Academic Reading Journal Assignment

timer Asked: Feb 19th, 2019
account_balance_wallet $15

Question Description

I attached the readings, example and rubric

    • Use the question prompts below to help shape your journal. The minimum word count per chapter/article is 200 words for the summary. If you include the question prompts in the journal, please do not inadvertently count the questions toward the word count.
  • Questions
    • List at least one question per chapter/article you had that you are unable to answer. Please do not count the questions towards your word count. Responses will be anonymized and utilized to help foster class discussion; information is also shared with guest speakers to help them learn about some of the general questions students may have about the topic/focus area.
  • Structure & Mechanics of Writing
    • Place your newest entry at the top (i.e.all previous entries should appear below in reverse chronological order). Save all of your subsequent entries in the same document. Your document will grow as the semester progresses, so that each week you will post a slightly larger document than the week before. At the end of the course, you will have a substantial body of reading notes, which you will hopefully draw upon in preparation for other assignments and class discussions.
    • First-person.
    • Single-spaced.
cademic Reading Journal
Quality of Content

4 pts


The reading journal shows evidence of comprehension of the chapter(s)/article(s). Writing is specific and descriptive. The student demonstrates their understanding through their writing. Synthesis is evident. Meets the minimum word count.

3 pts


The reading journal shows some evidence of comprehension of the chapter(s)/article(s). Meets the minimum word count.

2 pts


The reading journal does not show synthesis by incorporating the student's thoughts, perspectives, and ideas based on the readings. Lacks development and details. AND/OR does not meet the minimum word count total for all of the readings for the journal entry. AND/OR there is a missing journal entry for a reading.

1 pts


The reading journal does not show synthesis by incorporating the student's thoughts, perspectives, and ideas based on the readings. Writing appears scripted or written as directly from the textbook. Lacks the voice of the student. Lacks development and details. AND/OR does not meet the minimum word count total for all of the readings for the journal entry. AND/OR there is a missing entry.

0 pts

Not Attempted

No submission.

/ 4 pts

Total Points: 0

Running Head: NATIONALISM IN SINGAPORE.                                                                                                                                                                            1     What  Is  Suicide?   I  can  become  dead  by  killing  myself.  If  so,  I  do  something  to   cause  my  own  death,  or  I  do  not  do  something  to  prevent  my   own  death.  No  one  else  is  directly  involved  in  the  actions  that   bring  about  my  death.  The  deaths  of  Hemingway  and  Plath   exemplify  this.  No  one  else  was  present  and  no  one  else  acted  to   bring  about  these  deaths.  This  is  part  of  the  meaning  of  suicide:   an  individual  acts  to  cause  his  or  her  own  death.   However,  this  is  not  enough  by  itself  to  make  a  death  a  suicide.   Someone  might  engage  in  an  action  that  accidentally  causes  his   or  her  death.  For  example,  a  sky  diver  whose  parachute  does   not  open  engages  in  an  action  that  causes  his  or  her  own  death,   but  that  death  is  not  a  suicide.  What  is  missing  is  the  intention  to   die.   Thus,  for  death  to  be  a  suicide,  the  person  carrying  out  the  act   must  have  the  intention  that  the  act  results  in  death.  But   determining  the  intention  of  anyone—even  of  ourselves—is   seldom  easy,  and  suicidal  behavior  often  turns  out  to  be  a   particularly  ambiguous  and  ambivalent  sort  of  behavior.  The   intentions  of  those  who  engage  in  suicidal  behavior  are  varied.   They  may  include  attempts  to  end  some  form  of  perceived   suffering,  to  gain  attention,  to  kill  others  (as  perhaps  in  suicide   bombers),  or  simply  to  end  one’s  life—or,  perhaps,  some   combination  of  one  or  more  of  these  and  other  intentions.   Partly  because  of  this  ambiguity  in  intentions,  it  is  not  always   clear  whether  a  specific  situation  should  be  described  as  a   suicide.  We  see  that  clearly  in  the  case  of  Sylvia  Plath  and  in   Alvarez’s  comment  that  “this  time  she  did  not  intend  to  die.”   Suppose  someone  has  been  warned  about  a  diabetic  condition   and  cautioned  to  monitor  his  or  her  diet.  If  that  person  fails  to   do  so  and  dies  in  a  diabetic  coma,  was  the  death  caused   intentionally?  What  if  someone  drove  too  rapidly  for  road   conditions  and  died  when  his  or  her  car  crashed  into  a  bridge   abutment  at  high  speed  with  no  brake  marks  on  a  clear,  dry   day?  Can  one  unconsciously  act  to  end  one’s  life  (Do   unconscious  intentions  even  exist?)  (Farberow,   2     1980)?  Suicidologists  struggle  with  questions  like  these  and   disagree  about  how  to  answer  them.   Uncertainty  about  whether  a  particular  act  was  a  suicidal  one   has  important  consequences  for  anyone  studying  this  subject.   For  example,  it  may  have  social  significance  if  certain  acts  are   not  included  among  those  classified  as  suicidal  because  one  is   uncertain  about  them.  If  so,  then  statistical  data  on  the  number   of  deaths  resulting  from  suicidal  behavior  will  at  best  be   inaccurate.   Data  on  suicide  may  also  be  inaccurate  because  authorities  are   reluctant  to  call  a  death  a  suicide  in  order  to  give  the  person   who  died  and  his  or  her  survivors  the  benefit  of  the  doubt  and   to  protect  family  members  from  guilt  and  the  social  stigma  often   attached  to  suicide.  Family  members  themselves  and  those   concerned  with  their  welfare  may  resist  labeling  a  death  as  a   suicide.  For  reasons  like  these,  it  has  long  been  suggested  that   the  actual  number  of  deaths  due  to  suicide  may  be  at  least  twice   the  number  recorded.  If  so,  the  impact  of  suicide  on  individual   lives  and  on  society  may  be  seriously  misunderstood.   Further,  difficulties  in  recognizing  someone’s  actual  intentions   may  contribute  to  our  failing  to  recognize  suicidal  behavior   when  confronted  by  it.  If  we  do  not  believe  that  someone’s   intention  is  to  end  up  dead  or  if  that  person  does  not  express  or   even  denies  such  an  intention,  we  may  pay  less  attention  to  that   person.  Thus,  certain  forms  of  life-­‐‑threatening  behavior  are   sometimes  discounted  on  the  grounds  that  they  are  only  a  “cry   for  help”  (Farberow  &  Shneidman,  1965).  At  a  minimum,   though,  the  case  of  Sylvia  Plath  shows  that  life-­‐‑threatening  acts   are  a  desperate  way  to  seek  help,  and  even  a  cry  for  help  can   have  lethal  consequences,  whether  or  not  they  were  fully   foreseen  or  intended.  It  is,  therefore,  important  to  try  to  get  a   clear  understanding  of  suicidal  and  life-­‐‑threatening  behavior   and  to  become  familiar  with  common  patterns  of  such  behavior   in  our  society.   3     Some  Common  Patterns  in   Suicidal  Behavior   Suicide  (designated  as  “intentional  self-­‐‑harm”  in  the   international  classification  system)  was  the  tenth  leading  cause   of  death  in  the  United  States  in  2015,  accounting  for  44,193   deaths  (approximately  121.1  per  day)  and  a  death  rate  of  13.8   per  100,000  (Drapeau  &  McIntosh,  2016;  see  Table  17.1).   During  the  decade  of  the  1990s,  suicide  had  been  the  eighth  or   ninth  leading  cause  of  death  in  the  United  States,  overall   numbers  of  suicide  deaths  had  fluctuated  between  30,000  and   31,000,  and  death  rates  from  suicide  had  declined  from  12.4  per   100,000  in  1990  to  10.7  in  1999.  However,  numbers  of  deaths,   death  rates,  and  its  status  as  a  leading  cause  of  death  increased   during  the  years  2005–2015.  Still,  for  some  years  the  United   States  has  had  one  of  the  lowest  suicide  rates  (in  the  bottom   third)  in  the  world.   Table  17.1   Suicide  Rates  Per  100,000  Population  by  Age:  United  States,  2005– 2015   Age   2005   2006   2007   2008   2009   2010   2011 5–14   0.7   0.5   0.5   0.6   0.7   0.7   0.7   15–24   10.0   9.9   9.7   10.0   10.1   10.5   11.0   25–34   12.4   12.3   13.0   12.9   12.8   14.0   14.6   35–44   14.9   15.1   15.6   15.9   16.1   16.0   16.2   45–54   16.5   17.2   17.7   18.7   19.3   19.6   19.8   55–64   13.9   14.5   15.5   16.3   16.7   17.5   17.1   65–74   12.6   12.6   12.6   13.9   14.0   13.7   14.1   4     Age   2005   2006   2007   2008   2009   2010   2011 75–84   16.9   15.9   16.3   16.0   15.7   15.7   16.5   85+   16.9   15.9   15.6   15.6   15.6   17.6   16.9   65+   14.7   14.2   14.3   14.8   14.8   14.9   15.3   Total   11.0   11.1   11.5   11.8   12.0   12.4   12.7   Men   17.7   17.8   18.3   19.0   19.2   20.0   20.2   Women   4.5   4.6   4.8   4.9   5.0   5.2   5.4   Whites   12.3   12.4   12.9   13.3   13.5   14.1   14.5   Nonwhites   5.5   5.5   5.6   5.7   5.8   5.8   5.8   Blacks   5.1   4.9   4.9   5.2   5.1   5.1   5.3     Source:  Drapeau,  C.  W.,  &  McIntosh,  J.  L.  (for  the  American  Association  of  Suicidology).   (2016).  U.S.A.  suicide  2015:  Official  final  data.  Washington,  DC:  American  Association  of   Suicidology,  dated  December  23,  2016,  downloaded  from   Drapeau  and  McIntosh  (2016)  identified  the  following  patterns   in  completed  suicides  in  2015  in  the  United  States:  an  average   of  1  person  killed  himself  or  herself  every  11.9  minutes;  an   average  of  1  old  person  killed  himself  or  herself  about  every  66   minutes;  an  average  of  1  young  person  (15–24  years  of  age)   killed  himself  or  herself  just  over  every  1  hour  and  36  minutes.   An  estimated  25  attempts  at  suicide  for  every  completed  suicide   would  imply  1,104,825  suicide  attempts  or  1  every  29  seconds.   There  are  vastly  more  suicide  attempts  for  every  completed   suicide  among  young  people  than  among  the  elderly.  In  general,   suicide  rates  are  highest  among  divorced,  separated,  and   widowed  persons;  lowest  among  married  persons.  Further,   Drapeau  and  McIntosh  cited  estimates  that  for  each  completed   suicide  147  people  are  exposed  and,  among  those  6  people   5     experience  a  major  life  disruption,  resulting  in  250,000  suicide   loss  survivors  each  year.   The  following  data  fill  out  some  patterns  of  suicidal  behavior  in   the  United  States  in  2015.   •  By  gender:  men  carried  out  a  completed  suicide  more  frequently   than  did  women,  by  a  ratio  of  more  than  3.3:1.  However,  women   attempted  suicide  more  frequently  than  did  men,  by  an   estimated  ratio  of  approximately  3:1.  The  risk  of  attempted,  but   nonfatal,  suicide  is  greatest  among  females  and  the  young.   •  By  methods:  firearms  were  the  main  means  used  by  both  men  and   women  to  carry  out  suicide,  accounting  for  almost  half  of  all   suicides.  Hanging  (including  strangulation  and  suffocation)  led   other  lethal  means  for  men;  poisoning  was  the  second  most   common  means  for  women.   A  woman  who  has  completed  a  suicide.     StockPhotosArt/   •  By  age  group:   Among  young  people  aged  15–24  years,  suicide  was  the  second   leading  cause  of  death  (following  accidents),  accounting  for   5,491  deaths  (see  Chapter  13  for  a  fuller  discussion  of  youth   suicide).  Also,  suicide  was  the  cause  of  409  deaths  among  10-­‐‑  to   14-­‐‑year-­‐‑olds  (see  Sheftall  et  al.,  2016).   •   Among  adults,  suicide  death  rates  peaked  in  middle  adulthood   and  again  in  individuals  85  years  of  age  or  older.  Among  the   elderly,  high  suicide  rates  were  especially  found  among  white   males.   •  By  race,  ethnicity,  or  culture:   •   •   •   Caucasian  Americans  completed  approximately  90%  of  all   suicides  in  the  United  States  in  2015:  39,796  deaths  (30,658   males  and  9,138  females)  and  a  death  rate  of  15.8  per  100,000.   African  Americans  experienced  2,504  suicide  deaths  overall  in   2015  (2,023  males  and  481  females)  with  a  death  rate  of  5.6  per   100,000.   6     •   •   •   Hispanic  Americans  experienced  3,303  suicide  deaths  overall  in   2015  with  a  death  rate  of  5.8  per  100,000.  Still,  as  noted   in  Chapter  5,  all  reports  on  deaths  by  suicide  are  dependent  on   available  data,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  among  Hispanic   Americans  (and  African  Americans)  many  suicide  deaths  may   be  reported  as  accidents  or  homicides.   Asian  and  Pacific  Island  Americans  experienced  1,316  deaths  by   suicide  in  2015  for  a  death  rate  of  6.6  per  100,000.  Again,  there   are  many  differences  in  this  very  diverse  population  and  one   must  be  cautious  in  comparisons  between  or  within  subgroups.   Native  Americans  experienced  577  deaths  by  suicide  in  2015  for   a  death  rate  of  12.6  per  100,000.  Although  these  are  low   numbers  of  deaths,  this  is  a  relatively  high  death  rate  among  a   minority  group  in  American  society,  but  it  is  lower  than  the   overall  rate  for  Caucasian-­‐‑American  suicides  and  does  not   justify  the  commonly  heard  claim  that  suicide  rates  among   American  Indians  are  extraordinarily  high.  See  Chapter  5  for  a   discussion  of  criticisms  of  that  claim,  which  note  that  it  is  often   based  on  small  numbers  of  suicides  over  short  time  spans  and   among  small  population  bases.  In  fact,  there  is  no  single   common  American-­‐‑Indian  pattern  for  suicides,  such  rates  vary   markedly  from  area  to  area  and  tribe  to  tribe,  and  suicide  rates   in  the  various  tribes  seem  most  closely  related  to  suicide  rates   in  their  surrounding  populations.  The  only  generalization  about   American  Indians  that  appears  to  be  valid  is  that  suicide  in  this   group  is  largely  a  phenomenon  of  young  males,  since  suicide   rates  among  the  elderly  are  low  in  this  cultural  group.   Still,  the  myth  of  extraordinarily  high  suicide  rates  among   American  Indians  persists  and  even  influences  beliefs  among   some  members  of  this  group.  Thus,  Levy  and  Kunitz  (1987,  p.   932)  reported  that  the  Hopi  have  become  concerned  about   suicide  rates  among  themselves,  even  though  “Hopi  suicide   rates  are  no  higher  than  those  of  the  neighboring  counties.”  As   well,  no  evidence  was  found  that  Hopi  suicide  rates  are   increasing.  That  does  not  suggest  there  should  be  no  concern   about  suicide  rates  in  any  particular  American  Indian  group,  but   only  that  such  rates  need  to  be  understood  in  context  if  we  are   to  appreciate  them  properly.   7     •  By  region:  although  suicide  is  sometimes  portrayed  as  an  urban   phenomenon,  the  highest  rates  of  suicide  in  2015  actually   occurred  in  the  Mountain  region,  with  the  lowest  rates  in  the   Middle  Atlantic  and  New  England  areas.  The  largest  number  of   suicides  were  in  the  South  Atlantic  region;  the  smallest  number   in  the  New  England  region.  Among  the  states,  Alaska,  Wyoming,   and  Montana  had  the  highest  suicide  rates  (each  over  26.0  per   100,000),  while  the  District  of  Columbia,  New  York,  and  New   Jersey  had  the  lowest  suicide  rates  (each  under  9.0  per   100,000).  Of  course,  annual  fluctuations  in  state  levels  of  suicide   combined  with  some  that  have  relatively  small  populations  can   result  in  highly  variable  data  from  year  to  year.   •  By  season:  suicides  seem  to  peak  during  springtime  in  ways  that   are  puzzling  (Dobbs,  2013;  Pappas,  2014).   With  these  data  about  common  patterns  in  suicidal  behavior  in   hand,  we  can  now  examine  some  of  the  leading  interpretations   of  this  behavior—psychological,  biological,  and  sociological— that  have  been  offered  to  help  understand  suicide.  In  each  case,   part  of  the  work  of  these  interpretations  has  been  to  try  to   elucidate  the  factors  that  contribute  to  suicidal  behavior.  
Running Head: NATIONALISM IN SINGAPORE.                                                                                                                                                                            1     Efforts  to  Understand  or  Explain   Suicidal  Behavior   As  suggested,  acts  of  suicide  typically  produce  an  intense   urgency  in  survivors  to  find  an  explanation—a  reason  for  or  a   way  of  understanding  this  unsettling  behavior.  Although  this   pressure  to  find  a  reason  is  understandable,  it  is  not  an  easy  one   to  respond  to  with  clarity.   For  instance,  when  terrorists  flew  airplanes  into  the  World   Trade  Center  or  when  individuals  killed  themselves  in  an  act  of   suicide  bombing,  many  wanted  to  know  why  anyone  would  do   such  things.  At  first  glance,  it  appeared  that  these  and  other  self-­‐‑ destructive  and  murderous  acts  were  the  product  of  distorted   fanatical  religious  beliefs.  However,  this  cannot  be  an  adequate   explanation  of  what  such  individuals  have  done.  As  Ariel  Merari   (who  heads  the  Political  Violence  Research  Center  at  Tel  Aviv   University  and  who  has  studied  terrorist  violence  extensively)   argues,  there  are  many  religious  believers  (from  all  religions)   who  hold  distorted  and  fanatical  beliefs  but  who  do  not  engage   in  such  behaviors  (Martin,  2001).   Merari  then  looked  for  other  reasons  for  these  acts.  First,  he   noticed  that  such  behavior  is  not  limited  to  religious  believers.   For  example,  Japanese  pilots  during  World  War  II  also   performed  suicidal  acts  that  bore  similarities  to  the  9/11   events.  Second,  Merari  found  that  the  common  factor  was  that   these  people  belonged  to  cultural  groups  that  encouraged  them   to  do  these  things.  In  particular,  he  claims  groups  that  get   members  to  engage  in  suicidal  or  murderous  acts  share  three   characteristics:   •  (1)   they  build  up  motivation  to  overcome  ambivalence  and  perform   the  act;   •  (2)   they  provide  group  pressure  to  stick  to  the  mission;  and   2     •  (3)   they  get  a  direct  commitment  from  the  individual  to  perform  the   act.   This  last  element  includes  identifying  the  individual  before  the   group  as  a  “living  martyr”  and  having  the  individual  identify   himself  (until  recently,  these  acts  have  nearly  always  been   performed  by  males)  this  way,  for  instance,  by  writing  letters  to   family  members  in  which  he  proclaims  this  identity.  Having   publicly  announced  himself  as  having  accepted  this  role,  it  is   difficult  to  back  out.   Whether  or  not  this  explanation  is  adequate,  it  demonstrates   the  difficulty  and  complexity  of  providing  a  single  explanation  of   suicide.  Perhaps  that  is  why  there  are  three  general  types  of   explanations  and  some  subtypes  within  them  that  have  been   offered  to  help  us  understand  suicide.         17-­5aPsychological  Explanations  of  Suicide   Leenaars  (1990)  identified  three  major  forms  that  psychological   explanations  of  suicide  have  taken.  The  first  of  these  is  based  on   Freud’s  psychoanalytic  theory.  Freud  argued  that  suicide   is  murder  turned  around  180  degrees  (Litman,  1967)  and   suggested  that  it  is  related  to  the  loss  of  a  desired  person  or   object.  Psychologically,  the  person  at  risk  comes  to  identify   himself  or  herself  with  the  lost  person.  He  or  she  feels  anger   toward  this  lost  object  of  affection  and  wishes  to  punish  (even   to  kill)  the  lost  person.  However,  since  the  individual  has   identified  him  or  her  self  with  this  object  of  affection,  the  anger   and  its  correlated  wish  to  punish  become  directed  against  the   self.  Thus,  self-­‐‑destructive  behavior  is  the  result.   A  second  psychological  approach  sees  the  problem  as  essentially   cognitive  in  nature.  In  this  view,  clinical  depression  (suicide  is   highly  correlated  with  depression)  is  believed  to  be  an   important  contributing  factor,  especially  when  it  is  associated   with  hopelessness  (see  Gotlib  &  Hammen,  2002;  Kessler  et  al.,   3     2005).  The  central  issue  here  is  that  negative  evaluations  are  a   pervasive  feature  of  the  suicidal  person’s  worldview.  The  future,   the  self,  the  present  situation,  and  the  limited  number  of   possible  options  envisioned  by  the  individual  are  all  viewed  as   undesirable.  Along  with  these  evaluations,  impaired  thinking  is   present:  such  thinking  is  “often  automatic  and  involuntary  …   characterized  by  a  number  of  possible  errors,  some  so  gross  as   to  constitute  distortion”  (Leenaars,  1990,  p.  162).  This  way  of   looking  at  things  may  help  to  understand  what  has  come  to  be   called  “suicide  by  cop”  (Lindsay  &  Lester,  2004),  that  is,   behavior  in  which  a  police  officer  is  provoked  by  an  individual   to  cause  that  person’s  death,  or  “suicide  by  train”  (Wilson,   2012).   A  third  psychological  theory  claims  that  suicidal  behavior  is   learned.  This  theory  contends  that  as  a  child  the  suicidal   individual  learned  not  to  express  aggression  outward  but  rather   to  turn  it  back  on  the  self.  Again,  depression  is  noted  as  an   important  factor,  now  the  result  of  negative  reinforcement  from   the  environment  for  a  person’s  actions.  Furthermore,  this   depression  (and  its  associated  suicidal  or  life-­‐‑threatening   behavior)  may  even  be  seen  as  being  positively  reinforced— that  is,  rewarded  by  those  around  the  individual.  It  might  be   argued,  for  example,  that  Ernest  Hemingway’s  depression,  as   mentioned  earlier,  was  positively  reinforced  by  the  example  of   his  father’s  own  suicide  (Slaby,  1992).  In  any  event,  this  theory   views  the  suicidal  individual  as  poorly  socialized  and  maintains   that  constructive  cultural  evaluations  of  life  and  death  have  not   been  learned.   Jamison  (1999)—a  psychiatrist  who  herself  had  once  attempted   suicide—argued  that  psychopathology  is  “the  most  common   element  in  suicide”  (p.  100).  In  particular,  she  focused  on  the   relationships  between  “mood  disorders,  schizophrenia,   borderline  and  antisocial  personality  disorders,  alcoholism,  and   drug  abuse.”  She  believes  that  these  mental  illnesses  play  a  (and   perhaps  the)  significant  role  in  accounting  for  suicidal  acts.  She   also  described  genetic  and  brain  chemistry  abnormalities   (discussed  next)  and  related  these  to  psychopathological   factors.  In  that  discussion,  she  reiterated  her  view  that  even   4     when  these  other  factors  are  taken  into  account,  they  are  of   most  significance  when  associated  with  mental  illness.   A  middle-­aged  man  contemplates  suicide  while  dealing  with  seasonal   depression.     Mark  Hayes/   These  psychological  theories  are  not  necessarily  incompatible.   Putting  them  together  helps  bring  our  overall  understanding  of   suicide  and  suicidal  behavior  more  sharply  into  focus.  Since   suicide  is  a  complex  behavior,  it  probably  makes  most  sense  to   see  it  as  arising  (at  least  often)  from  a  complex  basis.    
Running Head: NATIONALISM IN SINGAPORE.                                                                                                                                                                            1     17-­5bBiological  Explanations  of  Suicide   Some  studies  have  sought  to  discover  whether  there  are   biological  explanations  for  suicidal  behavior  (e.g.,  Roy,  1990).   These  have  typically  focused  on  biological  explanations  relating   to  either  neurochemical  or  genetic  factors.  Some  theorists   believe  that  there  may  be  a  disturbance  in  the  levels  of  certain   neurochemicals  found  in  the  brain,  such  as  a  reduction  in  the   level  of  serotonin  (a  chemical  related  to  aggressive  behavior  and   the  regulation  of  anxiety)  in  suicidal  individuals.  However,  such   studies  have  not  made  clear  whether  such  a  decrease  is   associated  with  depression,  suicidal  behavior,  or  the  violent   outward  or  inward  expression  of  aggression.   Other  studies  (e.g.,  Egeland  &  Sussex,  1985;  Roy,  1990)  have   suggested  that  some  predispositions  to  suicidal  behavior  may   be  inherited.  For  example,  a  study  of  adopted  children  in   Denmark  looked  at  the  biological  families  of  adopted  children   diagnosed  with  “affective  disorder”  who  had  completed  suicide   (Wender  et  al.,  1986).  More  of  these  persons  who  showed  signs   of  “affective  disorder”  and  had  completed  a  suicide  had  relatives   who  showed  the  same  signs  and  actions  than  was  the  case  for  a   control  group.  However,  it  is  uncertain  from  this  study  exactly   what  it  is  that  may  be  inherited.  Perhaps  the  inherited  element   is  an  inability  to  control  impulsive  behavior,  not  suicidal   behavior  in  itself.   Thus,  it  has  not  yet  been  demonstrated  that  biological  factors   can  be  clearly  related  to  suicidal  behavior.  Nevertheless,   continued  research  into  biological  explanations  of  suicide  may   eventually  yield  helpful  information  to  add  to  what  is  already   known  about  other  factors  contributing  to  suicidal  behavior.       17-­5cSociological  Explanations  of  Suicide   The  oldest  and  best-­‐‑known  attempt  to  offer  an  explanation  of   influential  factors  in  suicide  is  the  work  of  a  French  sociologist,   Emile  Durkheim  (1951;  Selkin,  1983),  originally  published  at   the  end  of  the  19th  century.  Durkheim  argued  that  no   2     psychological  condition  by  itselfinvariably  produces  suicidal   behavior.  Instead,  he  believed  that  suicide  can  be  understood  as   an  outcome  of  the  relationship  of  the  individual  to  his  or  her   society,  with  special  emphasis  on  ways  in  which  individuals  are   or  are  not  integrated  and  regulated  in  their  relationships  with   society.  Durkheim’s  analysis  has  been  critically  examined  (e.g.,   Douglas,  1967;  Lester,  2000;  Maris,  1969),  but  his  book  remains   a  classic  in  the  literature  on  suicide.  In  it,  he  identified  three   primary  sorts  of  relationships  between  individuals  and  society   as  conducive  to  suicidal  behavior,  and  he  made  brief  reference   to  the  possibility  of  a  fourth  basic  type  of  suicide.   Egoistic  Suicide   The  first  of  these  relationships  may  result  in  what  Durkheim   called  egoistic  suicide,  or  suicide  involving  more  or  less   isolated  individuals.  The  risk  of  suicide  is  diminished  in  the   presence  of  a  social  group  that  provides  some  integration  for   the  individual,  especially  in  terms  of  meaning  for  his  or  her  life.   When  such  integration  is  absent,  loses  its  force,  or  is  somehow   removed  (especially  abruptly),  suicide  becomes  a  more  likely   possibility.   Durkheim  argued  for  this  thesis  in  the  case  of  three  sorts  of   “societies”—religious  society,  domestic  society,  and  political   society.  A  religious  society  may  provide  integration  (meaning)   for  its  members  in  many  ways—for  example,  by  means  of  a   unified,  strong  creed.  A  domestic  society  (e.g.,  marriage)  also   seems  to  be  a  factor  that  tends  to  reduce  suicidal  behavior  by   providing  individuals  with  shared  “sentiments  and  memories,”   thereby  locating  them  in  a  kind  of  geography  of  meaning.  In   addition,  a  political  society  can  be  another  vehicle  that  assists   individuals  in  achieving  social  integration.  When  any  of  these   societies—religious,  domestic,  or  political—does  not  effectively   help  individuals  to  find  meaning  for  their  lives  or  when  the   society  disintegrates  or  loses  its  influence,  individuals  may  be   thrown  back  on  their  own  resources,  may  find  them  inadequate   for  their  needs,  and  may  become  more  at  risk  for  suicidal  or  life-­‐‑ threatening  behavior.   In  short,  Durkheim’s  thesis  here  is  that  whenever  an  individual   experiences  himself  or  herself  in  a  situation  wherein  his  or  her   3     society  fails  to  assist  that  individual  in  finding  his  or  her  place  in   the  world,  suicidal  behavior  can  result.  Thus,  egoistic  suicide   depends  on  an  underinvolvement  or  underintegration,  a  kind  of   disintegration  and  isolation  of  an  individual  from  his  or  her   society.   Altruistic  Suicide   The  second  form  of  social  relationship  that  is  or  may  be  related   to  suicide  arises  from  an  overinvolvement  or  overintegration  of   the  individual  into  his  or  her  society.  In  this  situation,  the  ties   that  produce  the  integration  between  the  individual  and  the   social  group  are  so  strong  that  they  may  result  in  altruistic   suicide  or  suicide  undertaken  on  behalf  of  the  group.  Personal   identity  may  give  way  to  identification  with  the  welfare  of  the   group,  and  the  individual  may  find  the  meaning  of  his  or  her  life   (completely)  outside  of  self.  For  example,  in  some  strongly   integrated  societies,  there  are  contexts  in  which  suicide  may  be   seen  as  a  duty.  In  other  words,  the  surrender  of  the  individual’s   life  may  be  demanded  on  behalf  of  what  is  perceived  to  be  the   welfare  of  the  society.   Durkheim  listed  several  examples  found  in  various  historical   cultures  that  involve  relationships  of  strong  integration  or   involvement  and  that  lead  to  suicidal  behavior:  persons  who  are   aged  or  ill  (the  Eskimo);  women  whose  husbands  have  died  (the   practice  of  suttee  in  India  before  the  British  came);  servants  of   social  chiefs  who  have  died  (many  ancient  societies).  One  might   think  also  of  persons  who  have  failed  in  their  civic  or  religious   duties  so  as  to  bring  shame  on  themselves,  their  families,  or   their  societies—for  example,  the  samurai  warrior  in  Japanese   society  who  commits  ritual  seppuku.  Also,  involvement  in  a   religious  cult  led  some  Americans  to  altruistic  suicide  at  the   People’s  Temple  in  Georgetown  in  British  Guyana  (1978)  and  at   the  Heaven’s  Gate  complex  in  California  (1997),  and  there  may   be  religious  explanations  that  account  in  part  for  the  events  of   9/11  and  similar  acts  since  then.   Anomic  Suicide   Durkheim  described  a  third  form  of  suicide,  anomic  suicide,   not  in  terms  of  integration  of  the  individual  into  society  but   4     rather  in  terms  of  how  the  society  regulates  its  members.  All   human  beings  need  to  regulate  their  desires  (for  material  goods,   for  sexual  activity,  etc.).  To  the  extent  that  a  society  assists   individuals  in  this  regulation,  it  helps  keep  such  desires  under   control.  When  a  society  is  unable  or  unwilling  to  help  its   members  in  the  regulation  of  their  desires—for  example,   because  the  society  is  undergoing  rapid  change  and  its  rules  are   in  a  state  of  flux—a  condition  of  anomie  is  the  result.  (The   term  anomie  comes  from  the  Greek    [laws  or  norms]  and  means   “lawlessness”  or  “normlessness.”)   Anomie  can  be  conducive  to  suicide,  especially  when  it  thrusts   an  individual  suddenly  into  a  situation  perceived  to  be  chaotic   and  intolerable.  In  contemporary  American  society,  examples  of   this  sort  of  suicide  might  involve  adolescents  who  have  been   unexpectedly  rejected  by  a  peer  group,  some  farmers  forced   into  bankruptcy  and  loss  of  both  their  livelihood  and  their  way   of  life  as  a  result  of  economic  and  social  forces  outside  their   control,  or  middle-­‐‑aged  employees  who  have  developed   specialized  work  skills  and  have  devoted  themselves  for  years   to  their  employer  only  to  be  suddenly  thrown  out  of  their  jobs   and  are  economically  dislocated.  For  such   individuals,  underregulation  or  a  sudden  withdrawal  of  control   may  be  intolerable  because  of  the  absence  of  (familiar)   principles  to  guide  them  in  living.   Fatalistic  Suicide   Durkheim  only  mentions  a  fourth  type  of  suicide,  called   fatalistic  suicide,  in  a  footnote  in  his  book,  where  it  is  described   as  the  opposite  of  anomic  suicide.  Fatalistic  suicide  derives   from  excessive  regulation  of  individuals  by  society—for  example,   when  one  becomes  a  prisoner  or  a  slave.  These  are  the   circumstances  of  “persons  with  futures  pitilessly  blocked  and   passions  violently  choked  by  oppressive  discipline”  (1951,  p.   276).  Durkheim  did  not  think  that  this  type  of  suicide  was  very   common  in  his  own  society,  but  it  may  be  useful  as  an   illustration  of  social  forces  that  lead  an  individual  to  seek  to   escape  from  an  overcontrolling  social  context.    
Jane Doe (fictitious name) Academic Reading Journal Example Week 2: Chapter 2 [The newest week entry is placed at the top of your reading journal] Week 1: Chapter 1 The authors opened the chapter highlighting the Death Café movement, and I pondered about the privilege of these movements whereby some persons live each day facing death due to crime, war, poverty, etc. Discussing death in a death café may not necessarily be relevant for everyone or desired. I think it is certainly beneficial for such movements, but one must use caution with indicating such a movement is beneficial for everyone. I did not consider until reading this chapter regarding death education as informal, but this now makes perfect sense. Young children are exposed to how their family members respond to death, grief, and loss, and there is also a cultural experience where children learn cultural norms about these topics. All of these experiences can be classified as “informal death education”. I appreciated the personal vignette where the author Charles Corr shared a teachable moment where he reflected about his response to his neighbor. His reflection brought to my mind the importance of getting involved to truly support and help others. Even though he has significant experience in the field he struggled with how to respond, and I believe this speaks to the challenges surrounding death, grief, and loss. Sometimes we may not know what to do even if we have knowledge and experience, and that is okay! Question: List at least one question you are unable to answer.
Running Head: NATIONALISM IN SINGAPORE.                                                                                                                                                                            1     When  he  died  on  July  1,  1961,  Ernest  Hemingway  was  62  years   old  and  a  successful  journalist  and  writer.  Best  known  for  his   novels,  such  as  The  Sun  Also  Rises  (1926),  A  Farewell  to   Arms(1929),  and  For  Whom  the  Bell  Tolls  (1940),  Hemingway   won  the  Pulitzer  Prize  for  his  novella,  The  Old  Man  and  the   Sea  (1952).  Two  years  later  he  was  awarded  the  Nobel  Prize  for   literature.  Hemingway’s  public  image  was  that  of  a  writer,   hunter,  and  sportsman  exemplifying  courage  and  stoicism—the   classic  macho  male—but  in  his  private  life,  he  was  subject  to   severe  depression  and  paranoia.  In  the  end  (like  his  father),  he   used  a  shotgun  to  complete  his  own  suicide,  a  notoriously   deliberate  and  effective  means  of  ending  one’s  life  (Lynn,  1987).   Perhaps  it  was  foreshadowed  in  the  words  of  a  character  in  For   Whom  the  Bell  Tolls  (1940,  p.  468),  who  said,  “Dying  is  only  bad   when  it  takes  a  long  time  and  hurts  so  much  that  it  humiliates   you.”   Sylvia  Plath  (1932–1963)  was  an  American  poet  and  novelist   best  known  for  her  novel  The  Bell  Jar  (1971),  first  published  in   England  under  an  assumed  name  in  January  1963,  only  a  month   before  her  death.  This  book  has  an  autobiographical  quality  in   its  description  of  a  woman  caught  up  in  a  severe  crisis  who   attempts  suicide.  Like  the  author’s  poetry,  The  Bell   Jaremphasizes  conflicts  that  result  from  family  tensions  and   rebellion  against  the  constricting  forces  of  society.   Ernest  Hemingway:  1899–1961     Bettmann/Getty  Images   The  death  of  Plath’s  father  when  she  was  8  years  old  was  a   major  event  in  her  life,  as  was  what  Alvarez  (1970,  p.  7)  called   her  “desperately  serious  suicide  attempt”  in  1953  (in  which  she   used  stolen  sleeping  pills,  left  a  misleading  note  to  cover  her   tracks,  and  hid  in  a  dark,  unused  corner  of  a  cellar).  Plath  also   survived  a  serious  car  wreck  during  the  summer  of  1962  when   she  apparently  ran  off  the  road  deliberately.  Plath  seems  to   describe  these  events  in  a  poem  entitled  “Lady  Lazarus”  (1964),   in  which  she  writes  about  being  like  a  cat  that  has  nine  lives   (and  thus  nine  times  to  die)  of  which  she  has  only  used  up  three.   2     I  have  done  it  again.   One  year  in  every  ten   I  manage  it—   A  sort  of  walking  miracle…   I  am  only  thirty.   And  like  the  cat  I  have  nine  times  to  die.   This  is  Number  Three….   In  December  1962,  Plath  separated  from  her  husband—the   British  poet  Ted  Hughes,  whom  she  had  married  in  June  1956— and  moved  to  London  with  her  two  children.  Early  on  the   morning  of  February  11,  1963,  Plath  died.   In  the  days  before  her  death,  Plath’s  friends  and  her  doctor  had   been  concerned  about  her  mental  state.  Her  doctor  had   prescribed  sedatives  and  had  tried  to  arrange  an  appointment   for  her  with  a  psychotherapist.  But  Plath  convinced  them  that   she  had  improved  and  could  return  to  her  apartment  to  stay   alone  with  her  children.  A  new  Australian  au  pair  (an  in-­‐‑home   child  care  provider)  was  due  to  arrive  at  9  a.m.  on  the  morning   of  Monday,  February  11,  to  help  with  the  children  and   housework.   Sylvia  Plath:  1932–1963     Bettmann/Getty  Images   When  the  au  pair  arrived,  she  received  no  response  at  the  door   of  the  building  and  went  to  search  for  a  telephone  to  call  her   employer  to  confirm  she  had  the  right  address.  After  returning,   trying  the  door  again,  and  then  calling  her  employer  a  second   time,  she  came  back  to  the  house  at  about  11  a.m.  and  was   finally  able  to  get  into  the  building  with  the  aid  of  some   workmen.  Smelling  gas,  they  forced  open  the  door  of  the   apartment  and  found  Plath’s  body,  still  warm,  together  with  a   note  asking  that  her  doctor  be  called  and  giving  his  telephone   3     number.  The  children  were  asleep  in  an  upstairs  room,  wrapped   snugly  in  blankets  against  the  cold  weather  and  furnished  with   a  plate  of  bread  and  butter  and  mugs  of  milk  in  case  they  should   wake  up  hungry  before  the  au  pair  arrived—but  their  bedroom   window  was  wide  open,  protecting  them  from  the  effects  of  the   gas.   Apparently,  at  about  6  a.m.,  Plath  had  arranged  the  children  and   the  note  about  calling  her  doctor,  sealed  herself  in  the  kitchen   with  towels  around  the  door  and  window,  placed  her  head  in   the  oven,  and  turned  on  the  gas  (Stevenson,  1989).  A  neighbor   downstairs  was  knocked  out  by  seeping  gas  and  thus  was  not   awake  to  let  the  au  pair  into  the  building  when  she  arrived.   After  Plath’s  death,  Alvarez  (1970,  p.  34)  wrote:  “I  am  convinced   by  what  I  know  of  the  facts  that  this  time  she  did  not  intend  to   die.”  However  that  may  be,  interest  in  Plath’s  life,  chronic   suicidality,  and  death  continues  long  after  her  death  (e.g.,   Gerisch,  1998;  Lester,  1998).   For  many  people,  behavior  that  appears  to  involve  a  deliberate   intention  to  end  one’s  life  is  puzzling  (Marcus,  2010;  Torres,   2016).  First,  such  behavior  seems  to  challenge  widely  held   values,  including  the  value  of  human  life.  Second,  the   motivations  or  intentions  behind  suicidal  behavior  frequently   appear  to  be  enigmatic  or  incomprehensible  to  outside   observers.  Thus,  when  a  death  occurs  by  suicide,  there  is  often  a   desperate  search  for  a  note,  an  explanation,  or  some  elusive   meaning  that  must  have  been  involved  in  the  act.  Typically,   however,  there  is  no  single  explanation  or  meaning  in  all  of  the   individuality  and  complexities  that  typify  suicidal  and  life-­‐‑ threatening  behavior.  We  see  some  of  this  perplexity  in  the   ways  Ernest  Hemingway  and  Sylvia  Plath  chose  to  end  their   lives,  lives  that  to  outsiders  seemed  to  have  many  positive   features  (see  also  the  example  of  Robin  Williams  in  Focus  On   20.4  in  Chapter  20  in  this  book).  Thus,  Jamison  (1999,  p.  73)   wrote:  “Each  way  to  suicide  is  its  own:  intensely  private,   unknowable,  and  terrible.  Suicide  will  have  seemed  to  its   perpetrator  the  last  and  best  of  bad  possibilities,  and  any   attempt  by  the  living  to  chart  this  final  terrain  of  a  life  can  be   4     only  a  sketch,  maddeningly  incomplete.”  That  may  be  the  most   tantalizing  aspect  of  it  all.   Note  that  we  have  already  considered  some  issues  related  to   suicide,  especially  as  related  to  adolescents  and  the  elderly   in  Chapters  13  and  15.  Also,  we  will  discuss  intentionally   deciding  to  end  a  human  life  via  assisted  suicide,  euthanasia,   and  aid  in  dying  in  Chapter  18.  

Tutor Answer

School: UC Berkeley


Running Head: JOURNALS.


Journal entries.
Name of the course:
Name of the institution:
Name of the student:



Journal entries.
Week 4: chapter 4
The authors opened the chapter by explaining some of the factors that lead to suicidal behavior.
Before reading this chapter, I never thought suicidal cases could be associated with
neurochemical or genetic factors. The author also states the possibility of suicidal behavior being
inherited which is something I never thought it can exist until I read about a study in Denmark
which showed suicidal behavior from a group of biological families who portrayed the same
effective disorder. After reading Emile Durkheim argument, I realized that psychological
conditions have no effects to suicidal behavior, he argued that suicide can only be an outcome of
how a person associates with the society. It’s through Emile Durkheim argument that I realized
there are three type of relationships between individuals and society which can lead to suicidal
behavior. He also stated and explained the possibility of a fourth type of relationship that can
also lead to suicidal behavior.
The four type are:
a. Egoistic suicide.
Through his reflection I leaned that isolation can make an individual to question
themselves about the importance of life as compared to when the individual is among a
group of people who can provides some assistance towards the importance of life. When
an individual is left alone, they que...

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