ANTH 2350102 Anthropology Questions

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Name: Quiz 2 ANTH 235-01/-02 Spring 2019 Directions: Respond to the following questions with short answers, in paragraph format, 200-300 words, single-spaced. Grading: Students will be graded ten points per answer, for a total of 100 points. Each response is qualitatively graded based on thoroughness of response, evidence presented, and clarity of answers. Citations are preferred if direct quotes are used, “Woodard said to use quotations and make inline citations” (Woodard 2019:77). 1) Kathleen Deagan (1973, 1983) describes the archaeological and documentary record of St. Augustine. Here, she is interested in culture contact, exchange, and synthesis, whereby once separate peoples begin to merge on cultural, social, and biological levels. What evidence does Deagan offer for the creolization and mestizaje processes of colonial St. Augustine? Give specific examples of Deagan’s evidence and her interpretations for these exchanges. 2) Using Dawdy’s discussion of “ethnic acculturation” and “hybridization” (2000:111) within French contexts of Louisiana, how are “creole” spaces defined by her? What archaeological and documentary evidence does she provide for her interpretations? 3) Archaeologists at Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello have investigated the workspaces and homes of the enslaved quarter, known as Mulberry Row. There, Frasier Neiman argues subfloor pits were not “Africanisms” but rather “an adaptation to environmental or social circumstances that were unique to the Chesapeake (2008:177). Describe Neiman’s evidence and interpretations of these “safety deposit boxes.” 4) In her data-rich article on the archaeology of “Building O,” Diana Crader argues that the enslaved diet at Monticello shows signs of status difference among the laborers. Using her discussion and conclusions section as a guide (1990:713-715), overview the evidence and possible interpretations. 5) The CSS Hunley sank in the Charleston Harbor nearly 150 years ago, but was recovered and researched by archaeologists over the last twenty-five years. What surprising stories have emerged from the investigations of the Hunley and what mysteries have been solved? 6) Excavations of the Catawba Indian Reservation reveal an artifactual record of Native consumption and production, and that of trade between the Natives and Euro-Americans. Based on class discussions, the images, and data on Catawba pottery of the 18th and 19th centuries, 1 Name: briefly overview the ceramic research’s main conclusions or “significance and implications” (2006:81). 7) Lightfoot el al (2007) discuss their methodology for a collaborative research project, one that is “holistic, broadly comparative, and focused on change over time” (228). Provide key elements to the civic engagement at the Fort Ross Archaeological Project. 8) Based on the article by Wegars (1993) describe the artifactual record of Chinese women in the American West. From what geographies (i.e. cities/states) and types of sites (i.e. businesses) were these artifacts recovered? Give specific examples of the artifacts, their locations, and interpretations. 9) In the television program “Custer’s Last Stand” from the series Battlefield Detectives, researchers found that the surface collection survey of the 1876 Little Bighorn Battlefield revealed many ammunition cartridges and shells from different guns, in differing locations. What did these artifacts tell us about the battle and its participants? How did researchers map and record the data? 10) In the same program “Custer’s Last Stand,” archaeologists and forensic researchers investigated the human remains of the U.S. 7th Cavalry from the Little Bighorn. Evidence found by the inquirers indicated substantive battlefield trauma to the military men. Provide examples of what the bones revealed and the interpretations of the causes. 2
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Running head: 10 ANTHROPOLOGY QUESTIONS

10 Anthropology Questions
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10 ANTHROPOLOGY QUESTIONS

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1) Kathleen Deagan (1973, 1983) describes the archaeological and documentary record of
St. Augustine. Here, she is interested in culture contact, exchange, and synthesis,
whereby once separate peoples begin to merge on cultural, social, and biological levels.
What evidence does Deagan offer for the creolization and mestizaje processes of colonial
St. Augustine? Give specific examples of Deagan’s evidence and her interpretations for
these exchanges.
Documentary evidence showed that the occupants of the lot were Maria De la Cruz’s
descendants, a woman from India who had married a Spaniard and the following lot stayed a
Mestizo, Clemente Ylario. The information offered by the excavation of the lot, together with
the the information of the documentary, made it more comfortable constructing hypotheses
regarding the nature of the process of mestizaje, with implications of archeological that are
testable. The site demonstrated an admixture of Indian and Spanish material cultures. It was
mirrored strongly in the ceramic assemblage that comprised of aboriginal pottery, Spanish
Majolica, and English earthenware. At the site, the prevalent ceramic type was San Marcos,
and the only utilitarian ware available. It was easily reachable by occupants of St. Augustine
and Indian-made aware that individuals utilized as kitchen pottery and that could be cheap
and replaced easily as compared to the European utilitarian that is small in the site. Food
preparation technology is ceramics even though there were no identifiable cooking hearths.
“It was apparent from the soot-darkened pieces of San Marcos ware that this aboriginal
pottery was being used for cooking” (Deagan, 1973:62). St. Augustine dependent much on
meat and after Moore’s raids, the individuals could not do farming, as it was not very
successful. This way, Mestizo had an idea on procurement techniques and aboriginal
subsistence that would be mirrored on archeologically in greater parts of wild fruits than
domestic or imported foods. However, the interpretation is that provided with the structure of
interaction of 18th century in mestizo or Spanish family units across a prevalent maleoriented cultural milieu.
2) Using Dawdy’s discussion of “ethnic acculturation” and “hybridization” (2000:111) within
French contexts of Louisiana, how are “creole” spaces defined by her? What archaeological and
documentary evidence does she provide for her interpretations?
“Creole” is a native-born colonial. Creolization forms observed in New Orleans are
hybridization, ethnic assimilation, and transplantation. In the Duplessis house and Madame
John’s Legacy are the archeological records seen for material expressions of connected
identities (Dawdy, 2000:112). Madame John’s Legacy included a change from the wave of
old world settlers to the generation initially native-born. There is evidence of the basic
requirement for the first generation of immigrants where they would tend to replicate the Old
World in household, food preferences, and architecture. The evidence is seen in the Madame
Pascal levels with high dependence on French goods and almost lack of local materials.
Expectations of materials for the 2nd generation, or native creoles, could be New World
products integration into day-to-day life and openness to “foreign” and “native” materials,
ideas, and designs. The evidence for this is the de Lanzos generation, where there is a
significant amount of British pottery and American. There is a representation of the two
generational phases at the Duplessis house. The first reveals creolization acculturation, which
might be queer to Louisiana and other self-conscious creole communities, creole dominates

10 ANTHROPOLOGY QUESTIONS

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an ethic of its own. The third difference of creolization...