SOC 180 UCLA Racial Inequality in Black Male Athletes discussion

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Reflection Paper (25%): Each student is required to submit a brief 1-page, single spaced reflection paper at a week of their choosing sometime between Weeks 3-10. These papers should draw heavily on the readings and should explore the way in which you as the student are processing, reacting to, and/or challenging the materials. Talking about race, racialization, and racisim for a quarter can be emotional, triggering, eye-opening, or can just make you mad. This is assignment creates a space to attend to this very real dimension of the course content.


1 page single spaced on article and racism reflection paper

Don't summarize but incorporate and use article and what you learned and how it ties to race ETC. (what professor says)


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University of Pennsylvania From the SelectedWorks of Shaun R. Harper, Ph.D. 2013 Black Male Student-Athletes and Racial Inequities in NCAA Division I Revenue-Generating College Sports Shaun R. Harper, Ph.D., University of Pennsylvania Collin D. Williams Jr., University of Pennsylvania Horatio Blackman, University of Pennsylvania Available at: https://works.bepress.com/sharper/54/ Black Male Student-Athletes and Racial Inequities in NCAA Division I College Sports BY SHAUN R. HARPER, COLLIN D. WILLIAMS JR., AND HORATIO W. BLACKMAN Table of Contents Executive Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Message from Kenneth L. Shropshire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Background and Research Methods . Racial Equity: Winners and Losers . Atlantic Coast Conference Big East Conference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Big Ten Conference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Big 12 Conference Pac 12 Conference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Southeastern Conference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendations for Improving Racial Equity in College Sports References . Opinions expressed herein belong entirely to the authors and do not necessarily represent viewpoints of the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania. © 2013, Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania. All rights reserved. 1 13 14 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 RECOMMENDED CITATION FOR THIS REPORT: Harper, S. R., Williams, C. D., & Blackman, H. W. (2013). Black male student-athletes and racial inequities in NCAA Division I college sports. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, Center for the Study of Race and Equity in Education. The report is also available in .PDF for free download at www.gse.upenn.edu/equity/sports Executive Summary Transparency, not shock value, is the primary aim of this report. In fact, statistics presented herein concerning the overrepresentation of Black male student-athletes are unlikely to surprise anyone who has watched a college football or men’s basketball game over the past 20 years. Likewise, scholars who study race in intercollegiate athletics will probably deem unsurprising our findings on racial inequities in six-year graduation rates. What we find shocking is that these trends are so pervasive, yet institutional leaders, the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), and athletics conference commissioners have not done more in response to them. Also astonishing to us is that it seems the American public (including former Black student-athletes, sports enthusiasts, journalists, and leaders in Black communities) has accepted as normal the widespread inequities that are cyclically reproduced in most revenue-generating college sports programs. Perhaps more outrage and calls for accountability would ensue if there were greater awareness of the actual extent to which college sports persistently disadvantage Black male student-athletes. Hence, the purpose of this report is to make transparent racial inequities in the Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC), Big East Conference, Big Ten Conference, Big 12 Conference, Pac 12 Conference, and the Southeastern Conference (SEC). Data from the NCAA and the U.S. Department of Education are presented for the 76 institutional members of these six athletic conferences. Specifically, we offer a four-year analysis of Black men’s representation on football and basketball teams versus their representation in the undergraduate student body on each campus. We also compare Black male student-athletes’ six-year graduation rates (across four cohorts) to student-athletes overall, undergraduate students overall, and Black undergraduate men overall at each institution. Thank you for taking time to read our report; feel free WRSDVVLWDORQJWRRWKHUVZKRPD\ÀQGLWLQWHUHVWLQJ and useful. Please direct questions, feedback, and reactions to us via e-mail at sharper1@upenn.edu, cold@gse.upenn.edu, and horatiob@gse.upenn.edu. We hope this document heightens public awareness and ignites serious action in response to one of the most vexing racial equity issues in U.S. higher education. “Perhaps nowhere in higher education is the disenfranchisement of Black male students more insidious than in college athletics” Major results of our study include: U Between 2007 and 2010, Black men were 2.8% of full-time, degree-seeking undergraduate students, but 57.1% of football teams and 64.3% of basketball teams. U Across four cohorts, 50.2% of Black male student-athletes graduated within six years, compared to 66.9% of studentathletes overall, 72.8% of undergraduate students overall, and 55.5% of Black undergraduate men overall. U 96.1% of these NCAA Division I colleges and universities graduated Black male student-athletes at rates lower than student-athletes overall. U 97.4% of institutions graduated Black male student-athletes at rates lower than undergraduate students overall. On no campus were rates exactly comparable for these two comparison groups. U At one university, Black male student-athletes graduated at a comparable rate to Black undergraduate men overall. On 72.4% of the other campuses, graduation rates for Black male student-athletes were lower than rates for Black undergraduate men overall. – (Harper, 2006, p. 6) In the pages that follow, we summarize previously published studies on Black male studentathletes and provide more details about our research methods. We then present lists of highand low-performing institutions. Statistics are also furnished for each individual college/university in the six athletic conferences. The report concludes with implications for college and university presidents, athletics directors, commissioners of the six major sports conferences, the NCAA, journalists, and Black male student athletes and their families. 1 Dead Ball Though many aspire to play professional sports after college, the National Football League (NFL) and the National Basketball Association (NBA) will draft fewer than 2% of student-athletes each year. SOURCE: Martin (2009) 2 Message from Kenneth L. Shropshire One quandary scholars and policymakers have sought to unravel is the proper role of sports in our society. Intercollegiate athletics is one sector that has received much scrutiny. Policy decisions are often based on belief rather than facts. In the African American community the reference is often to “mother wit,” a feeling that something is right or wrong. People often adhere to long held beliefs when making policy recommendations rather than looking at evidence and cutting-edge research. My old pastor once began a sermon with the query, “which is correct: two heads are better than one, or too many cooks spoil the broth?” He stared into the congregation and asked, “they can’t both be right, can they?” His point was that we should not rely on lyrical beliefs that have been handed down to us, as they are often contradictory. He was guiding us to look to the Bible for answers. That was not a bad suggestion. Another recommendation for social issues and educational inequities is to look to statistics. That is where Professor Harper and his coauthors lead us in this report. The percentage of Black men that composes the ranks of student-athletes gives us reason to pause and incentive to look further. While representing only 2.8% of full-time undergraduate students, they constitute 58.4% of the football and men’s basketball teams at colleges and universities in the six major NCAA Division I sports conferences. Intercollegiate athletics provide college opportunity to young Black men and take them off the streets, or major sports programs take advantage of these students without serious care for their personal and academic success. They can’t both be right, can they? What can we learn about racial inequities in higher education by examining six-year graduation rates? At all but three institutions in this study, Black male student-athletes graduated at rates lower than teammates from other racial groups. Are these racial inequities in college completion best explained by Black men’s fascination with playing for the NFL and NBA, or is it that coaches only care if these students are academically eligible for athletic Professor Shropshire LVDIDFXOW\DIÀOLDWH in the Penn GSE Center for the Study of Race and Equity in Education. His 11 books include “Agents of Opportunity: Sports Agents and Corruption in Collegiate Sports.” competition but are considerably less concerned about rates at which they graduate? Which is right, which is wrong? Do Black men on college sports teams graduate at higher rates than do their same-race male peers who do not participate in athletics? Yes at about one quarter of the institutions in this study, no at the overwhelming majority of others. The NCAA maintains that student-athletes graduate at higher rates because they are better at maximizing limited study time bounded by hours of practice, travel, and competition. This lyrical belief seems to not apply to Black male student-athletes at institutions in the six championship sports conferences examined in this report. Is the broth spoiled? This study represents the path we must take to distinguish right from wrong and lyrical beliefs from statistical realities. The authors provide data that are necessary to improve student-athlete success and develop policies that address longstanding racial inequities in college sports. This study provides statistical insights into problems that are in need of accountability and policy response. Mother wit has its place, but data do a better job of making transparent what is actually right and wrong. Warmest Regards, Kenneth L. Shropshire, J.D. David W. Hauck Professor of Legal Studies and Business Ethics Director, Wharton Sports Business Initiative University of Pennsylvania 3 Background and Research Methods Every Heisman Trophy winner over the past 21 years attended one of the universities analyzed in this report. This report builds on Harper’s (2006) analysis of Black male student-athletes’ representation on revenue-generating sports teams (football and basketball), as well as racial differences in six-year graduation rates, at 50 public flagship universities. Black men were 2.8% of undergraduates, but 54.6% of football players and 60.8% of basketball team members at institutions in the report. Across four cohorts of student-athletes, 47% of Black men graduated within six years, compared to 60% of White males and 62% of student-athletes overall in the 2006 study. In this report, we provide data on representation trends and six-year graduation rates at 76 colleges and universities that comprise six major sports conferences: the ACC, Big East, Big Ten, Big 12, Pac 12, and SEC. These conferences were chosen for our analysis because every NCAA Division I football champion since 1989 and each Division I men’s basketball championship team since 1991 has come from them. They were also selected because their football conference champions receive automatic bids to the Bowl Championship Series (BCS), a post-season series of five nationally televised football contests. According to the BCS website, “Each conference whose team qualifies automatically for the BCS receives approximately $22 million in net revenue. A second team qualifying brings an additional $6 million to its conference” (www.bcsfootball.org). Millions are also paid to conferences when men’s basketball teams at member institutions advance to the NCAA Division I Final Four championship. Above all, we are focusing on colleges and universities in these six conferences because they are likely sites at which trends reported in published research on Black male student-athletes are most problematic. Black Male Student-Athletes: A Research Overview Much has been written over the past four decades about Black male student participation in intercollegiate athletics. Numerous studies highlight a range of inequities at Division I institutions, the NCAA’s highest and most financially lucrative competition level. Most emphasis in the literature has been on members of revenue-generating sports teams, namely football and men’s basketball. Harper (2006) explains that these are the two sports that garner the most media attention (which also generates television contracts and corporate sponsorships), attract the most fans (who pay to attend games), and yield the most revenue from merchandise sales (e.g., jerseys and other apparel). Scholars have recently examined how Black men are socialized to value sports over academics at a young age (e.g., Beamon & Bell, 2006; Benson, 4 2000); the ways in which colleges and universities reap enormous financial benefits at the expense of Black male student-athlete success (e.g., Beamon, 2008; Donnor, 2005; Harper, 2009a); and the long-term effects of sports participation on Black men’s psychological wellness and post-college career transitions (e.g., Beamon & Bell, 2011; Harrison & Lawrence, 2003). Considerable effort has also been devoted to exploring racial differences between Black men and their White male teammates. For example, Harrison, Comeaux, and Plecha (2006) found disparities in the academic preparation of Black and White student-athletes. Specifically, Blacks were recruited from less prestigious high schools with insufficient resources, which likely underprepared them for the rigors of college-level academic work. Nearly 30 years ago, renowned scholar-activist Harry Edwards wrote, “They must contend, of course, with the connotations and social reverberations of the traditional ‘dumb jock’ caricature. But Black student-athletes are burdened also with the insidiously racist implications of the myth of ‘innate Black athletic superiority,’ and the more blatantly racist stereotype of the ‘dumb Negro’ condemned by racial heritage to intellectual inferiority” (1984, p. 8). This caricature and other racial stereotypes continue to plague Black male student-athletes at many predominantly white colleges and universities (Hodge, Burden, Robinson, & Bennett, 2008; Hughes, Satterfield, & Giles, 2007; Oseguera, 2010). Because Black men are so overrepresented in college athletics, Harper (2009b) contends the myth also negatively affects those who are not student-athletes, as their White peers and others (e.g., faculty, alumni, and administrators) often erroneously presume they are members of intercollegiate sports teams and stereotype them accordingly. The importance of engaging student-athletes in educationally purposeful activities and enriching educational experiences, both inside and outside the classroom, has been well established in the literature (Comeaux, Speer, Taustine, & Harrison, 2011; Gayles & Hu, 2009; Martin, 2009). Notwithstanding, Black male student-athletes rarely accrue benefits and developmental outcomes associated with high levels of purposeful engagement beyond athletics. This has serious implications for faculty-student interaction, an important form of engagement. Comeaux and Harrison (2007) found that engagement with faculty was essential to academic achievement for Black and White male student-athletes, yet professors spent significantly more out-of-class time with Whites. Furthermore, high-achieving Black male student-athletes in Martin, Harrison, and Bukstein’s (2010) study reported that coaches prioritized athletic accomplishment over academic engagement and discouraged participation in activities beyond their sport. Studies cited in this section illuminate problems that are both longstanding and pervasive, especially in big-time college sports programs. They advance a sociocultural understanding of the status of Black male student-athletes, one of the most stereotyped populations on college campuses. Our report complements the literature by furnishing a statistical portrait of these students and highlighting racial inequities that disadvantage them in the six conferences that routinely win NCAA Division I football and men’s basketball championships. We also analyzed each institution’s NCAA graduation rates report and compared Black male student-athletes to three groups: [1] student-athletes overall, [2] undergraduate students overall, and [3] Black undergraduate men overall. These graduation rates were averages across four cohorts, as opposed to a single year. These undergraduate students entered college in 2001, 2002, 2003, and 2004 and graduated by 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010. Complete data were available for every institution except the University of Utah. Rates reported herein are for Black male scholarship athletes on all sports teams, not just football and basketball. Data Sources and Analysis This report is based on quantitative data from the U.S. Department of Education’s Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) and the NCAA Federal Graduation Rates Database. We used IPEDS to calculate Black men’s share of undergraduate student enrollments across four cohort years at each of the 76 colleges and universities in this study. These percentages were juxtaposed with Black men’s share of scholarship student-athletes; numbers of Black male students on football and basketball teams at each institution were retrieved from the NCAA database. These statistics reflect the 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010 academic school terms. Five institutions (DePaul University, Marquette University, Providence College, Seton Hall University, and St. John’s University) do not have NCAA Division I intercollegiate football teams; only Black men’s representation on basketball teams was calculated for them. Limitations This study has two noteworthy limitations. First, the NCAA database is inclusive of only scholarship student-athletes. It is possible (but not likely) that a team had significantly more or substantially fewer Black male members who were not athletic scholarship recipients. Second, graduation rates do not account for undergraduates who transferred from one institution to another. Transfer students are counted as dropouts. Notwithstanding this limitation, no published evidence or anecdotal reports suggest that Black male studentathletes are any more or less likely than other racial groups to transfer. Advisory Committee A dozen athletics administrators, former college and current professional athletes, and experts on intercoll ...
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NicholasI
School: UIUC

hello, kindly find the attached completed work. Thank You.

Outline
Reflection
Thesis: Race is what defines us, but many have argued that race is what divides us. The validity
of this claim and how relevant it is, has always been a matter of discussion to many people.
1.Introduction
2.Body
a) Reflection on the article
3. Conclusion


Running Head: RACISM

1

RACISM
Name
Institution of Affiliation
Date

RACISM

2

Introduction
Race is what defines us, but many have argued that race is what divides us. The validity
of this claim and how relevant it is, has always been a matter of discussion to many people. This
paper will dwell on this matter by the use of a case example of athletes and sportsmen in
institutions who come from African American heritage. While at it, this paper will also a...

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Anonymous
Tutor went the extra mile to help me with this essay. Citations were a bit shaky but I appreciated how well he handled APA styles and how ok he was to change them even though I didnt specify. Got a B+ which is believable and acceptable.

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