusion affects one’s health and
lessens the abilities to live a fulfilling day-to-day life.
Researchers have also found that men in the
wealthiest 20% of neighbourhoods in Canada live
on average more than four years longer than men in
the poorest 20% of neighbourhoods. The comparative difference for women was found to be almost
two years (Figure 3.1). This Canadian study also
found out that those living in the most deprived
neighbourhoods had death rates that were 28%
higher than the least deprived neighbourhoods.
The suicide rates in the lowest income neighbourhoods were found to be almost twice those seen
in the wealthiest neighbourhoods. Additionally, a
host of studies show that adult-onset diabetes and
heart attacks are far more common among lowincome Canadians.
A recent report by the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD) identified Canada as being one of the two wealthy developed nations (among 30) showing the greatest
increases in income inequality and poverty from
the 1990s to the mid-2000s. Canada is now among
the OECD nations with higher income inequality
(Figure 3.2).
•
Increasing the minimum wage and boosting
assistance levels for those unable to work would
provide immediate health benefits for the most
disadvantaged Canadians.
As a result of these trends, from 1985 to 2005, the
bottom 60% of Canadian families experienced an
actual decline in market incomes in constant dollars while the top 20% of Canadian families did
very well.
•
A greater degree of unionized workplaces
would most likely reduce income and wealth
inequalities in Canada. Unionization helps to set
limits on the extent of profit-making that comes
at the expense of employees’ health and wellbeing.
Increasing income inequality has also led to a hollowing out of the middle class in Canada with
significant increases from 1980-2005 in the percentages of Canadian families who are now poor
or very rich. The percentage of Canadian families
who earned middle-level incomes declined from
1980 to 2005 while the percentage of very wealthy
Canadians increased as did those near the bottom
of the income distribution.
The increases in wealth inequality in Canada are
even more troubling. Wealth is probably a better
indicator of long-term health outcomes as it is a
better measure of financial security than income.
From 1984 to 2005 the bottom 30% of Canadian
families had no net worth and over this period they
moved into even greater debt. In contrast, the net
worth of the top 10% of Canadian families in 2005
was $1.2 million, an increase of $659,000 in constant dollars from 1984.
Policy Implications
•
There is an emerging consensus that income
inequality is a key health policy issue that needs to
be addressed by governments and policymakers.
•
Reducing inequalities in income and wealth
through progressive taxation is a highly recommended policy option shown to improve health.
Key sources
Auger, N., & Alix, C. (2009). ‘Income, Income Distribution, and Health in Canada’. In D. Raphael (Ed.),
Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 61-74). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian
Scholars’ Press.
Curry-Stevens, A. (2009). ‘When Economic Growth
Doesn’t Trickle Down: The Wage Dimensions of
Income Polarization’. In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 4160). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2008). Growing Unequal: Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Nations. Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
Wilkins, R. (2007). Mortality by Neighbourhood Income in Urban Canada from 1971 to 2001. HAMG
Seminar, 16 January 2007. Ottawa: Statistics Canada.
Wilkinson R. G. & Pickett K. (2009). The Spirit
Level - Why More Equal Societies Almost Always
Do Better. London, UK: Allen Lane.
INCOME AND INCOME DISTRIBUTION • 13
Figure 3.1 Life Expectancy of Males and Females by Income Quintile of Neighbourhood
Source: Wilkins, R. (2007). Mortality by Neighbourhood Income in Urban Canada from 1971 to 2001. Ottawa:
Statistics Canada, Health Analysis and Measurement Group.
Gini Coefficient
Figure 3.2 Income Inequality in OECD Countries, mid-2000s
Note: Countries are ranked, from left to right, in increasing order in the Gini coefficient. The income concept
used is that of disposable household income in cash, adjusted for household size.
Source: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2008). Growing Unequal: Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Nations. Paris: OECD.
14 • INCOME AND INCOME DISTRIBUTION
4. EDUCATION
Canada as a whole performs well on national and
international assessments, but disparities exist
among populations and regions that do not seem
to be diminishing with time.
– Charles Ungerleider, Tracey Burns,
and Fernando Cartwright, 2009
Why Is It Important?
E
ducation is an important social determinant
of health. People with higher education tend
to be healthier than those with lower educational
attainment. There are various pathways by which
education leads to better health. First, level of education is highly correlated with other social determinants of health such as the level of income, employment security, and working conditions. Viewed
in this light, education helps people to move up the
socioeconomic ladder and provides better access to
other societal and economic resources.
Second, higher education makes it easier to enact
larger changes in the Canadian employment market. Better educated citizens have more opportunities to benefit from new training opportunities
if their employment situation suddenly changes.
Furthermore, education facilitates citizens’ possibilities for civic activities and engagement in the
political process. In other words, people attain better understanding of the world and they become
more able to see and influence societal factors that
shape their own health.
Finally, education increases overall literacy and
understanding of how one can promote one’s
own health through individual action. With
higher education, people attain more sophisticated skills to evaluate how behaviors they adopt
might be harmful or beneficial to their health. They
achieve greater ability and more resources to allow
attainment of healthier lifestyles.
On the other hand, it is important to remember
that lack of education in itself is not the main factor causing poorer health. The manner by which
education influences the population’s health is
shaped by public policies. For instance, if adequate
income and necessary services such as childcare
could be available to all, the health-threatening effects of having less education would be much less.
In international comparisons, the overall state of
education in Canada is good (Figure 4.1). About
50 percent of the population has some post-secondary education. However, the troubling aspect
in Canada is that children whose parents do not
have post-secondary education perform notably
worse than children of more educated parents. It
has been suggested that the link between children’s
educational performance with their parents education levels would be reduced if there was affordable and high quality early learning programs in
Canada. The lack of these programs has a major
influence on many children’s intellectual and emotional development.
EDUCATION • 15
High tuition fees influence whether children of
low-income families can attain college or university education. In Scandinavian countries that
provide free post-secondary education, the link
between family background and educational attainment is weaker than is the case in Canada.
For example, Swedish children whose parents did
not complete secondary school usually outperform
children on language and mathematical skills from
other nations – including Canada – whose parents
did complete secondary school.
Policy Implications
•
Elected representatives must commit themselves to adequately funding the Canadian education system so that schools are able to provide
well-developed curricula for students.
Key sources
Ronson, B., & Rootman, I. (2009). ‘Literacy and
Health Literacy: New Understandings about their
Impact on Health’. In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social
Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp.
170-186). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’
Press.
Ungerleider, C., Burns, T., & Cartwright, F. (2009).
‘The State and Quality of Canadian Public Elementary and Secondary Education’. In D. Raphael (Ed.),
Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 156-169). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian
Scholars’ Press.
•
Tuition fees for university and college
education must be better controlled by Canadian
governments so that fees do not exclude children
of low-income families from higher education.
Figure 4.1 Canadian Test Scores in Comparative Perspective
Source: Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS, 2006) and Trends in International
Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS, 2007).
16 • EDUCATION
5. UNEMPLOYMENT AND
JOB SECURITY
Workers are not only more uncertain about the
likelihood that they will be retained in their current
job, they are also uncertain about whether they will
be able to find another job that meets their needs.
– Emile Tompa, Michael Polanyi, and
Janice Foley, 2009
Why Is It Important?
E
mployment provides income, a sense of identity and helps to structure day-to-day life.
Unemployment frequently leads to material and
social deprivation, psychological stress, and the
adoption of health-threatening coping behaviours.
Lack of employment is associated with physical
and mental health problems that include depression, anxiety and increased suicide rates.
Job insecurity has been increasing in Canada during the past decades (Figure 5.1). Currently, only
half of working aged Canadians have had a single
full-time job for over six months or more. Precarious forms of work include arrangements such as
working part-time (18%), being self-employed
(14%), or having temporary work (10%). The
OECD calculates an employment protection index of rules and regulations that protects employment and provides benefits to temporary workers.
Canada performs very poorly on this index achieving a score that was ranked 26th of 28 nations
(Figure 5.2).
The number of people having part-time work expanded during the past two decades. Researchers
suggest that the trend is associated with more intense work life, decreased job security and income
polarization between the rich and the poor.
Six percent of Canadians have had their current
job fewer than six months and five percent have
more than one job.
Unemployment is related to poor health through
various pathways. First, unemployment often leads
to material deprivation and poverty by reducing
income and removing benefits that were previously provided by one’s employer. Second, losing a
job is a stressful event that lowers one’s self-esteem,
disrupts daily routines, and increases anxiety. Third,
unemployment increases the likelihood of turning
to unhealthy coping behaviours such as tobacco
use and problem drinking.
Often, insecure employment consists of intense
work with non-standard working hours. Intense
working conditions are associated with higher
rates of stress, bodily pains, and a high risk of injury. Excessive hours of work increase chances of
physiological and psychological problems such as
sleep deprivation, high blood pressure, and heart
disease. Consequently, job insecurity has negative
effects on personal relationships, parenting effectiveness, and children’s behavior.
Women are over-represented in precarious forms
of work. While women constitute just over 40%
UNEMPLOYMENT AND JOB SECURITY • 17
of full-time workers, they represent 75% of parttime permanent workers and 62% of part-time
temporary workers. In 1975, 13.6% of women were
working part-time and that figure has increased to
27.3% in 2000. In contrast, in 1975 only 3.6% of
men were part-time workers and that figure increased to 10.3% by 2000.
Policy Implications
•
National and international institutions need
to be legally mandated to make agreements that
provide the basic standards of employment and
work for everyone.
•
Power inequalities between employers and
employees need to be reduced through stronger
legislation governing equal opportunity in hiring,
pay, training, and career advancement.
•
Unemployed Canadians must be provided
access to adequate income, training, and employment opportunities through enhanced government support.
•
Workers, employers, government officials,
and researchers need to develop a new vision of
what constitutes healthy and productive work.
•
More policy-relevant research must be pursued to support government’s decision-making
and to have an accurate and up-to-date picture of
job security in Canada.
18 • UNEMPLOYMENT AND JOB SECURITY
Key sources
Bartley, M. et al. (2006). ‘Health and Labor Market
Disadvantage: Unemployment, Non-Employment,
and Job Insecurity’. In Marmot, M. G. and Wilkinson, R. G. (Eds.). Social Determinants of Health. 2nd
edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Smith, P. & Polanyi, M. (2009). ‘Understanding and
Improving the World of Work’. In D. Raphael (Ed.),
Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 114-127). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian
Scholars’ Press.
Tompa, E., Polanyi, M. & Foley, J. (2009). ‘Labour
Market Flexibility and Worker Insecurity’. In D.
Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 88-98). 2nd edition. Toronto:
Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Tremblay, D. G. (2009). ‘Precarious Work and the Labour Market’. In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 75-87).
2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Figure 5.1 Increase in Various Forms of Employment for 15-64 Year Olds,
Quebec and Canada, 1976-2003
Source: Tremblay, D. G. (2009). ‘Precarious Work and the Labour Market.’ In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (2nd ed., pp. 75-87). Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press, Figure 5.1.
Figure 5.2 Employment Protection, OECD Nations, 2007
Source: Source: OECD (2010). Strictness of Employment Protection. Online at: http://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx
UNEMPLOYMENT AND JOB SECURITY • 19
6. EMPLOYMENT AND
WORKING CONDITIONS
The relationship between working conditions and
health outcomes is an important public health concern.
– Peter Smith and Michael Polanyi, 2009
Why Is It Important?
W
orking conditions are an important social
determinant of health because of the great
amount of time we spend in our workplaces. People who are already most vulnerable to poor health
outcomes due to their lower income and education
are also the ones most likely to experience adverse
working conditions.
Researchers have identified a host of work dimensions which shape health outcomes. The dimensions include factors such as: 1) employment
security; 2) physical conditions at work; 3) work
pace and stress; 4) working hours; 5) opportunities for self-expression and individual development
at work. High-stress jobs predispose individuals to
high blood pressure, cardiovascular diseases, and
development of physical and psychological difficulties such as depression and anxiety.
Research evidence has also shown that imbalances
between demands (e.g., time pressures, responsibility) and rewards (e.g., salary, respect from supervisors) often lead to significant health problems. When
workers perceive that their efforts are not being adequately rewarded, they are more likely to develop a
range of physical and mental afflictions (Figure 6.1).
Similarly, increased health problems are seen
among workers who experience high demands but
have little control over how to meet these demands.
These high-strain jobs are much more common
among low-income women working in the sales and
service sector. Canadian women scored higher
than men in reporting high stress levels from “too
many hours or too many demands.”
Statistics Canada also found that in 2000, over one
third of Canadian workers (35%) reported experiencing work-related stress from “too many demands or too many hours.” This figure is up from
the figure of 27.5% reported in 1991. Another survey with a somewhat different question found in
2005 that one in three workers (32.4%) reported
that most days at work were stressful. Women
scored higher (37%) than men (32%) on an item
assessing high stress levels from “too many hours
or too many demands.”
With respect to job control, 1994 data found that
just 4 in 10 Canadian workers said they had a lot
of freedom over how to work,” which is much lower than the 54% figure seen in 1989. Men have
more control (43%) than women (38%) and professionals and managers report (51%) more control
than skilled workers (35%) and unskilled workers
(35%). One authority concludes: “To summarize,
while we lack detailed information on changes in
the overall incidence of work involving high demands and low worker control, high-stress work is
common and likely on the increase.”
20 • EMPLOYMENT AND WORKING CONDITIONS
In Canada, workplace injuries are most likely under-reported as there are significant costs to both
employers and employees in reporting these accidents. About 30 percent of Canadian workers feel
that their employment puts their health and safety
at risk. In Canada, about 33% of men and 12% of
women work more than 40 hours per week. On the
contrary, full-time workers in the European Union
generally work less than 40 hours per week and
some countries such as France, the Netherlands,
and Germany are now close to a 35-hour per week
norm. Holidays and vacation time are much greater
in European nations than in Canada (Figure 6.2).
Collective bargaining helps to equalize the balance between employers and employees. Union
members working under a collective agreement
have a greater likelihood of receiving higher wages, benefits, and more opportunities to influence
their working conditions. The union advantage
is especially great for blue-collar and lower wage
private services. For instance, Canadian women in
unionized workplaces earn wages 36% higher than
women in non-unionized workplaces.
•
Working conditions can be made better
when employees are provided with opportunities
to influence their work environment.
•
More quantitative and qualitative research on
working conditions in Canada is urgently needed.
Key sources
Jackson, A. (2009). ‘The Unhealthy Canadian Workplace’. In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of
Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 99-113). 2nd
edition Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Smith, P. & Polanyi, M. (2009). ‘Understanding and
Improving the World of Work’. In D. Raphael (Ed.),
Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 114-127). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian
Scholars’ Press.
Tompa, E., Polanyi, M. & Foley, J. (2009). ‘Labour
Market Flexibility and Worker Insecurity’. In D.
Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 88-98). 2nd edition. Toronto:
Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Policy Implications
•
Government policies must support Canadians’ working life so that demands upon workers
and their rewards are balanced.
•
Special focus should be on improving conditions of employees in high-strain low-income
jobs.
•
Collective and organized action through
unionization of workplaces is an important means
of balancing power between employers and employees.
EMPLOYMENT AND WORKING CONDITIONS • 21
Figure 6.1 Employment Strain and Health
Source: Lewchuk, W., de Wolff, A., King, A., and Polanyi, M. (2006). ‘The Hidden Costs of Precarious Employment: Health and the Employment Relationship.’ in Vosko, L.F. (ed.), Precarious Employment: Understanding
Labour Market Insecurity in Canada (pp. 141-162). Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Total Days
Figure 6.2 Mandated Holidays and Vacation Time, OECD Nations, 2006
Source: Ray, R. and Schmitt, J. (2007). No-Vacation Nation. Washington DC: Center for Economic and Policy
Research.
22 • EMPLOYMENT AND WORKING CONDITIONS
7. EARLY CHILDHOOD
DEVELOPMENT
There is strong evidence that early childhood
experiences influence coping skills, resistance
to health problems and overall health and
well-being for the rest of one’s life.
– Federal/Provincial/Territorial Advisory
Committee on Population Health, 1996
Why Is It Important?
E
arly childhood experiences have strong immediate and longer lasting biological, psychological and social effects upon health.
“Latency effects” refer to how early childhood experiences predispose children to either good or
poor health regardless of later life circumstances.
For example, low birthweight babies living in disadvantaged conditions are generally more susceptible to health problems than babies of advantaged
populations. These latency effects result from biological processes during pregnancy associated with
poor maternal diet, parental risk behaviours, and
experience of stress. Health effects may also result
from early psychological experiences that create a
sense of control or self-efficacy.
“Pathway effects” refer to a situation when children’s exposures to risk factors at one point do
not have immediate health effects but later lead
to situations that do have health consequences.
For instance, it is not an immediate health issue if
young children lack readiness to learn as they enter
school. But limited learning abilities can lead to
experiences that are harmful to one’s health in later life such as lower educational attainment. One
way to weaken the relationship between parents’
socioeconomic status and children’s developmental
outcomes is the provision of high quality early
child education regardless of parents’ wealth.
“Cumulative effects” suggest that the longer children live under conditions of material and social
deprivation, the more likely they are to show adverse health and developmental outcomes. Accumulated disadvantage can lead to cognitive and
emotional deficits such as incompetence and emotional immaturity. In addition, adverse childhood
experiences can create a sense of inefficacy – or
learned helplessness – which is a strong determinant of poor health.
The state of early child development in Canada
is, however, cause for concern. The most obvious indicator of the situation is whether children
are living under conditions of material and social
deprivation. In Canada the best measure of this
is the percentage of children living in “straitened
living circumstances” or below Statistic Canada’s
low income cut-offs (LICOs). LICOs identify Canadians spending significantly more resources on
necessities of housing, clothing, and food than the
average.
The child poverty figure of 15% provided by Statistics Canada’s pre-tax LICO is identical to those
EARLY CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENT • 23
provided by international organizations such as the
OECD and the Innocenti Research Centre of the
United Nations International Children Emergency Fund. These organizations define child poverty
as living in families which have access to less than
50% of the median family income of that nation.
In these comparisons, 15% of Canadian children
are living in poverty which gives Canada a rank of
20th of 30 wealthy developed nations (Figure 7.1).
In regards to access to regulated childcare – an important contributor to child well-being – only 17%
of Canadian families have access to regulated child
care. Even in Quebec where an extensive effort is
underway to provide regulated high quality childcare, only 25 percent of families have access to it.
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) published a report that
rates Canada as last among 25 wealthy developed
nations in meeting various early childhood development objectives. Canada is also one of the lowest spenders on early childhood education (Figure 7.2). A comprehensive OECD report ranked
Canada 12th of 21 nations in children’s health and
well-being using a wide range of health indicators.
The quality of early childhood development is
shaped by the economic and social resources available to parents. Government can provide a range
of supports and benefits to children through family-friendly public policies. Researchers have even
stated that establishing a comprehensive early
childhood education program in Canada would
be the single best means of improving Canadian
health outcomes.
Policy Implications
•
Governments must guarantee that affordable
and quality child care is available for all families
regardless of wealth or income level.
24 • EARLY CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENT
•
Providing support and benefits to families
through public policies forms a base for healthy
childhood development. Providing higher wages
and social assistance benefits would reduce child
poverty and be one of the best means to improve
early childhood development.
•
All Canadians would benefit from improved
early childhood development in terms of improved community quality of life, reduced social
problems, and improved Canadian economic
performance.
Key sources
Barker, D., Forsen, T., Uutela, A., Osmond, C., &
Eriksson, J. (2001). ‘Size at Birth and Resilience to
Effects of Poor Living Conditions in Adult Life:
Longitudinal Study’. BMJ - Clinical Research,
323(7324), 1273-1276.
Evans, R., Hertzman, C., & Morgan, S. (2007). ‘Improving Health Outcomes in Canada’. In J. Leonard,
C. Ragen, & F. St-Hilaire (Eds.). A Canadian Priorities Agenda: Policy Choices to Improve Economic
and Social Wellbeing (pp. 291-325). Ottawa: Institute
for Research on Public Policy.
Friendly, M. (2009). ‘Early Childhood Education
and Care as a Social Determinant of Health’. In D.
Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 128-142). 2nd edition. Toronto:
Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Hertzman, C., & Power, C. (2003). ‘Health and
Human Development: Understandings from LifeCourse Research’. Developmental Neuropsychology,
24(2&3), 719-744.
Figure 7.1 Child Poverty in Wealthy Nations, Mid-2000s
Source: Adapted from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2008). Growing Unequal:
Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Nations, Table 5.2, p. 138. Paris: Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development.
Figure 7.2 Public Expenditure on Childcare and Early Education Services (% of GPD), 2005.
Source: Social Expenditure Database 1980-2005; OECD Education Database; Eurostat.
EARLY CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENT • 25
8. FOOD INSECURITY
A very brief social history of food insecurity in
Canada would read simply: Poverty increased,
then it deepened. Food insecurity emerged, then
it increased in severity.
– Lynn McIntyre and Krista Rondeau, 2009
Why Is It Important?
F
ood is one of the basic human needs and it
is an important determinant of health and
human dignity. People who experience food insecurity are unable to have an adequate diet in
terms of its quality or quantity. Food insecure
citizens are uncertain if they are able to acquire
food in socially acceptable ways. Food insecurity
is a barrier to adequate nutritional intake. People experiencing food insecurity consume fewer
servings of fruits and vegetables, milk products,
and vitamins than those in food-secure households.
It is estimated that about 9 percent or 1.1. million Canadian households – representing 2.7
million Canadians – experience food insecurity.
Among families with children, 5.2% reported
child-level food insecurity. The risk of food insecurity is especially great in lone-parent families
and families receiving social assistance.
The Canadian Community Health Survey found
that food insecurity is more common in households that contain children (10.4%) than in those
without children (8.6%). It also found that food
insecurity is especially common in households
led by lone mothers (25%). Aboriginal households – with and without children – are more
likely to be food insecure than non-Aboriginal
households.
26 • FOOD INSECURITY
A study identified many events that move a Canadian family into experiencing hunger. Hunger
was found to result from a family acquiring another mouth to feed either through birth or family
melding; a change in the number of parents in the
home; loss of a job; change in employment hours;
or the health of an adult or a child declining. Getting out of hunger only happened under one condition: the mother began a full-time job, with the
family’s income rising.
Dietary deficiencies – more common among food
insecure households – are associated with increased
likelihood of chronic disease and difficulties in
managing these diseases. Heart disease, diabetes,
high blood pressure, and food allergies are more
common in food insecure households even when
factors such as age, sex, income, and education
are taken in account. Additionally, food insecurity produces stress and feelings of uncertainty
that have health-threatening effects.
Malnutrition during childhood has long-term effects on a child’s physiological and psychological
development. Often mothers try to protect their
children from the nutritional effects of food insecurity by cutting back their own food intake to allow their children to have an adequate diet.
However, parents are often unable to protect their
children from the negative psychological impacts
of household food insecurity.
•
Providing affordable housing and childcare
would reduce other family expenses and leave
more money for acquiring an adequate diet.
In addition, household food insecurity is also an
excellent predictor of Canadians reporting poor or
fair health as compared to good, very good, or excellent health, experiencing poor functional health
(e.g., pain, hearing and vision problems, restricted
mobility, etc.), multiple chronic conditions, and
major depression or distress (Figure 8.1).
•
Facilitating mothers’ employment through
job supports, making available affordable childcare, and providing employment training would
serve to reduce food insecurity among the most
vulnerable Canadian families.
More specifically, these food insufficient households
were 80% more likely to report having diabetes, 60%
more likely to report high blood pressure, and 70%
more likely to report food allergies than households
with sufficient food. Finally, increasing numbers of
studies indicate that children in food insecure households are more likely to experience a whole range
of behavioural, emotional, and academic problems
than children living in food secure households.
Food banks provide last resort support to food insecure households and exist as a consequence of
failed public policies. In March of 2009, almost
800,000 Canadians made use of food banks (Figure 8.2.). Almost always, food insecurity is caused
by lack of economic resources. Therefore, public
policies that reduce poverty are the best means of
reducing food insecurity.
•
Better monitoring systems must be designed
and implemented to produce up-to-date accounts
of food insecurity in Canada.
Key sources
Food Banks Canada (2009). Hunger Count 2009.
Toronto: Food Banks Canada.
McIntyre, L., & Rondeau, K. (2009). ‘Food Insecurity
in Canada’. In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants
of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 188-204). 2nd
edition. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Tarasuk, V. (2009). ‘Food Insecurity and Health’. In
D. Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of Health:
Canadian Perspectives (pp. 205-220). 2nd edition.
Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Policy Implications
•
Governments must reduce food insecurity by
increasing minimum wages and social assistance
rates to the level where an adequate diet is affordable.
•
Governments must assure that healthy foods
are affordable (e.g., milk, fruits, and foods high in
fiber).
FOOD INSECURITY • 27
Figure 8.1 Odds of Individuals in Food Insufficient Households Reporting Poor General,
Physical, Mental or Social Health and Multiple Chronic Conditions (1996-1997)
Source: Vozoris, N., & Tarasuk, V. (2003). Household Food Insufficiency is Associated with Poorer Health.
Journal of Nutrition, 133, 120-127.
Figure 8.2 Number of People Assisted by Food Banks in Canada, 1989-2009
(March of each Year, in Thousands)
Source: Food Banks Canada. (2009). Hungercount 2009. Toronto: Food Banks Canada.
28 • FOOD INSECURITY
9. HOUSING
It would hardly seem necessary to argue the case
that housing—and homelessness in particular—
are health issues, yet surprisingly few Canadian
studies have considered it as such.
– Toba Bryant, 2009
Why Is It Important?
M
any studies show that poor quality housing and homelessness are clear threats to
the health of Canadians. Housing is an absolute
necessity for living a healthy life and living in unsafe, unaffordable or insecure housing increases the
risk of many health problems. Lack of economic
resources is the prime reason many Canadians experience housing problems.
Housing is a public policy issue because governments have a responsibility to provide citizens with
the prerequisites of health. Canada is signatory to
numerous international human rights agreements
that guarantee the provision of shelter. Canada is
routinely identified by international authorities as
not fulfilling these commitments (Box 9.1).
Housing influences health in many ways. People
experience qualitatively different material environments depending on their housing quality.
Overcrowding allows for transmission of respiratory and other illnesses. Some Canadian homes,
especially on Aboriginal reserves, lack even clean
water and basic sanitation – a fundamental public
health risk. Housing provides a platform for selfexpression and identity. High housing costs reduce
the resources available to support other social determinants of health. Living in poor housing creates stress and unhealthy means of coping such as
substance abuse.
The presence of lead and mold, poor heating and
draft, inadequate ventilation, vermin, and overcrowding are all determinants of adverse health
outcomes. Children who live in low quality
housing conditions have a greater likelihood of
poor health outcomes in both childhood and
as adults. Dampness, for example, causes respiratory illness and makes pre-existing health
conditions worse. It is not easy to separate the
effects of housing from other factors since poverty, poor housing and pre-existing illnesses often go together, but studies that have separated
them show poor housing conditions to be independent causes of adverse health outcomes.
Canada is experiencing a housing crisis. Over the
past 20 years, rents have risen well beyond the cost
of living and this is especially so in cities. In addition, the proportion of tenants spending more
than 30% of total income on rent – the definition
of unaffordable housing used by the Canadian
government – has risen (Figure 9.2) and is very
high in Canadian cities (43% in Vancouver, 42%
in Toronto, and 36% in Montreal). The proportion spending more than 50% — putting them at
risk of imminent homelessness is also very high
(22% in Vancouver, 20% in Toronto, and 18% in
Montreal).
HOUSING • 29
Most low-income Canadians are among the onethird of Canadians who are renters and rents are
increasing faster than renter household incomes.
Canada’s social housing sector remains stagnant at
about 5% of the overall housing stock and little new
non-profit or co-operative housing have been created since the national program to fund new affordable homes was cancelled in the 1990s.
A homelessness emergency exists in many Canadian
cities. Homeless people experience a much greater
rate of a wide range of physical and mental health
problems than the general population. Likelihood
of early death among homeless people is 8-10 times
greater than the general population.
Contributing factors to the crisis are lack of affordable rental accommodation and growth of part-time
and precarious employment that are both low paying and insecure. Canada has one of the highest
levels of low-paying jobs at 23 percent and among
the highest family poverty rates among Western nations. The result is increasing numbers of families
and individuals with insecure housing. Growing
numbers of Canadians are under-housed, living in
motels, dependent on the shelter system, or living
on the street.
Housing insecurity is linked to income insecurity
which is, in turn, leads to illness and premature
death. “Three Cities” research by Dr. David Hulchanski and colleagues at the University of Toronto finds that housing and income insecurity, racial
identity, and health status are linked in Canada’s
largest city. They are probably similarly linked in
other major urban areas.
Policy Implications
•
Housing policy needs to be more explicitly
linked to comprehensive income (including a jobs
strategy), public health, and health services policy.
30 • HOUSING
•
Housing policy must make affordable and
quality housing available for all Canadians. Provinces should provide their matching share for
housing provision as defined in the Affordable
Housing Framework Agreement of 2001.
•
The federal government must increase
funding for social housing programs targeted for
low-income Canadians. Housing policies should
support mixed housing as an antidote for urban
segregation.
•
Public support and advocacy is needed
to create the political will to establish housing
initiatives. An initiative called the 1% Solution
proposes that Canadian governments can solve
the housing crisis by increasing their budgetary
allocation for housing by 1% of overall spending
(http://tdrc.net/1-solution.html).
Key sources
Bryant, T. (2009). ‘Housing and Health: More than
Bricks and Mortar’. In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social
Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp.
235-249). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’
Press.
Dunn, J. (2000). ‘Housing and Health Inequalities:
Review and Prospects for Research.’ Housing Studies,
15(3), 341-366.
Hulchanski, D. (2007). The Three Cities within
Toronto: Income Polarization among Toronto’s
Neighbourhoods, 1970–2000. Toronto: Centre for
Urban and Community Studies, University of
Toronto.
Shapcott, M. (2009). ‘Housing’. In D. Raphael (Ed.),
Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 221-234). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian
Scholars’ Press.
Box 9.1 International Attention to Canada’s Housing Crisis
Everywhere that I visited in Canada, I met people who are homeless and living in
inadequate and insecure housing conditions. On this mission I heard of hundreds of
people who have died, as a direct result of Canada’s nation-wide housing crisis. In its
most recent periodic review of Canada’s compliance with the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the United Nations used strong language to label
housing and homelessness and inadequate housing as a “national emergency.” Everything
that I witnessed on this mission confirms the deep and devastating impact of this
national crisis on the lives of women, youth, children and men.
Source: Miloon Kothari (2007). Preliminary Observations of Mission to Canada. United Nations:
Special Rapporteur on the Right to Adequate Housing.
Figure 9.1 Percentage of Canadian Households Spending More than 30% of Income on
Shelter Costs, 1991-2006
Source: Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) (2009). Housing in Canada Online. Available online
at http://data.beyond2020.com/CMHC/. Ottawa: CMHC.
HOUSING • 31
10. SOCIAL EXCLUSION
Social exclusion is an expression of unequal
relations of power among groups in society,
which then determine unequal access to economic,
social, political, and cultural resources.
– Grace-Edward Galabuzi, 2009
Why Is It Important?
S
ocial exclusion refers to specific groups being denied the opportunity to participate in
Canadian life. In Canada, Aboriginal Canadians,
Canadians of colour, recent immigrants, women,
and people with disabilities are especially likely to
experience social exclusion. Many aspects of Canadian society marginalize people and limit their
access to social, cultural and economic resources.
Socially excluded Canadians are more likely to be
unemployed and earn lower wages. They have less
access to health and social services, and means of
furthering their education. These groups are increasingly being segregated into specific neighborhoods. Excluded groups have little influence upon
decisions made by governments and other institutions. They lack power.
There are four aspects to social exclusion. Denial
of participation in civil affairs is a result of legal
sanction and other institutional mechanisms. Laws
and regulations prevent non-status residents or
immigrants from participation. Systemic forms of
discrimination based on race, gender, ethnicity or
disability status, excludes people. New Canadians
are frequently unable to practice their professions
due to a myriad of regulations and procedures that
bar their participation. Denial of social goods such
as health care, education, housing, income security,
and language services is common. Socially excluded groups earn lower incomes than Canadians.
32 • SOCIAL EXCLUSION
They lack affordable housing and experience less
access to services.
Exclusion from social production is a lack of op-
portunity to participate and contribute to social
and cultural activities. Much of this results from
the lack of financial resources that facilitate involvement. Economic exclusion is when individuals
cannot access economic resources and opportunities such as participation in paid work. All of these
forms of exclusion are common to Aboriginal Canadians, Canadians of colour, recent immigrants,
women, and people with disabilities.
The social exclusion of recent immigrants to Canada is well documented. Their unemployment rates
are higher (6.7% for Canadian-born workers, 7.9%
for all immigrants, and 12.1% for recent immigrants) and their labour force participation is lower
(80.3% for Canadian-born workers, 75.6% for all
immigrants, and 65.8% for recent immigrants).
The specific situations of Canadians of Aboriginal
status, Canadians of colour, persons with disabilities, and women are considered in later sections of
this document.
Social exclusion creates the living conditions and
personal experiences that endanger health. Social
exclusion also creates a myriad of educational and
social problems. Social exclusion creates a sense of
powerlessness, hopelessness and depression that
further diminish the possibilities of inclusion in
society.
The presence of social exclusion and its impact
upon health is dramatically illustrated in Box 10.1.
Maps of neighbourhoods in the City of Toronto
are provided that detail the varying concentrations
of poverty, diabetes, and visible minorities in these
neighbourhoods. The correspondence among poverty rates, prevalence of diabetes, and concentration of visible minorities is striking.
These findings are consistent with studies that find
that marginalization and exclusion of individuals
and communities from mainstream society constitute a primary factor leading to adult-onset diabetes and a range of other chronic diseases such
as respiratory and cardiovascular disease. Social
exclusion is also related to a range of social problems that include educational underachievement
and crime.
It appears that the restructuring of Canada’s economy and labour market toward flexible labour
markets has served to accelerate these processes
of social exclusion. The quality of jobs is increasingly being stratified along racial lines, with a disproportionate proportion of low-income sector
employment being taken by Canadians of colour
and recent immigrants. And these Canadians of
colour and recent immigrants are less represented
in high-income sectors and occupations. Social exclusion is increasing therefore as a result of both
the increasing precariousness of employment and
the fact that these precarious jobs are increasingly
being filled by Canadians of colour and recent immigrants.
Policy Implications
•
Governments at all levels must revise laws
and regulations and develop programs that will allow new Canadians to practice their professions in
Canada.
•
Governments must enforce laws that protect
the rights of minority groups, particularly concerning employment rights and anti-discrimination.
•
Attention must be directed to the health
needs of immigrants and to the unfavourable socio-economic position of many groups, including
the particular difficulties many new Canadians
face in accessing health and other care services.
Key sources
Galabuzi, G. E. (2005). Canada’s Economic Apartheid: The Social Exclusion of Racialized Groups in
the New Century. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Galabuzi, G. E. (2009). ‘Social Exclusion’. In Raphael,
D. (Ed.), Social Determinants of Health: Canadian
Perspectives (pp. 252-268). 2nd edition. Toronto:
Canadian Scholars’ Press.
White, P. (1998). ‘Ideologies, Social Exclusion and
Spatial Segregation in Paris’. In S. Musterd & W. Ostendorf (Eds.), Urban Degregation and the Welfare
State: Inequality and Exclusion in Western Cities
(pp. 148-167). London, UK: Routledge.
Source (Box 10.1):
Toronto Star, http://www.thestar.com/staticcontent/772097 using
data from the United Way of Greater Toronto (poverty), Institute
for Clinical Evaluation Sciences (diabetes), and Statistics Canada
(visible minorities). Retrieved April 8, 2010.
SOCIAL EXCLUSION • 33
Box 10.1 Poverty, Diabetes, and Visible Minorities in Toronto
34 • SOCIAL EXCLUSION
11. SOCIAL SAFETY NET
We need to examine a host of policy changes by federal
and provincial governments, policies that not only took
apart the social safety net erected by the welfare state
in previous decades, but contributed to a fundamental
reduction in the role and scope of the state.
– David Langille, 2009
Why Is It Important?
T
he social safety net refers to a range of benefits, programs, and supports that protect citizens during various life changes that can affect their
health. These life changes include normal life transitions such as having and raising children, attaining
education or employment training, seeking housing,
entering the labour force, and reaching retirement.
There are also unexpected life events such as having an accident, experiencing family break-ups, becoming unemployed, and developing a physical or
mental illness or disability that can affect health.
The primary way these events threaten health is
that they increase economic insecurity and provoke psychological stress, all important determinants of health.
In Canada, becoming unable to work through
unemployment or illness and experiencing family
break-ups are good predictors of coming to experience poverty. These events are usually outside of an
individual’s control. All wealthy developed nations
have created systems – usually termed the welfare
state – to offer protection and supports to its citizens to help deal with these threats. These include
family allowances, childcare, unemployment insurance, health and social services, social assistance
and disability benefits and supports, home care and
retirement pensions.
The protections and supports offered by Canadian governments are well below those provided by
most other industrialized wealthy nations (Figures
11.1 and 11.2). The Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD) publishes extensive statistics on social safety net spending amongst its 30 member nations. Canada ranks
24th of 30 countries and spends only 17.8 percent
of gross domestic product (GDP) on public expenditures. Among OECD countries for which data
is available, Canada is amongst the lowest public
spenders on early childhood education and care
(26th of 27), seniors’ benefits and supports (26th
of 29), social assistance payments (22nd of 29),
unemployment benefits, (23th of 28), benefits and
services for people with disabilities (27th of 29),
and supports and benefits to families with children
(25th of 29).
As one example of Canada’s frayed social safety
net, employment insurance is available to people
who are without employment and who meet the
eligibility requirements. Recent changes to eligibility, however, have significantly reduced the percentage of Canadians who are eligible for such
payments. In fact, only 40% of working Canadians
are eligible to receive benefits even though they
have been paying into it.
SOCIAL SAFETY NET • 35
A well-functioning social safety net is not only
about providing financial benefits. It also includes
services such as counseling, employment training
and community services. For instance, active labour
policy refers to supporting unemployed citizens by
providing training opportunities and resources for
finding new jobs. Canada ranks 21st of 30 OECD
countries on such spending. Volunteer-based activities and peer support offer a valuable extension
of social safety net provision by Canadian governments. However, voluntary action cannot eliminate
the need for basic security and protection provided
by governmental institutions.
Canadian citizens require protection when markets fail to provide basic security and adequate income. Sole reliance on the private market system
increases insecurity among the population. A weak
social safety net turns citizens against communal
action and decreases social cohesion. These have
health-threatening effects. Citizens experience
better physical and mental health when they have
a secure base for living a productive life.
Policy Implications
•
The social safety net provided by Canadian
federal, provincial/territorial, and municipal
governments needs to be strengthened. Canada’s
spending in support of citizens lags far behind
many other developed economies. Current benefits do not provide adequate income for life
transitions.
•
Canadian decision-makers must reevaluate
whether minimizing government intervention
is an ethical and sustainable approach to maintaining health, promoting social well-being, and
increasing economic productivity.
36 • SOCIAL SAFETY NET
•
Strong political and social movements are
needed to pressure governments into creating
public policy that will strengthen Canada’s social
safety net.
Key sources
Bryant, T. (2009). An Introduction to Health Policy.
Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Hallstrom, L. (2009). ‘Public Policy and the Welfare
State.’ In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social Determinants of
Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 336-349). 2nd
edition. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Langille, D. (2009). ‘Follow the Money: How Business and Politics Shape our Health.’ In D. Raphael
(Ed.), Social Determinants of Health: Canadian
Perspectives (pp. 305-317). 2nd edition. Toronto:
Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2009). Society at a Glance: OECD Social
Indicators 2009 Edition. Paris: OECD.
Figure 11.1 Unemployment Replacement Benefits over a Five Year Period as a
Percentage of Median Income, OECD Nations, 2007
Source: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2009). Generosity of Unemployment
Benefits. Available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/706364844714.
Figure 11.2 Social Assistance Levels as a Percentage of Median Household Income,
Lone Parent with Two Children, OECD Nations, 2007
Source: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2009). Net Incomes of Social Assistance
Recipients in Relation to Alternative Poverty Lines, 2007. Available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/706265650677
SOCIAL SAFETY NET • 37
12. HEALTH SERVICES
The health sector has been relatively slow in grasping
the connections among human rights, social injustice,
and how everyday life unfolds for patients.
– Elizabeth McGibbon, 2009
Why Is It Important?
H
igh quality health care services are a social
determinant of health as well as a basic human right. The main purpose of a universal health
care system is to protect the health of citizens and
spread health costs across the whole society. A universal health care system is especially effective in
protecting citizens with lower incomes who cannot
afford private health care insurance.
The Canada Health Act (1984) sets out requirements
provincial governments must meet through their
public health-care insurance plans. These are: public
administration, comprehensiveness, universality, portability, and accessibility. The “single payer” concept
describes the concept of health care administration by
a public authority (public administration).
The Canadian Health Act requires provinces provide all “medically necessary” services on a universal basis (comprehensiveness). All residents are
provided access to public health-care insurance on
equal terms and conditions (universality). However, provincial governments have great discretionary
power because the Act does not provide a detailed
list of insured services. Therefore, the range of insured services varies among provinces.
Provinces provide health services to Canadian citizens when they are temporarily absent from their
home province or out of country (portability). The
Canadian Health Act states every Canadian has to
38 • HEALTH SERVICES
be provided uniform access to health services in a
way that is free of financial barriers (accessibility).
No one should be discriminated against on the basis of income, age, or health status.
Nevertheless, there are continuing issues of access
to care. The bottom 33% of Canadian income earners are – as compared to the top 33% of income
earners – 50% less likely to see a specialist when
needed, 50% more likely to find it difficult to get
care on weekends or evenings, and 40% more likely
to wait five days or more for an appointment with
a physician.
There are also issues related to medicare coverage. While Canada is in the mid-range of public spenders on health care (14th of 30 OECD
nations), it is amongst the lowest in its coverage
of total health care costs (Figures 12.1 and 12.2).
Medicare covers only 70% of total health care
costs – the rest is covered by private insurance
plans and out-of-pocket spending – which gives
Canada a rank of 22nd of 30 OECD nations for
public coverage of health care costs. Medicare
does not cover drug costs, and coverage of home
care and nursing costs varies among provinces.
In many other wealthy developed nations these
costs are covered by the public health care system.
As a result, Canadians with below-average incomes are three times less likely to fill a prescription due to cost and 60% less able to get a needed
test or treatment due to cost than above average
income earners. Even average-income Canadians
are almost twice as likely to have problems getting
prescriptions filled and paying medical bills than
above average-earners.
While a pharmacare program has long been recommended by Royal Commissions for both its
promotion of health equity and its ability to control costs, it has not been put into practice. This
is of particular concern as the fastest-rising health
expenditure in Canada is pharmaceuticals. Drug
costs accounted for 9 percent of total health expenditures in 1975 and, by 2005, these expenditures
had doubled (18%). Drug costs now are the second
largest expenditure surpassing payments to physicians. Hospital costs remain first. Home care will
also become increasingly important with the aging
of the population. There is little evidence of reform
in this area as well.
Dental plans are available to only 26% of low-income workers. Among the 74% of these lower income workers without plans, only 39% visit a dentist on an annual basis. In many Europeans nations
dental care is part of national health plans.
Policy Implications
•
District health authorities and health policymakers must direct attention to existing inequities
in access to health care and identify and remove
barriers to health care.
•
Governments must implement a pharmacare
program and increase public coverage of home
care and nursing home costs.
•
The medicare system must be strengthened
and governments should resist the increasing
involvement of for-profit companies in the organization and delivery of health care.
•
Health authorities must find means of
controlling the use of costly but ineffective new
treatments (e.g., pharmaceuticals and screening
technologies) that are being marketed aggressively
by private corporations.
•
As the Commission on the Future of Health
Care in Canada concluded, Canadians need to
accept the notion that the medicare system is “as
sustainable as we want it to be”.
• Consideration should be given to providing
dental care to families living on low incomes.
Key sources
Bryant, T. (2009). An Introduction to Health Policy.
Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
McGibbon, E. (2009). ‘Health and Health Care: A
Human Rights Perspective’. In D. Raphael (Ed.),
Social Determinants of Health: Canadian Perspectives (pp. 318-335). 2nd edition. Toronto: Canadian
Scholars’ Press.
Raphael, D. (2007). ‘Interactions with the Health
and Service Sector.’ In D. Raphael (Ed.), Poverty
and Policy in Canada: Implications for Health and
Quality of Life. (pp. 173-203). Toronto: Canadian
Scholars’ Press.
Schoen, C., & Doty, M. M. (2004). ‘Inequities in
Access to Medical Care in Five Countries: Findings
from the 2001 Commonwealth Fund International
Health Policy Study.’ Health Policy, 67, 309-322.
HEALTH SERVICES • 39
Figure 12.1 Public Spending on Health Care as a Percentage of GDP, OECD Nations,
2006
Source: OECD Health Data 2009- Version: June 09.
Figure 12.2 Public Spending on Health Care as Percentage of Total Health Care Spending,
OECD Nations, 2006
Source: OECD Health Data 2009 - Version: June 09.
40 • HEALTH SERVICES
13. ABORIGINAL STATUS
As one of the richest countries in the world, Canada
is well placed to right past wrongs and ensure that
all Canadians, including Canada’s First Peoples, are
able to enjoy living conditions that promote health
and well-being.
– Janet Smylie, 2009
Why Is It Important?
A
boriginal peoples in Canada – First Nations,
Dene, Metis, and Inuit – number 1.2 million
and constitute 3.8% of the Canadian population.
The health of Aboriginal peoples in Canada is inextricably tied up with their history of colonialization. This has taken the form of legislation such as
the Indian Act of 1876, disregard for land claims
of Metis peoples, relocation of Inuit communities, and the establishment of residential schools.
The result has been adverse social determinants of
health and adverse health outcomes.
The average income of Aboriginal men and women in 2001 was $21,958 and $16,529 respectively,
which is 58% of the average income of non-Aboriginal men and 72% of the average income of
non-Aboriginal women. For Aboriginal Canadians living on reserves, their respective figures as
a percentage of non-Aboriginal incomes were for
men, 40% and for women, 61%.
Figures were somewhat better for those living offreserve, but still well below incomes of non-Aboriginal Canadians. In 2001, 26% of Aboriginal households had incomes below the low income cut-offs
in contrast to the 12% figures for households that
were not Aboriginal. In 2001, the Aboriginal unemployment rate was 14%, double the rate of nonAboriginal households. For First Nations Canadians
living on reserve the figure was 28%, twice the rate
for Aboriginals living off reserve.
Education levels differ widely between Aboriginal
and other Canadians. Among First Nation people
living on reserve, 40% of men and 43% of women
attain high school education. The figures are better
for First Nation people living off-reserve; 56% for
men and 57% for women. Figures for Inuit peoples
are 43% for both men and women and for Metis,
65% for men and 63% for women. But these figures
compare unfavourably to non-Aboriginal Canadians where 71% of men and 70% of women attain
high school education.
Aboriginal Canadians living off reserve are four
times more likely to experience food insecurity
than non-Aboriginal Canadians. Thirty-three percent of off-reserve Aboriginal households experienced moderate or severe food insecurity in 2004
as compared to 8.8% of non-Aboriginal households. Fourteen percent of Aboriginal households
experienced severe food insecurity as compared to
2.7% of non-Aboriginal households. On-reserve
food is equally insecure. In a Cree community of
Fort Severn, Ontario, for example, two thirds of
households experienced food insecurity in 2002. A
1997 study in the northern communities of Repulse Bay and Pond Inlet found about 50% of each
ABORIGINAL STATUS • 41
community’s families reported not having enough
to eat in the past 30 days.
Aboriginal peoples are four times more likely ...
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