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CHAPTER SIX
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B EI N G A C A R E F U L
OBSERVER
Interviews are a primary source of data in qualitative research; so
too are observations. Observations are common in many types
of qualitative research, such as in case studies, ethnographies, and
qualitative action research studies. Observations are especially
important in ethnographic studies.
Observations can be distinguished from interviews in two ways.
First, observations take place in the setting where the phenomenon
of interest naturally occurs rather than a location designated for
the purpose of interviewing; second, observational data represent a
firsthand encounter with the phenomenon of interest rather than a
secondhand account of the world obtained in an interview. In the
real world of collecting data, however, informal interviews and
conversations are often interwoven with observation. The terms
fieldwork and field study usually connote both activities (observation
and informal interviews) and may also include the study of documents and artifacts. That caveat notwithstanding, the primary focus
of this chapter is on the activity of observation—the use of observation as a research tool, the problem of what to observe, the
relationship between observer and observed, and the means for
recording observations. We also discuss the whole phenomenon of
online observation, given that we now have the ability to observe at
a distance through online and various virtual technologies.
137
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OBSERVATION
IN
RESEARCH
Being alive renders us natural observers of our everyday world and
our behavior in it. What we learn helps us make sense of our world
and guides our future actions. Most of this observation is routine—
largely unconscious and unsystematic. It is part of living, part of our
commonsense interaction with the world. But just as casually
conversing with someone differs from interviewing, so too does
this routine observation differ from research observation. Observation is a research tool when it is systematic, when it addresses a
specific research question, and when it is subject to the checks and
balances in producing trustworthy results.
Critics of participant observation as a data-gathering technique point to the highly subjective and therefore unreliable
nature of human perception. Human perception is also very
selective. Consider a traffic accident at a busy intersection.
From each different witness to the accident there will be a
different, perhaps even contradictory, account of what happened.
However, the witnesses were not planning to systematically
observe the accident, nor were they trained in observational
techniques. These factors differentiate everyday observation
from research-related observation. Patton (2015) contends that
comparing untrained observers with researchers is like comparing what “an amateur community talent show” can do compared
with “professional performers” (p. 331). Training and mental
preparation is as important in becoming a good observer as it is in
becoming a good interviewer. Wolcott (1992) also notes that the
difference between “mere mortals” and qualitative researchers is
that “qualitative researchers, like others whose roles demand
selective attentiveness—artists and novelists, detectives and spies,
guards and thieves, to name a few—pay special attention to a few
things to which others ordinarily give only passing attention.
Observers of any ilk do no more: We all attend to certain things,
and nobody attends to them all” (pp. 22–23).
Just as you can learn to be a skilled interviewer, you can also
learn to be a careful, systematic observer. Training to be a skilled
observer includes “learning to pay attention,” learning how to write
“descriptively,” practicing the disciplined recording of field notes,
“knowing how to separate detail from trivia . . . and using systematic
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BEING A CAREFUL OBSERVER
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methods to validate and triangulate observations” (Patton, 2015,
p. 331). You can practice observing in any number of ways—by
being a complete observer in a public place, by being a participant observer in your work or social settings, or by watching films
or videotapes. You can also apprentice yourself to an experienced field researcher, comparing his or her observations with
yours. You might also read other people’s accounts of the
experience.
An investigator might want to gather data through observation
for many reasons. As an outsider an observer will notice things that
have become routine to the participants themselves, things that
may lead to understanding the context. Observations are also
conducted to triangulate emerging findings; that is, they are
used in conjunction with interviewing and document analysis to
substantiate the findings (see Chapter Nine). The participant
observer sees things firsthand and uses his or her own knowledge
and expertise in interpreting what is observed rather than relying
on once-removed accounts from interviews. Observation makes it
possible to record behavior as it is happening.
Another reason to conduct observations is to provide some
knowledge of the context or to provide specific incidents, behaviors, and so on that can be used as reference points for subsequent
interviews. This is a particularly helpful strategy for understanding
ill-defined phenomena. For example, in a study of respiratory
therapists’ critical thinking, Mishoe (1995) observed therapists
as they worked in the clinical setting, and shortly thereafter she
interviewed them. She was thus able to ask them what they were
thinking with regard to specific behaviors she had witnessed on site.
As an aside, this type of interview is sometimes called “anchored
interviewing,” as the interview questions are “anchored” to what
was observed.
Finally, people may not feel free to talk about or may not want
to discuss all topics. In studying a small educational unit, for
example, the researcher might observe dissension and strife among
certain staff members that an interview would not reveal. Observation is the best technique to use when an activity, event, or situation
can be observed firsthand, when a fresh perspective is desired,
or when participants are not able or willing to discuss the topic
under study.
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WHAT
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TO
OBSERVE
What to observe is determined by several factors. The most
important is the researcher’s purpose in conducting the study
in the first place. In other words, the theoretical framework, the
problem, and the questions of interest determine what is to be
observed. As we noted in Chapter Four, a researcher’s disciplinary
orientation often determines how a problem is defined. An
educator might observe a school because of an interest in how
students learn, whereas a sociologist might visit the same school
because of an interest in social institutions. Practical considerations also play a part in determining what to observe. Certain
behavior is difficult to observe; further, a researcher must have the
time, money, and energy to devote to observation and must be
allowed to observe by those in the situation of interest. Observers
need to be open to early impressions and feelings about what is
going on in a setting because it is these early impressions that help
determine subsequent patterns of observation. Schensul and
LeCompte (2013) write that researchers’ curiosity will drive
what they initially observe, and that over time “with repeated
observation and questioning, the meanings of items, articles,
patterns of behavior, and social relationships and events will
become clearer” (p. 91).
What to observe is partly a function of how structured the
observer wants to be. Just as there is a range of structure in
interviewing, there is also a range of structure in observation.
The researcher can decide ahead of time to concentrate on
observing certain events, behaviors, or persons. A code sheet might
be used to record instances of specified behavior. Less-structured
observations can be compared to a television camera scanning the
area. Where to begin looking depends on the research question,
but where to focus or stop action cannot be determined ahead of
time. The focus must be allowed to emerge and in fact may change
over the course of the study.
Nevertheless, no one can observe everything, and the
researcher must start somewhere. Several writers present
lists of things to observe, at least to get started in the activity.
Here is a checklist of elements likely to be present in any
setting:
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1. The physical setting: What is the physical environment like?
What is the context? What kinds of behavior is the setting
designed for? How is space allocated? What objects, resources,
technologies are in the setting? The principal’s office, the
school bus, the cafeteria, and the classroom vary in physical
attributes as well as in the anticipated behaviors.
2. The participants: Describe who is in the scene, how many people, and their roles. What brings these people together? Who
is allowed here? Who is not here that you would expect to be
here? What are the relevant characteristics of the participants?
Further, what are the ways in which the people in this setting
organize themselves? “Patterns and frequency of interactions,
the direction of communication patterns . . . and changes in
these patterns tell us things about the social environment”
(Patton, 2015, p. 367).
3. Activities and interactions: What is going on? Is there a definable
sequence of activities? How do the people interact with the
activity and with one another? How are people and activities
connected? What norms or rules structure the activities and
interactions? When did the activity begin? How long does it
last? Is it a typical activity, or unusual?
4. Conversation: What is the content of conversations in this setting? Who speaks to whom? Who listens? Quote directly, paraphrase, and summarize conversations. If possible, use a tape
recorder to back up your note-taking. Note silences and nonverbal behavior that add meaning to the exchange.
5. Subtle factors: Less obvious but perhaps as important to the
observation are
Informal and unplanned activities
Symbolic and connotative meanings of words
Nonverbal communication such as dress and physical space
Unobtrusive measures such as physical clues
“What does not happen” . . . especially if “certain things
ought to happen or are expected to happen” (Patton, 2015,
p. 379, emphasis in original)
6. Your own behavior: You are as much a part of the scene as participants. How is your role, whether as an observer or an intimate participant, affecting the scene you are observing? What
do you say and do? In addition, what thoughts are you having
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about what is going on? These become “observer comments,”
an important part of field notes.
Each participant observation experience has its own rhythm
and flow. The duration of a single observation or the total amount
of time spent collecting data in this way is a function of the problem
being investigated. There is no ideal amount of time to spend
observing, nor is there one preferred pattern of observation. For
some situations, observation over an extended period may be most
appropriate; for others, shorter periodic observations make the
most sense, given the purpose of the study and practical constraints. Most writers do recommend that when learning to do
field work, sessions of an hour or less are recommended. Observations take enormous energy and concentration. Further, it is
recommended that you allow for writing up your field notes as
soon after the observation as possible.
The process of collecting data through observations can be
broken into the three stages: entry, data collection, and exit.
Gaining entry into a site begins with gaining the confidence and
permission of those who can approve the activity. This step is more
easily accomplished through a mutual contact who can recommend the researcher to the “gatekeepers” involved. Even with an
advocate working on your behalf, it may be difficult to gain entry to
certain settings. In our experience, it is difficult for an outsider to
gain entry to business and industry, some government agencies,
and some groups because of the sensitivity or exclusivity of their
mission (such as self-help groups, racial and ethnic groups, and so
forth). Bogdan and Biklen (2011) point out that most groups will
want answers to the following:
What are you actually going to do?
Will you be disruptive?
What are you going to do with your findings?
Why us? Why have “they or their organizations” been “singled
out for study”? (p. 88)
What will we get out of this? (pp. 87–88)
You will increase your chances of gaining entry by being prepared to answer these questions as candidly as possible, being
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persistent, and being able to adjust to modifications in your
original request. Once you have gained entry, the following comments by Bogdan and Biklen (2011) can aid you in your first few
days in the field:
“Do not take what happens in the field personally” (p. 91).
Have someone on site introduce you.
Keep the first observations fairly short to avoid becoming
overwhelmed with the novelty of the situation.
Be relatively passive and unobtrusive, put people at ease, learn
how to act and dress in the setting.
Be friendly and honest but not overly technical or detailed in
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explaining what you are doing.
They also suggest that the researcher establish rapport by
fitting into the participants’ routines, finding some common
ground with them, helping out on occasion, being friendly, and
showing interest in the activity.
Once you (the researcher) become familiar with the setting
and begin to see what is there to observe, serious data collection
can begin. There is little glamour and much hard work in this
phase of research. It takes great concentration to observe intently,
remember as much as possible, and then record in as much detail
as possible what has been observed. Conducting an observation,
even a short one, can be exhausting, especially in the beginning of
a study. Everyone and everything is new; you do not know what will
be important, so you try to observe everything; you are concerned
about the effect you will have on the scene; you miss things while
taking notes; and so on. It is probably best to do more frequent,
shorter observations at first. The more familiar everything feels and
the more comfortable you are in the setting, the longer you will be
able to observe.
The overall time spent on the site, the number of visits, and the
number of observations made per visit cannot be precisely determined ahead of time. At some point, time and money will run out,
and new information will be scarce. Ideally, depletion of resources
coincides with saturation of information. Leaving the field, however,
may be even more difficult than gaining entry. Relationships have
been formed, habitual patterns established with regard to the site,
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and so on. Patton (2015, p. 405) recommends thinking through
“an exit or disengagement strategy.” Bogdan and Biklen (2011,
p. 116) suggest that “rather than abruptly ending this phase of . . .
research, . . . ease out of the field by coming less frequently and
then eventually stopping altogether.” In any case, “all field workers,
novices and the more experienced, still worry about whether they got
it all and got it right. No one gets it all, of course. But researchers ask
themselves whether they have captured the range and the variation
of patterns relevant to their topics” (Preissle & Grant, 2004, p. 180).
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN OBSERVER
AND OBSERVED
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The researcher can assume one of several stances while collecting
information as an observer; stances range from being a full participant—the investigator is a member of the group being observed—
to being a spectator. Gold’s (1958) classic typology offers a spectrum of four possible stances:
1. Complete participant: The researcher is a member of the group
being studied and conceals his or her observer role from the
group so as not to disrupt the natural activity of the group.
The inside information obtainable by using this method must
be weighed against the possible disadvantages—loss of perspective on the group, being labeled a spy or traitor when
research activities are revealed, and the questionable ethics of
deceiving the other participants.
2. Participant as observer: The researcher’s observer activities,
which are known to the group, are subordinate to the
researcher’s role as a participant. Schensul and LeCompte
(2013) refer to this as “a data-collection technique that
requires the researcher to be present at, involved in, and actually recording the routine daily activities with people in the
field setting” (p. 83), while maintaining an active participant
role. The trade-off here is between the depth of the information revealed to the researcher and the level of confidentiality
promised to the group in order to obtain this information.
3. Observer as participant: The researcher’s observer activities are
known to the group; participation in the group is definitely
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secondary to the role of information gatherer. Using this
method, the researcher may have access to many people
and a wide range of information, but the level of the information revealed is controlled by the group members being
investigated. Adler and Adler (1998) refer to this as a “peripheral membership role,” which is different from having an
active membership role. Here researchers “observe and interact closely enough with members to establish an insider’s
identity without participating in those activities constituting
the core of group membership” (p. 85).
4. Complete observer: The researcher is either hidden from the
group (for example, behind a one-way mirror) or in a completely public setting such as an airport or library.
More recent work has defined yet another possible stance of
the researcher vis-à-vis participants—that of the collaborative partner.
This role is closest to being a complete participant on the continuum just detailed, but the investigator’s identity is clearly known to
everyone involved. Although defined variously within the areas of
teacher research, feminist research, or action and participatory
research, the defining characteristic of this stance is that the
investigator and the participants are equal partners in the research
process—including defining the problem to be studied, collecting
and analyzing data, and writing and disseminating the findings.
(For further discussion of this role see Cranton & Merriam, 2015;
Herr & Anderson, 2015.)
Inherent in the full participant–full observer continuum is the
extent to which the investigation is overt or covert. Whether the
researcher is a complete participant or a complete observer, in
some cases the “real” activity (or the details of exactly what the
researcher is observing) is not entirely known to those being
observed. This situation leads to ethical questions related to the
privacy and protection of research subjects—issues discussed more
fully in Chapter Nine. Uldam and McCurdy (2013) also discuss
issues of covert and overt research in more detail.
In reality, researchers are rarely total participants or total
observers. Rather, there is often a mix of roles wherein one might
either begin as a full participant and then withdraw into more of a
researcher stance or the reverse: begin as a total observer and
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become more of a participant over time. Although the ideal in
qualitative research is to get inside the perspective of the participants, full participation is not always possible. A researcher can
never know exactly how it feels to be illiterate or mentally ill, for
example. A question can also be raised as to just how much better it
is to be an insider. Being born into a group, “going native,” or just
being a member does not necessarily afford the perspective necessary for studying the phenomenon. Conversely, being a member of
the group being studied may be the only way to gain access and
obtain reliable information. Patton (2015) underscores the balance needed between insider and outsider in qualitative research.
“Experiencing the program as an insider accentuates the participant part of participant observation. At the same time, the inquirer
remains aware of being an outsider. The challenge is to combine
participation and observation so as to become capable of understanding the setting as an insider while describing it to and for
outsiders” (p. 338).
As the researcher gains familiarity with the phenomenon being
studied, the mix of participation and observation is likely to
change. As Walford (2001) notes, being an observer is a “process
of role definition, negotiation and renegotiation” (p. 62). Further,
there is only one role initially open to researchers, despite the
intent of the researcher, and that role is restricted to what those
who are being observed “automatically assign . . . to a researcher”
(p. 63). The researcher might begin as a spectator and gradually
become involved in the activities being observed. In other situations an investigator might decide to join a group to see what it is
actually like to be a participant and then gradually withdraw,
eventually assuming the role of interested observer. Uldam and
McCurdy (2013) provide an interesting discussion of insider and
outsider status issues in conducting participant observation; they
note how the roles can shift and change in studying involvement in
various social movements. They highlight how this has happened in
studying the Occupy movement; they also consider how the impact
of social media can also change these roles further when one posts
comments on media sites that members are a part of.
Participant observation is a schizophrenic activity in that the
researcher usually participates but not to the extent of becoming
totally absorbed in the activity, at least in the way that conducting
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observation has been traditionally conceptualized. As Roach
(2014) notes (and then deconstructs), in traditional conceptualizations of the participant observer role, the researcher tries to stay
sufficiently detached to observe and analyze, while participating.
But this is a marginal position and personally difficult to sustain.
Gans (1982) captures the distress in being a researcher participant:
“The temptation to become involved was ever-present. I had to
fight the urge to shed the emotional handcuffs that bind the
researcher, and to react spontaneously to the situation, to relate
to people as a person and to derive pleasure rather than data from
the situation. Often, I carried on an internal tug of war, to decide
how much spontaneous participation was possible without missing
something as a researcher” (p. 54).
The ambiguity of participant observation can be one source of
anxiety for the qualitative researcher. Gans (1982) cites three other
sources that make this method of gathering data particularly
difficult. There is, he writes, “the constant worry about the flow
of research activities.” And he goes on to ask, “Is one doing the right
thing at the right time, attending the right meeting, or talking to
the right people?” (p. 58). Another source of anxiety is “how to
make sense out of what one is studying, how not to be upset by the
initial inability to understand and how to order the constant influx
of data” (p. 59). Finally, the inherent deception in participant
observation leads to “a pervasive feeling of guilt” and “a tendency to
overidentify with the people being studied” (p. 59).
Another concern is the extent to which the observer investigator affects what is being observed. In traditional models of research,
the ideal is to be as objective and detached as possible so as not to
“contaminate” the study. Feminist, postmodern, and critical
researchers have problematized this position, however, arguing
that the presence of anything or anyone in a research environment
is going to have some effect (Roach, 2014), and that it is better to
own one’s positionality and attempt to account for it. Further, in
qualitative research in which the researcher is the primary instrument of data collection, subjectivity and interaction are assumed.
The interdependency between the observer and the observed may
bring about changes in both parties’ behaviors. The question, then,
is not whether the process of observing affects what is observed, but
how the researcher can identify those effects and account for them
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in interpreting the data. At the very least, participants who know
they are being observed will tend to behave in socially acceptable
ways and present themselves in a favorable manner. Further,
participants will regulate their behavior in reaction to even subtle
forms of feedback from the observer—as when notes are taken or
behavior is attended to in a particular fashion. Finally, the mere
presence of the observer in the setting can affect the climate of the
setting, often effecting a more formal atmosphere than is usually
the case.
The extent to which an observer changes the situation studied
is never entirely clear. Frankenberg (1982, p. 51) points out that in
traditional anthropological studies the activities of an ethnographer (researcher) are not likely to change “custom and practice
built up over years.” It is more likely that the researcher will prove
to be “a catalyst for changes that are already taking place.” Others
have suggested that, over time, the stability of a social setting is
rarely disrupted by the presence of an observer. Further, as noted
earlier, those researchers coming from feminist, postmodern,
critical, or complexity science perspectives will argue that there
is always an effect, which isn’t necessarily negative, and it’s simply
best to try to account for the effect. It has been the experience of
many field researchers that at first their presence may elicit more
polite, formal, or guarded behavior, but this cannot be sustained;
the social setting returns to its typical functioning. In any case, the
researcher must be sensitive to the possible effects one might be
having on the situation and account for those effects. “Observers,”
Patton (2015, p. 413) writes, “must make an effort to observe
themselves observing and record the effects of their observations
on the people observed and, no less important, reflect on changes
they’ve experienced from having been in the setting. This means
being able to balance observation with reflection and manage the
tension between engagement and detachment.”
Wolcott (2005) sums up this “tension between engagement and
detachment” by acknowledging that all researchers have
to achieve a workable balance between participating and
observing. There is always a question of whether those two
processes constitute discrete functions or are hopelessly intertwined in the very act of anyone being anywhere, but it is
comforting to have our own special label for what we do to
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reassure ourselves that our being there is different from anyone
else’s. That self-conscious role is what we examine when we
discuss participant observation—how we can realize the potential
not simply of being there, but of being so agonizingly selfconscious about it. (p. 89)
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RECORDING OBSERVATIONS
What is written down or mechanically recorded from a period of
observation becomes the raw data from which a study’s findings
eventually emerge. This written account of the observation constitutes field notes, which are analogous to the interview transcript.
In both forms of data collection, the more complete the recording,
the easier it is to analyze the data. How much can be captured
during an observation? The answer depends on the researcher’s
role and the extent to which he or she is a participant in the activity.
On-site recording can thus range from continuous (especially for a
total observer) to taking sketchy notes to not recording anything at
all during an observation. Unfortunately, “writing field notes is an
onerous task, but field notes constitute the basis for data upon
which the study is based: no field notes, no data” (Schensul &
LeCompte, 2013, p. 20).
Although mechanical devices such as video cameras or laptop
computers can be used to record observations, the cost and
obtrusiveness of these methods often preclude their use. It is
much more likely that a researcher will jot down notes during
an observation and wait until afterward to record in detail what has
been observed. Thus, unlike an interviewer, who can usually fall
back on a tape recording of the session, a participant observer has
to rely on memory and notes to recount the session. Of course, a
tape recorder can be placed somewhere at the site of the observation, such as in the middle of a classroom or a group meeting; this
tape recording can aid in writing up field notes of the observation,
as it will surely capture some verbal aspects of the activity.
Even if the researcher has been able to take detailed notes
during an observation, it is imperative that full notes in a narrative
format be written, typed, or dictated as soon after the observation as
possible. It takes great self-discipline to sit down and describe
something just observed. The observation itself is only half the
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work, and generally more fun than writing extensive field notes on
what has just occurred. It is also highly likely that actually writing
field notes will take longer than time spent in observation.
Every researcher devises techniques for remembering and
recording the specifics of an observation. It can be an intimidating
part of qualitative research, however, and we advise beginning with
short periods of observation, followed by practice recalling and
recording data. Taylor and Bogdan (1984) offer some suggestions
for recalling data. Later recall will be helped if during an observation investigators
Pay attention
Shift from a “wide angle” to a “narrow angle” lens—that is,
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focusing “on a specific person, interaction, or activity, while
mentally blocking out all the others” (p. 54)
Look for key words in people’s remarks that will stand out later
Concentrate on the first and last remarks in each conversation
Mentally play back remarks and scenes during breaks in the
talking or observing
Once the observation is completed, they suggest the following:
leave the setting after observing as much as can be remembered;
record field notes as soon as possible after observing; in case of a
time lag between observing and recording, summarize or outline
the observation; draw a diagram of the setting and trace movements through it; and incorporate pieces of data remembered at
later times into the original field notes (Taylor & Bogdan, 1984).
Many of our students have found it helpful to tape record what they
recall from the observation just as soon as they leave the site (on the
drive home, for example). Bogdan and Biklen (2011) also advise
against talking to anyone about the observation before notes have
been recorded, because “talking about it diffuses its importance”
(p. 127). They also underscore the urgency of writing field notes as
soon as possible: “The more time that passes between observing
and recording the notes, the poorer your recall will be and the less
likely you will ever get to record your data” (p. 127).
Field notes based on observation need to be in a format that will
allow the researcher to find desired information easily. Formats
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vary, but a set of notes usually begins with the time, place, and
purpose of the observation. It is also helpful to list the participants
present or at least to indicate how many and what kinds of people
are present—described in ways meaningful to the research. If the
researcher is observing a continuing professional education seminar for nurses, for example, it would be important to note the
number of people present, whether they are supervisors or experienced or novice nurses, and demographic characteristics (such as
age and gender), if relevant. A diagram of the setting’s physical
aspects should also be included, indicating where participants and
the researcher are situated. Other hints for setting up field notes
are to leave a wide margin on one side of the page or the other for
later notes; double space between segments of activity for ease of
reading and data analysis; and use quotation marks when someone
is directly quoted. You might also include consecutive line numbering down the left side of the page; this enables you to easily
locate significant passages when analyzing the observational data.
Field notes should be highly descriptive. What is described are the
participants, the setting, the activities or behaviors of the participants, and what the observer does. By highly descriptive we mean
that enough detail should be given that readers feel as if they are
there, seeing what the observer sees. For example, instead of
saying, “The conference room was neat and orderly,” you could
write, “The four tables in the conference room were moved
together to form a neat square with three chairs per table. Materials
for the meeting were in blue notebook covers and placed on the
tables, three to a table, one in front of each chair. In the center of
each table was a pitcher of water and three glasses.”
There is also an important reflective component of field notes.
This reflective component is captured in observer commentary,
indicated by being set apart from the description either in the
right or left margins or in brackets in the commentary itself.
Reflective comments can include the researcher’s feelings,
reactions, hunches, initial interpretations, speculations, and
working hypotheses. These comments are over and above factual
descriptions of what is going on; they are comments on and
thoughts about the setting, people, and activities. In raising
questions about what is observed or speculating as to what it
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all means, the researcher is actually engaging in some preliminary
data analysis. The joint collection and analysis of data is essential
in qualitative research.
The content of field notes usually includes the following:
Verbal descriptions of the setting, the people, the activities
Direct quotations or at least the substance of what people said
Observer’s comments—put in the margins or in the running
Copyright © ${Date}. ${Publisher}. All rights reserved.
narrative and identified by underlining, italics, or bold and
bracketing, and the initials “OC”
Exhibit 6.1 presents field notes written after Sharan
observed an exercise class at a senior center in Seoul, South
Korea. She was particularly interested in instruction and in the
interaction between teacher and senior adult students. Note
the diagram of the layout of the classroom, including where she
was sitting (“Me” in the lower center to the side of the group)
and where the instructor was positioned (“I” at the center right
in front of the group); the observer’s comments are interwoven
throughout the recording. These are in italics and labeled
“OC” to set them off from the observations. The field notes
are highly descriptive to the point that the reader feels present
on site with the researcher. The description should transport
the reader to the site. Note, too, the observer comments in
Exhibit 6.1. These comments are questions or notes about what
is being observed; with these comments one is actually moving
from description to beginning data analysis. Included in these
field notes are descriptions of the artifacts on the wall in front
of the room.
Ethnographers often maintain something called a fieldwork
journal—an introspective record of the anthropologist’s experience in the field. It includes his or her ideas, fears, mistakes,
confusion, and reactions to the experience and can include
thoughts about the research methodology itself. Walford (2001)
reveals that he uses a small pocket tape recorder to capture a range
of material “from early formulations of theories to shouts of anger,
agony and self-pity. At the end of any traumatic experience I would
simply talk all my anxiety into the tape recorder, and I would
recommend that every ethnographer do this simply for the
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EXHIBIT 6.1. KOREAN SENIOR CENTER FIELD NOTES.
Researcher: Sharan Merriam
Place: Korean Senior Center
Purpose: To become acquainted with adult education for
older adults in Korea
Date/Time: Friday, March 24, 2006; 3–4:15 P.M.
KOREAN SENIOR CENTER CLASSROOM LAYOUT.
Music Room
Kitchen Area
Treadmill
Bicycle
Entrance
I
Plaques
Clock
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Women’s
Area
I’s
Daughter
Me
Men’s
Area
When hearing about my interest in adult education and education
for older adults, my neighbor invited me to visit the Senior Center
close to our apartments. My neighbor is an exercise instructor
three times a week at this center. My first visit I went to see what it
was like and actually participated in the exercises. This second visit
I went as an observer and did not participate. The specific focus of my
observation was on the instruction and student/teacher interaction.
(continued )
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(Continued )
The Senior Center is in a stand-alone building in an
apartment complex near my apartment. In addition to the
Senior Center, about half of the building houses a preschool
day-care center. The building is quite new and the center has
been open only about four months.
As we take our shoes off and enter the center, I notice a
strong food smell. Apparently someone had done some cooking, perhaps using the kitchen, which is on one wall of the
center (see the diagram). We enter a very spacious room,
blond wood floors, white walls, four large plants (three near
where I decide to sit); there are also two skylights, which help
make the room quite light and open-feeling.
My presence is acknowledged with smiles and slight bows
from several of the participants whom I recall seeing during
my first visit. The instructor’s daughter is also with us, and she
seems invisible although she told me later it was her first visit.
Everyone takes a chair and I sit off to the side. There are
eleven women and three men. (OC—I assume the percentage of
older females in Korea is greater than males as in the U.S. While I
know these people live in the surrounding apartment buildings, I’m
curious if these eleven live alone, with a spouse, or with other family
members.)
The instructor bows and the students applaud. (OC—they
seem happy to see her.) A boy I guess to be about three years old is
wandering around and doesn’t seem to be “with” anyone in
particular. A couple of people get a chair for him. The
instructor holds up a book and seems to be explaining
what the overall plan of exercises is. The child runs around,
runs out of the room, and returns to sit in the chair. (OC—I
find out later that the child is the grandchild of one of the participants
and goes to the day-care center next door—but at no time did I see any
adult speak to him directly and although I guessed he might be from
the day-care center, I did wonder why he was allowed to wander back
and forth—maybe children/family members are OK to be at these
classes?)
The instructor is now showing diagrams of the human body
from a book, moving around the room so everyone can see; she
is talking all the time. (OC—seems she is sensitive to poor eyesight of
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BEING A CAREFUL OBSERVER
155
some of the elderly; she also told me that she likes to have them
understand what the exercises are trying to do with regard to their
circulation, muscles, etc., that it’s not enough just to do the exercises—
she seems conscious of the holistic nature of learning, mind and body.)
All but one woman stands for some loose arm/hand
exercises. Participants walk around the room swinging their
arms. The instructor plays some relaxing instrumental music
on a tape player and begins leading the group around the
room—with each walk around one or two sit down until most
everyone is sitting down. The three-year-old runs in and out of
the adjoining room for the men, but no one seems to care or
pay attention to him.
The next set of exercises has the participants standing behind
their chairs, using the chair for balance for some of the exercises.
The instructor occasionally turns with her back to the group so
they can see exactly how to do the exercises (and don’t have to
transpose opposite sides of the body, etc.). The instructor gets the
participants to count (I think they are counting) with her, which
livens things up. Those who need to sit before the end of the
exercises do so, with her encouraging them to do what they can
from a sitting position. (OC—clearly the instructor is aware of their
physical limitations and builds it into her instruction, i.e., modifying a
standing exercise to fit a sitting position.) The instructor is constantly
talking, making eye contact with individuals in the class, signaling
a correction if needed. Her voice is very soothing and inviting; she
smiles a lot and she does all the exercises with them.
At about 3:40 P.M. a man I recognize from a previous visit
comes in wearing a suit. He goes into the men’s area/room and
returns minus his suit jacket and joins the exercise group. (OC—
he must be some sort of official, as during my first visit he produced a tape
player; he also looks younger than the others—I’ll have to ask about him.)
At 3:45 P.M. the instructor brings out a bag of sponge balls,
each about six inches in diameter. She demonstrates squeezing
the ball, how to hold one’s elbows. She points to different parts
of the body, apparently saying what the exercise is designed to
do. More exercises with the balls, like reaching from left to
right toes and back. At 4 P.M. the group moves into a circle. The
instructor collects every other ball and then tries to get the
(continued )
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(Continued )
group to raise the ball up and under their leg and pass it on to
the next person. There is some confusion here, but all the
while people are laughing and joking with each other and with
her. The group finally gets the hang of it, the exercise continues, and the balls move to the left. For the first time, the
instructor is quiet and she lets them do the exercise, moving
the balls to the left. (OC—another example of how she varies
instruction, keeping the attention of the group.)
Now everyone is given a ball and the instructor places a bag
in the center of the circle. She demonstrates how to toss the ball
into the bag, exaggerating the arm swing. Everyone tosses at
once; her daughter helps collect the balls and the “toss” is
repeated several times. The four men in the group seem to
be especially enjoying this—smiling, laughing, and clearly eager
to toss more balls. At 4:12 P.M. the balls are collected in the bag,
everyone claps, and the class ends. (The instructor tells me later that
the class is actually supposed to go 40–45 minutes, but “they seem to want
more” and both times I visited, the class was a solid hour in length.)
Some participants leave, two men go into the men’s area, several
of the women go into the women’s area/room off the main
entrance. While the instructor is doing some paperwork, I ask
her daughter to explain the plaques on the front wall.
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Documents/Artifacts
The Senior Center contained a number of “artifacts” that I
examined. First were the plants. There is a huge fern under
the left front skylight. Near where I was sitting there were
three plants in a row—a large green-leaf plant about six feet
high, a smaller Japanese-looking plant next to that, and then
a purple flowering plant next to that. These plants contributed to the comfortable, welcoming “feel” to the Center. In
the left front corner there was a treadmill and a bicycle
machine. I didn’t see either one being used at the time of
my visit, but clearly they were there for use anytime. (I found
out later most everything in the center has been donated,
including a very sophisticated sound/TV setup for karaoke in
a small room off the kitchen.)
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157
The most interesting artifacts for me were a set of six wall
plaques and one framed photo hanging on the front wall.
Above the plaques was a framed picture of the Korean flag.
To the right of these plaques was a wall clock, quite high up.
Just below and to the right of the wall clock was what we would
call a “grandfather clock”—a large standing clock (this was
also donated). It was curious to me that the things on this wall
seemed to be just “there,” with no particular aesthetic pattern
in mind—no balancing of the plaques, and they weren’t in
the center on the wall, but a bit to the right. The flag and
wall clock were quite high. To me it seemed like a hodgepodge of things.
The Plaques and Photo
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The instructor’s daughter briefly described what each of these
plaques said (they were different sizes, but about a foot square
on average):
1. The first plaque said “Let’s be respectable seniors.”
2. The second said something to the effect that “Let’s transfer
seniors’ good experiences and wisdom to young people.”
3. This plaque is the Senior Center Registration Certificate.
4. This one was apparently a list of things older people
should do:
Help our country
Enjoy our life
Be healthy
Participate, even if you are old
5. The next was a plaque about the person who is apparently
chairman of the Society of Older Adults at this site.
6. The next was a framed photo of eight men, four lined up
on each side of the entrance to this new Senior Center
building—it apparently is a photo of the opening
ceremony.
7. The final plaque was a statement of the purpose of the
center—service to society and to help each other.
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therapeutic effect alone” (p. 70). In addition to field notes and the
fieldwork journal, you might also write analytical memos containing some preliminary analysis and interpretation. Qualitative
researchers are more likely to use the integrated format described
earlier, although some do keep a separate journal of the experience. That becomes a data source, and the researcher sometimes
uses it when writing about the methodology.
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ONLINE OBSERVATION
This chapter would not be complete without some discussion of
online observation and gathering observational data by making use
of new media technologies. As noted earlier, observation (along
with in-depth interviews) is an extremely important form of data
collection in numerous types of qualitative studies examining or
observing how a particular phenomenon unfolds, such as how
groups learn, or how communication patterns play out in certain
circumstances. It’s also a key data collection method in ethnography, which focuses on the examination of culture. There have
been numerous discussions of late on digital, virtual, or cyber
ethnography (Ardévol & Gómez-Cruz, 2014; Boellstorff, Nardi,
Pearce, & Taylor, 2012; Underberg & Zorn, 2013). In their handbook on ethnography and virtual worlds, Boellstorff et al. (2012)
argue that ethnographic methods need to be combined with an
understanding of virtual worlds, since the online or virtual world is
a whole culture in and of itself. Further, online communities are
also typically subcultures of larger communities made up of people
with a particular interest. For example, Gómez-Cruz conducted an
ethnographic study of digital photographic sharing practices of
digital photographers (Ardévol & Gómez-Cruz, 2014). In another
example, Waldron (2013) conducted a cyber ethnography of music
learning and teaching that happens through the online site Banjo
Hangout (www.banjohangout.com). This is made up of banjo
players and teachers; the site has connections to YouTube and
other teaching and learning sites, as well as off-line communities of
banjo players who began the site out of their own mutual interest.
Waldron (2013) conducted her cyber ethnography entirely
through computer mediated communication (CMC) through
Skype interviews and online observations and discussions. Like
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BEING A CAREFUL OBSERVER
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Waldron, many ethnographers “observe” and participate in the
culture and discussion in online communities while collecting data.
But when researchers are collecting ethnographic data in an online
observation, the unique medium of the technology must be considered (Boellstorff et al., 2012). Many of the issues of observation
are the same as they are when the observer is physically present in
the environment, but there are others that are particular to online
and virtual environments.
First is the issue of determining what counts as an observation and
what counts as an online document, since in online discussions, blogs,
etc., oftentimes the data is exclusively text based and can be printed
out. For purposes of the discussion in this chapter on observation, we
have opted to consider observation specifically in online, virtual, or
cyber communities. However, we will return to further discussion of
online documents in the next chapter on documents and artifacts.
A second distinction between online observation through
virtual presence and physical presence observations is that it is
possible to do virtual or online observations from a completely
hidden perspective. This is difficult to do in most situations where
one is physically present in conducting an observation, though it is
entirely possible in open, public venues like a shopping mall or bus
station, or unusual situations, as when one is behind a one-way
mirror. One can easily make a choice in most online world
environments to conduct an observation from a hidden perspective
as a “lurker”; one could also choose to be a participant observer and
to ask questions or make comments in the virtual world. As
discussed earlier in this chapter, researchers collecting data
through observation need to decide the extent to which they
will be a participant. However, in the virtual or online world, it
is actually quite easy to make observations as a complete observer
and to be hidden to participants. The ethics of doing so have been a
point of some discussion among digital ethnographers (Boellstorff
et al., 2012; James & Busher, 2012); however, collecting data
through “lurking” is generally considered acceptable if it is totally
public and archived, no password is required for archival data, and
the site doesn’t prohibit it (Waldron, 2013). However, most cyber
researchers want to make themselves known in such sites, because
they often need to ask further questions or conduct interviews with
particular participants; most are also particularly interested in the
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topic and have been participating in online communities related to
the topic (Ardévol & Gómez-Cruz, 2014).
A third issue in doing ethnographic online observation is
related to the many cultural and folklore sites that have been
created by museums and digital ethnographers to create access to
cultures across the world. Underberg and Zorn (2013) in particular
discuss the unique features of conducting ethnographies and
observations of such sites. Typically such sites have been created
in dialogue with computer specialists to scan images or create video
that viewers can access online. Such computer mediated images do
raise the question: is an image of a thing really the thing itself? And
of course it is not. Nevertheless, such sites give access to images of
artifacts and information and online community discussion and
virtual tours in ways not available to an earlier generation. Virtual
and digital ethnographers explore and conduct online observations of such sites to examine the unique features of these online
cultures in digital, virtual, or cyber ethnographies.
A last issue in conducting online observation concerns how one
takes field notes. In the preceding example, Sharan developed her
field notes from the Korean Senior Center from when she was
physically present. Her notes were originally handwritten and then
typed up. Cyber ethnographers also take field notes and make observations that they conduct in the field, but this can take a variety of
forms. In his study of digital photographers (with both an online and
off-line component), Gómez-Cruz wrote his notes in a field diary.
However, he also used a smart phone to take both notes and pictures in
the field. Hence “[t]he smartphone was, at once, a field data gathering
tool and a constant connective device with the group members”
(Ardévol & Gómez-Cruz, 2014, p. 512). He later used some of the
pictures that he took in the field as a photo elicitation device to provoke discussion with participants in online discussion and individual
interviews. Thus in conducting observations in online settings, it is
as important to carefully document the process and to keep field
notes in some form, and to carefully develop a process for doing so.
SUMMARY
Observation is a major means of collecting data in qualitative
research. It offers a firsthand account of the situation under study
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BEING A CAREFUL OBSERVER
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and, when combined with interviewing and document analysis,
allows for a holistic interpretation of the phenomenon being
investigated. It is the technique of choice when behavior can be
observed firsthand or when people cannot or will not discuss the
research topic.
Fieldwork, as participant observation is often called, involves
going to the site, program, institution, setting—the field—to
observe the phenomenon under study. Unless it is public behavior
the researcher wants to observe, entry must first be gained from
those in authority. While on site, the researcher is absorbed by what
to observe, what to remember, what to record. This chapter
presents some guidelines for these activities, such as what to
observe, but ultimately the success of participant observation rests
on the talent and skill of the investigator.
There are several stances an investigator can assume when
conducting observations, ranging from being a member of the
group and a complete participant—an insider—to being a complete observer, unknown to those being observed; each stance has
advantages and drawbacks. Regardless of the stance, an observer
cannot help but affect and be affected by the setting, and this
interaction may lead to some distortion of the situation as it exists
under nonresearch conditions. Being at once a participant and an
observer is a corollary of this method of data collection and is a
problem not easily dealt with.
Finally, while the area of digital, virtual, or cyber research is a
burgeoning area of recent and future inquiry, there are unique
features to observation in online and virtual settings that need to be
considered in conducting such research. But whether one conducts observation in physical or virtual settings, observation is only
half the process. Observations must be recorded in as much detail
as possible to form the database for analysis. Field notes can come
in many forms, but at the least they include descriptions, direct
quotations, and observer comments.
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CHAPTER TEN
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WRITING UP QUALITATIVE
RESEARCH
For most practitioners, doing research means designing a study
that addresses some problem arising from practice, collecting and
analyzing data relevant to the problem, and finally, interpreting the
results. Often neglected—especially by graduate students who do
much of the research in applied fields such as education, health
care, social work, management, and so on—is the important step of
reporting and disseminating results. The research is of little consequence if no one knows about it; other practitioners have no way
to benefit from what the researcher learned in doing the study. For
qualitative research in particular, being in the field collecting data
is engaging and exciting; so is analyzing your data as you try to
answer your questions. By contrast, sitting down and writing up
your findings is not immediately rewarding, so it requires an
incredible amount of discipline.
Several factors contribute to making this stage of the research
process particularly daunting. First, because data collection and
analysis is continuous and simultaneous in qualitative research,
there is no clean cutoff—no time when everything else stops and
writing begins. Second, a great amount of qualitative data must be
sorted through, selected, and woven into a coherent narrative.
Finally, there is no standard format for reporting such data. Over
40 years ago Lofland (1974) commented on the lack of consensus:
“Qualitative field research seems distinct in the degree to which its
practitioners lack a public, shared, and codified conception of how
what they do is done, and how what they report should be
267
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formulated” (p. 101). Lofland’s observation is even more true
today, as postmodernist critiques of traditional qualitative writing
practices have resulted in the emergence of an incredible diversity
inrepresentation:“autoethnography,fiction,poetry, drama,readers’
theater, writing stories, aphorisms, layered texts, conversations,
epistles, polyvocal texts, comedy, satire, allegory, visual texts, hypertexts, museum displays, choreographed findings, and performance
pieces, to name some” (Richardson, in Richardson & St. Pierre, 2005,
p. 962).
Although more advanced researchers may want to experiment
with creative and postmodern forms of representing their findings,
in this chapter we focus on writing up qualitative research congruent
with the constructivist perspective of this book (see Chapter One).
First, we offer suggestions as to how you can prepare for the writing of
the report. In the second and major portion, we will examine the
options available to researchers with regard to the content and
dissemination of the report. A final section addresses writing up
qualitative action research and arts based research. Although qualitative research reports can take an oral, pictorial, or even dramatic
form, the focus of this chapter is on the more common written form.
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PREPARING
TO
WRITE
There are few things more frustrating than sitting down to a blank
computer screen and not being able to write. Unfortunately, there is
no formula to make this an easy task. You can read tips on how to
write, talk to those who write a lot, read exemplary accounts—but,
like learning to swim, there is no substitute for plunging in and doing
it. This is not to say that it is a totally serendipitous or haphazard
process. Writing up the results of your study can be greatly facilitated
by attending to the following tasks prior to writing: determining the
audience, selecting a focus, and outlining the report.
DETERMINING
THE
AUDIENCE
The first consideration—and one of the most important—in preparing to write your final report is deciding whom the report is for.
Schatzman and Strauss (1973) call this process audience conjuring.
“Since one can hardly write or say anything without there being
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WRITING UP QUALITATIVE RESEARCH
269
some real or imagined audience to receive it, any description
necessarily will vary according to the audience to which it is
directed. Audiences ‘tell’ what substances to include, what to
emphasize, and the level and complexity of abstractions needed
to convey essential facts and ideas” (p. 118). Once it is clear who will
be reading the report, you can ask what that audience would want
to know about the study. The answer to that question can help
structure the content of the report and determine the style of
presentation.
The primary audience interested in your results might be the
general public, policymakers, the funding source, practitioners,
the research community in your field, or members of the site or
project studied. Each audience would have a different interest in
the research and would require a somewhat different approach.
Take, for example, a qualitative study of how older residents in an
assisted care facility learn to use computers for study and entertainment. The general public, reading about the study in a popular
magazine, would respond to a human interest report that highlighted the experiences of some of the residents. Policymakers,
though, are concerned with policy options. Policymakers involved
in legislation for the aged or nursing home administration might
want to know how the program has affected the management of
staff and residents, whether funding should be channeled into the
project, and so on. The funding source for the study—a computer
company, for example—would have its own questions, such as how
the residents fared with their computers or whether this population
represents a market.
Practitioners would be most interested in whether the research
setting sufficiently resembles their own situation to warrant adopting the same practice. “Practitioners may say they want tips,” writes
Erickson (1986), “but experienced practitioners understand that
the usefulness and appropriateness of any prescriptions for practice must be judged in relation to the specific circumstances of
practice in their own setting. Thus the interest in learning by
positive and negative example from a case study presupposes
that the case is in some ways comparable to one’s own situation”
(p. 153). With regard to the preceding example, practitioners in
recreation and leisure studies, adult education, health education,
and gerontology might be particularly interested in how learning to
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use computers enhanced the residents’ quality of life. Thus the
implicit comparison would be between the residents and setting of
the study and the residents and setting of the practitioner.
Other researchers interested in the problem, including a thesis
or dissertation committee, would need to know the theoretical
framework and such technical aspects of the study as how the data
were collected and analyzed and what was done to ensure reliability
and validity. With this information they could judge the study’s
value and its contribution to knowledge.
Finally, the study’s results might be presented to those who
participated. The main concern of participants, Erickson (1986)
points out, relates to “their personal and institutional reputations”
(p. 154). If the findings are to be helpful to the participants, “the
reports must be sensitive to the variety of personal and institutional
interests that are at stake in the kinds of information that are
presented about people’s actions and thoughts” (p. 154). Patton
(2015) underscores that reports need to be useful to participants,
and “if you try to include everything, you risk losing your readers or
audience members in the sheer volume of the presentation. To
enhance a report’s coherence or a presentation’s impact, follow
the adage that less is more. This translates into covering a few key
findings or conclusions well, rather than lots of them poorly”
(p. 621, emphasis in original).
Determining the audience should help a researcher define the
relative emphasis of different components of the research report. It
may be even more helpful to address the report to a particular
person in the target group, such as your advisor, a particular
administrator, a friend who represents a general audience, and so
on. By “speaking” to a specific person or group, you are more likely to
adopt an appropriate tone (scholarly, academic, popular, personal)
and be consistent throughout the report. Yin (2014) suggests not
only examining the selected audience closely but also reading
reports that have been previously submitted to this audience. A
prior report can be used as a template for organizing your report.
SELECTING
A
F OCU S
The next step is to select a focus for the report. The focus depends
on the audience for whom it is being written, the original purpose
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WRITING UP QUALITATIVE RESEARCH
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of the study, and the level of abstraction obtained during analysis of
the data (see Chapter Eight).
To illustrate how audience, purpose, and level of data analysis
can be taken into consideration in determining the focus of a
report, take the earlier example of teaching residents in an assisted
care facility how to use computers. A report for a practitioneroriented journal or magazine could have as its focus the benefits of
introducing computers into this environment; or the focus might
be on tips for instructing older adults in computer usage. In either
case, a full description of the setting would be important; the
research study itself would be briefly summarized in jargon-free
language; the benefits or tips would be highlighted.
If the write-up of this same study were for a dissertation
committee or scholarly research journal, the focus would reflect
the purpose of the study—cognitive strategies employed by residents in learning to use computers, for example. If the study had
developed a substantive theory, that would be the focus of the writeup. The report or article would emphasize the methodology of the
study and the analysis and interpretation of the findings.
Bogdan and Biklen (2011) suggest another type of focus—the
thesis. A thesis is a proposition put forth to be argued and defended
that often arises out of the discrepancy between what some theory
or previous research says should happen in a situation and what
actually does happen. Because of its argumentative nature, the
thesis is a good attention-getting device and particularly suited to
popular accounts of research. In preparing a report of the previously mentioned research for a policy group or funding agency, for
example, this more propositional focus might ask whether buying
computers for residents in an assisted care facility is a waste of
money.
The important thing is that some focus be chosen for the study.
The focus “states a purpose and then fulfills the promise. Coming
up with a focus means deciding what you want to tell your reader.
You should be able to state it in a sentence or two” (Bogdan &
Biklen, 2011, p. 199). Thus the focus depends on the audience
being addressed and the message the researcher wants to convey.
Patton (2015) advises researchers to “FOCUS! FOCUS! FOCUS!
The agony of omitting on the part of the qualitative researcher or
evaluator is matched only by the readers’ or listeners’ agony in
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having to read or hear those things that were not omitted but
should have been” (p. 623). In writing up qualitative research,
Wolcott (2009) is even more specific. Focus, he explains, is being
able to complete “the critical sentence, ‘The purpose of this
study is . . .’ If that is where you are stuck, writing is not your
problem. Your problem is conceptual” (pp. 34–35).
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OUTLINING
THE
REPORT
Before writing the report, all relevant data must be gone through,
culled for extraneous material, and organized in some manner.
Ideally you have been doing this all along. At the very minimum you
should have devised some system for keeping track of the voluminous data typical of qualitative investigations, your analysis of that
data, and your own reflections on the process (see Chapter Eight).
With these resources at hand, and with your audience and focus
determined, making an outline is the next step.
Some writers say they just sit down and write with no outline;
perhaps they have only a vague notion of what they want to say.
Except for these extraordinary and usually highly creative writers,
most everyone else can be immeasurably aided in their writing by
even a sketchy outline. The mere act of jotting down some of the
major points you want to be sure to cover reveals whether you have
anything to say or not. Trying to write something—anything—is a
good clue as to whether you have done enough background
reading, analyzed your data enough, or thought about it enough.
As Dey (1993) points out, “What you cannot explain to others, you
do not understand yourself. Producing an account of our analysis is
not just something we do for an audience. It is also something we
do for ourselves” (p. 237).
An easy way to outline is to write down all the topics that might
be covered in the report. Next, arrange the topics in some order
that will be understood by the intended audience. All research
reports need an introduction defining the problem that was
studied and, depending on the audience, information about the
methodology. The main body of the report contains the findings in
the form of topics that have been listed and organized in some way.
A conclusion summarizes the study and its findings and offers some
commentary on the findings.
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A strategy we have used in conjunction with an outline is to
estimate the number of pages that will be devoted to each section.
If you are writing up the research as a journal article, for example,
you would first decide which journal is your target and find out
the average number of pages for a manuscript (this information is
available at the journal’s website and is usually printed on the
inside page of each issue under the heading “Guidelines for
Authors” or “Submission Guidelines”). For a 5,000-word or 20page manuscript, you might allot one page for the introduction,
four pages for the first topic in your outline, and so on. Of course
this gets adjusted as you actually write, but it does give you a
sense of how much attention you want to devote to each section
of the report.
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BEGINNING
TO
WRITE
From the outline, you can begin to write the first draft of the report.
The outline breaks the writing task into manageable units, making
the task less overwhelming. However, there is no substitute for
actually writing—all the preparation in the world does not save you
from having to put words on paper or characters on a screen. The
act of writing itself causes something to happen, probably because
most composition researchers agree that writing is a form of
thinking (Becker, 2007; Wolcott, 2009). It is a “recursive social
process that enables writers to develop and clarify ideas and
improve their communication through successive stages of idea
formulation, feedback, and revision” (Lofland, Snow, Anderson, &
Lofland, 2006, p. 222). Lofland et al. (2006) go on to say that “the
physical activity of writing itself can bring into sharp focus and
crystallize what you are trying to say or even produce new insights
that layer or elaborate what you have to say about something in ways
that you didn’t anticipate” (p. 229, emphasis in original). This is
why Dey (1993) considers writing “another tool in our analytic toolkit.” It is partially “through the challenge of explaining ourselves to
others [that] we can help to clarify and integrate the concepts and
relationships we have identified in our analysis” (p. 237).
All writers occasionally experience writer’s block, but if
writing is a form of thinking, writer’s block is probably more
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accurately termed a “thinking” block. Wolcott (2009) agrees:
“Writing is not only a great way to discover what we are thinking,
it is also a way to uncover lacunae in our knowledge thinking.
Unfortunately, that means we must be prepared to catch ourselves
red-handed whenever we seem not to be thinking at all. The fact
should not escape us that when the writing is not going well, our
still-nebulous thoughts cannot yet be expressed in words” (p. 19).
If writer’s block occurs, several tactics may be tried. First, you
might go back to your materials, read through them, and then
think more about the story in those materials that you want to tell.
Second, writing anything is better than not writing. The material
may or may not be used later, but forcing yourself to write
something may trigger more thinking and writing. Another strategy
is to set deadlines for completing a certain number of pages, and
meet these deadlines no matter what you have written. Werner and
Schoepfle (1987) suggest shifting to a different medium of communication—writing a letter about the research to a friend, for
example, or giving a talk, formal or informal, on the topic. A
recording of the lecture or conversation can later be used as a
stimulus for writing.
There are other subtle barriers to writing. In writing something
for others to read, we open ourselves up to scrutiny and criticism.
Although in reality it may be our ideas that are being critiqued, we
see our ideas as extensions of ourselves. We are afraid we’ll be
“found out”—that we don’t know much, that we are incompetent,
that maybe we haven’t cited key references, that there’s some fatal
flaw in our argument, and so on. Becker (2007) captures some of
this angst about writing in his discussion of two fears expressed by
his students—one, that “they would not be able to organize their
thoughts, that writing would be a big, confusing chaos” and two,
that “what they wrote would be ‘wrong’ and that (unspecified)
people would laugh at them” (p. 4). Another barrier that Becker
discusses is the myth that there is only One Right Way to write
something, that there is some “preordained structure” that, if only
it were revealed, would make writing easy (p. 43).
For all these reasons, every writer should start out writing a
draft. The first draft of the report is just that—a first draft. No
matter how rough or disjointed some sections may be, it is infinitely
easier to work from something than from nothing. The first draft
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can be given to colleagues, friends, or participants for comments.
Incorporating their suggestions with your own editing will result in
a more refined draft that will be getting closer to the final version.
In any case, writing the initial draft is the most laborious and timeconsuming phase. Successive revisions are much less tedious;
gradually the report takes shape, and you can feel a sense of
accomplishment as the research process comes to a close.
In summary, the writing up of a research study can be made
easier by breaking the task into smaller steps. With a well-thoughtout strategy for tackling the report, it becomes a manageable
undertaking. One such strategy has been described here:
1. First, assemble all the materials related to the study in an
organized fashion.
2. Second, determine the intended audience, since different
audiences will be interested in different questions and components of the study.
3. Third, select a focus that meets the interest of the intended
audience and addresses the original purpose of the study.
4. Fourth, outline the report once the central message has been
determined.
5. Finally, begin writing.
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The outline may be refined, adjusted, or revised entirely to
coincide with the thoughts and ideas you have while writing. It is
also wise to have others read the first draft before undertaking
revisions that lead to the final form of the report.
CONTENTS
REPORT
OF A
QUALITATIVE STUDY
In the first part of this chapter we presented a strategy for engaging
in the writing process. This section addresses some of the questions
qualitative investigators face regarding the content of the report.
What are the common components of a report? Where should the
methodology, references to other research, data displays, and
other such elements be placed? How should description be integrated with analysis? How can some balance be maintained
between the two? Also discussed are outlets for disseminating
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the final report, as well as issues in writing up action research and
arts based studies.
There is no standard format for reporting qualitative research.
The reporting styles have been characteristically diverse over the
years and are even more experimental today. The contents of a
qualitative study report depend on the audience’s interest as well as
the investigator’s purpose in doing the research in the first place.
Practitioners or the general public, for example, will not be much
interested in methodological information, whereas colleagues and
other researchers will find such information crucial for assessing
the study’s contribution to the field. The best that we can offer here
is a presentation of the basic components of most qualitative
reports and the options available for handling different parts of
the report.
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COMPONENTS
OF THE
Q UALITA TIVE S T U D Y R E P O R T
The relative emphasis given each section, as well as the overall
form of the report, can vary widely. Nevertheless, all reports
discuss the nature of the problem investigated, the way the
investigation was conducted, and the findings that resulted. In
standard research reports, the problem that gave rise to the study
is laid out early in the report. This section usually includes
references to the literature, the theoretical framework of the
study, a problem statement and the purpose of the study, and
research questions that guided the study (see Chapter Four). At
the very least, the reader must have some clue as to what this study
is all about, even in the more postmodern, experimental writeups. Tierney’s (1993) ethnographic fiction of a university’s nondiscrimination policy, for example, opens by quoting the policy.
This is followed by descriptive portraits of six personalities
involved in the policy change. Through his quoting the 27word policy statement at the opening of his report, we at least
know that the study takes place at a university and involves
discrimination in some way.
Early in some reports, especially qualitative case studies, is a
description of the context of the study or where the inquiry took
place. In forms of qualitative research in which interviewing is the
major or only source of data, a general description of the sample as
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a whole is given in the methodology section. Some interview-based
studies also include short portraits of each participant.
The methodology section includes, at a minimum, how the
sample was selected, how data were collected and analyzed, and
what measures were taken to ensure validity and reliability. It is
becoming quite common in reports of qualitative research to
include an additional section on the investigator—his or her
training, experience, philosophical orientation, and biases. For
example, in an article reporting the experiences of 18- to 25-yearolds who had left high school and transitioned into adult basic
education programs, the author includes a section titled “Positionality” (Davis, 2014). There she reveals her interest in and experience with adult basic education students, as well as her belief that
“many adult students operate within societal and systemic structures of inequality because they are adults without a high school
diploma” (p. 242). As another example, in a qualitative case study
of his Russian immigrant grandfather, Abramson (1992) includes a
discussion of the biases inherent in translating his grandfather’s
Hebrew diaries, as well as his own personal biases, which included a
tendency to “pathologize” the man. Of this tendency he writes:
Though I never knew him, I knew his offspring (my father) well. I
did not like my father. He was frequently volatile, impulsive, and
out-of-control. He also had a raging temper and was plagued with
obsessional fears. . . . He seemed stuck in the role of “master
sergeant,” his rank in the army. . . . On the positive side, my
father was very bright, was a gifted musician, and could occasionally be charming. . . . Since my father did not “spring from
the cosmos,” I have assumed—whether fair or not—that there
was a causal relationship between his behavior and that of my
grandfather. Thus, as a consequence, I am predisposed to malign
Samuel Abramson. (pp. 12–13)
In addition to some attention to the problem of the study and
information as to how it was carried out, every report offers the
findings derived from the analysis of the data. Basically, findings
are the outcome of the inquiry—what you, the investigator, learned
or came to understand about the phenomenon. For this section of
the report there are few guidelines. Richardson (2000) reviews a
range of creative possibilities for presentation of a study’s findings:
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Margery Wolf, in A Thrice-Told Tale (1992), takes the same event
and tells it as fictional story, field notes, and a social scientific
paper. John Steward, in Drinkers, Drummers and Decent Folk (1989),
writes poetry, fiction, ethnographic accounts, and field notes
about Village Trinidad. Valerie Walkerdin’s Schoolgirl Fictions
(1990) develops/displays the theme that “masculinity and femininity are fictions which take on the status of fact” (p. xiii) by
incorporating into the book journal entries, poems, essays,
photographs of herself, drawings, cartoons, and annotated
transcripts. Ruth Linden’s Making Stories, Making Selves: Feminist
Reflections on the Holocaust (1992) intertwines autobiography,
academic writing, and survivors’ stories. (p. 935)
Richardson supports the “blurring of the humanities and the
social sciences” in representing one’s findings “not because it is
‘trendy’ but rather because the blurring coheres more truly with
the life sense and learning style of so many” (in Richardson &
St. Pierre, 2005, pp. 964–965). Further, writing from this multilens
perspective “becomes more diverse and author centered, less
boring, and humbler” (p. 965). She proposes four criteria for
evaluating such writing—substantive contribution, aesthetic merit,
reflexivity, and impact. With regard to the first criterion, we can
ask, does it make a substantive contribution “to our understanding of
social life?” Second, “is the text artistically shaped, satisfying,
complex, and not boring?” Has reflexivity—that is, the author’s
self-awareness—been addressed? And what is the impact of this
piece? “Does this piece affect me emotionally or intellectually?”
(p. 964, emphasis in original).
Although Richardson is proposing some exciting alternatives
that experienced researchers might experiment with, the most
common way findings are presented in a qualitative report is to
organize them according to the categories, themes, or theory
derived from the data analysis (see Chapter Eight). Typically, a
“findings” section begins with a brief overview of the findings,
followed by presentation of each separate finding supported by
quotes from interviews or field notes or references to documentary
evidence. Exhibit 10.1 is an abbreviated example taken from a
study of how consumers with low literacy skills negotiate the
marketplace (Ozanne, Adkins, & Sandlin, 2005). Four groups of
participants were identified from interviews with 22 learners
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possessing a range of literacy skills—alienated consumers, conflicted identity managers, identity exchanging and enhancing
consumers, and savvy consumers. An overview of these four findings is presented at the beginning of the “Findings” section. This
overview functions like a map, so the reader can follow the
presentation. The first finding—“Alienated Consumers”—is introduced, explained, and supported by data from interviews with
participants (see Exhibit 10.1).
EXHIBIT 10.1. FINDINGS PRESENTATION.
Alienated Consumers
These participants accepted the stigma of low literacy and felt
shame . . . They suggested their low literacy skills socially discredited them, which was experienced as embarrassment and
shame. This shame ranged in intensity from just “feeling bad”
to panic and even “breaking out in tears every time I told
someone.” Many of the alienated consumers shared stories of
their experiences of prejudicial treatment, such as being called
names like “stupid,” “slow,” or “lazy.”
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You know a lot of people on the other side. When you are in a group
and you’re talking, they’ll look at you and think, “What do you
know?” especially these people with an education . . . And they
really make you feel beneath them. (Sarah)
Market interactions were filled with uncertainty and the constant fear that their limited literacy skills would be exposed.
These participants fit traditional deficit stereotypes of the adult
learner as a failed decision maker who lacks power in his or her
social encounters. One participant explained that when he was
renewing a driver’s license,
I went in and was told to fill out the paper. I said, “I can’t.” He
wouldn’t listen. He said, “Of course you can. Go over to that table,
read it, and fill it out.” Felt as if every eye in the room was on me. I
looked at it and froze. I could read name, address, and phone, but I
was so nervous and embarrassed, I couldn’t even do that. Left and
never went back. (Sarah)
(continued )
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(Continued )
Sometimes this negative treatment is unambiguous. Some sales
clerks cheated the adults. But often, social interactions are
vaguely menacing, and the adult learners are uncertain
whether their limited literacy was actually revealed.
I know once at the Post Office . . . And I know it was me he was
talking about. I wasn’t sure of really what I heard all of it, but I know
they was saying something about I couldn’t read very well. (Olive)
Source: Ozanne, Adkins, and Sandlin (2005, p. 256). Reprinted with permission.
Knowing how much data to include in support of a category or
theme is a judgment call. You need enough to be convincing, but
not so much that the reader becomes buried. The findings are also
discussed, either along with their presentation or in a separate
section, often titled “Discussion,” in which you tell the reader what
you make of the findings. Were there any surprises? How do they
compare with what is already known? What conclusions do you
draw overall? What unique contribution does your study make to
the knowledge base in this area?
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Placement of Component Parts
Where should the methodology section, the references to previous
research and literature, and the visual displays be placed? Again,
the answers depend on the interest of the target audience. For the
general public, practitioners, and funding agencies, the methodology section is likely to be placed in an appendix to the report.
Referring to an ethnographic study, Werner and Schoepfle (1987)
write, “The average reader is not interested in how the ethnography was obtained as long as he or she retains a feeling for the
quality, validity, and reliability of the monograph. On the other
hand, for fellow ethnographers a methodological section may be of
great importance. Under no circumstances should it be left out,
but its placement should be dictated by the anticipated readership”
(p. 282).
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Qualitative studies in journals or as chapters in a book present a
discussion of methodology early in the write-up—often as part of
the introduction of the problem or immediately following it. Hyde
(2006) tells us how she conducted her multisite case study of the
organizational dynamics of mental health teams as follows:
The research took place within one mental health trust that
covered a city and its densely populated suburbs. A case-study
design was used whereby each mental health team was treated as
a separate case. Following negotiations for access, each case study
began with observations of daytime shifts or whole working days,
depending on the opening hours of the unit. I recorded these
observations in fieldwork diaries. These included records of my
own emotional reactions to the environment and initial interpretations for later exploration alongside the usual records of
observed events, interactions and details.
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In-depth interviews were conducted with mental health service
managers and commissioners and with staff, patients and carers.
Opportunistic conversations were used throughout the study to
explore other staff experiences linked to work processes. These
conversations took place any time a participant was free and
willing to talk for a short period. The information gleaned from
these was compared with the findings from observations and with
secondary data sources such as service information leaflets. The
purpose of these comparisons was to identify differences between
espoused values and daily practice that could indicate defensive
processes. (pp. 222–223)
Where should the references to literature that is relevant to the
problem being studied be placed? In the write-up of most qualitative research, a review of previous research and writing is part of the
introduction and development of the problem. The literature that
helped shape the focus of the study will also be referred to in
discussing your findings. It’s also possible that your framework for
analyzing your data has been derived from the literature. For
example, if you were to discover, in your inductive analysis of
the process of adopting an innovation, that the process mirrors an
established framework in the literature, there’s no reason why you
cannot use that framework. As Patton (2015) notes, “the published
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literature on the topic being studied focuses the contribution of a
particular study. Scholarship involves an ongoing dialogue with
colleagues about particular questions of interest within the scholarly community. The analytical focus, therefore, derives in part
from what one has learned that will make a contribution to the
literature in a field of inquiry. That literature will likely have
contributed to the initial design of the study (implicitly or explicitly), so it is appropriate to revisit that literature to help focus the
analysis” (p. 526). Thus if a qualitative study is being undertaken as
a critique of some theory, principle, or accepted piece of folk
wisdom, the investigator should establish that fact with appropriate
reference to the literature early in the report. However, if someone
else’s categorical scheme is being used to interpret the data
collected (rather than evolving one from the data), such references
should be made just prior to use of the material. Finally, discussion
of the study’s findings usually incorporates references to other
research in pointing out where the study’s findings support or
deviate from previous work.
Thus references to relevant literature can be placed early in
the report when describing the problem, in a section reviewing
previous work, and in the section devoted to presentation and
interpretation of the study’s results. Keep in mind the intended
audience and the desired length of the report when making this
decision.
What about charts, tables, and figures? Although most reports
of qualitative research use words in a narrative text, an occasional
chart, table, or figure will enable readers to grasp major findings or
ideas central to the study. Displaying qualitative data in the form of
a chart, matrix, table, or figure enables readers to more quickly
grasp complexities in the analysis that would take an enormous
amount of narrative writing to convey. Displays provide something
of a shorthand version of the findings. They should be used
judiciously, however.
There are three common displays in qualitative reports. Most
common is a table listing participants and key bits of information
about them, such as can be found in Kim’s (2014) study of the
postretirement career transition process of Korean middle-aged
adults. A table titled “Participant Profiles” lists the pseudonym for
each participant, gender, age, educational attainment, primary
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career, current career, and years in current career. A study that is
primarily based on observations might first include an “Observation Grid,” as Enomoto and Bair (1999) did in their study of the
role of school in the assimilation of Arab immigrant children. A
second type of display is a narrative display of findings; that is, a
listing of categories and properties, sometimes accompanied by a
sample of evidence. A third type of display is a model in the form of
a figure that shows the interrelationships and interconnectedness
of the findings. For example, Figure 10.1 illustrates the process of
self-directed learning of older, rural adults (Roberson & Merriam,
2005). As depicted in the diagram, the process is initiated by either
FIGURE 10.1. THE PROCESS OF SELF-DIRECTED LEARNING.
External
Incentive
...........
Internal
Incentive
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Resolution
Adjustment
in Learning
Interest
Interest
Access
Resources
Systematic
Attention
Source: Roberson and Merriam (2005, p. 275). Reprinted with permission.
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an external or an internal incentive. If the person has an interest in
the topic or activity, he or she then accesses resources relevant to
the learning activity. For the process to continue, deliberate and
systematic attention is devoted to the project. Adjustments are
made through trial and error, and eventually most projects come to
a close (resolution). An important dimension of the process is an
event or encounter that acts as a catalyst to speed up the process or
motivate them to learn on a deeper level. For example, Charlie’s
wife was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease, and this became a
personal catalyst for his learning; a chance encounter at a town
meeting led Hattie to resume her efforts to get sidewalks built on
her side of town.
In using visual displays in a study report, the researcher should
Keep the display simple, including only the information that is
necessary in understanding the presentation.
Keep the number of displays to a minimum; using just a few
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figures to represent important ideas will draw attention to those
ideas.
Mention the display in the text, placing the display as close to its
discussion as possible.
“Walk” the reader through the display, illustrating how to read
or interpret the display.
Displays should be an integrated part of the study narra...
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