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Part I. Mandatory Reflective Essay. Analyze your response papers for changes in your thinking about children, society, the changing world, life, your education, you as a learner and as a person, the way you understand yourself and others, etc. In other words, you and your learning experience in Children in a Changing World are the subject of the essay.

Within your essay, refer to a minimum of 3 different empirical articles that were assigned or posted on eLearning as supplementary from 3 different topics covered throughout the semester. This can include the “choose your own adventure” article and/or the article(s) that we covered the week of your presentation and literature review. You may also include mention of papers from your literature review.

Note: Question adapted from Brian Kaufman, as described by James M. Lang (2013)

Part II. Answer one question from Part A or complete Part B. Refer to a minimum of 3 empirical journal articles in your response, providing APA references for those articles. The references may include articles from class, articles from your literature review, and/or articles that you find as supplementary.

  • During the first day of classes, the course goal was described as an attempt to “learn more about what it means to be a child in this world”. A few relevant questions were mentioned. Answer one of those questions. 
    • How do history and culture affect your understanding of child development?
    • How do poverty and rights affect the ways in which you think about how children develop and learn?
    • Does power have an effect on how people in the developing world perceive their own/others’ customs, values, traditions, and cultures?
    • Should we, in the developed world, change? If so, how?
    • How should we conceptualize childhood?
    • Critique child development theory/literature: Westernized? Outdated? Biased by social class/education?
  • Choose a “problem” that we discussed that children face today and discuss potential solutions to that problem, providing empirical research evidence as relevant. 

Part III.Mandatory Predictions and Final Class Activity

Make Predictions. At the beginning of the semester, we addressed ways in which artists have depicted children and how those depictions have changed over time (e.g., Caravaggio, Millais). We also addressed ways in which generations in the United States have been defined (i.e., Silent, Boomers, Generation X, Millennials, and Generation Z). Consider the next generation – the children born after Generation Z, between 2015 and 2025, approximately – how will the children be depicted? How will the generation be labelled, defined and described?

  • On one page, present an image that captures the next generation. You may find an electronic image or create an image (by hand, electronic device, or using some other medium).
  • On another page, using easily-read typed font: Label the generation and describe the anticipated characteristics (nationally and/or internationally), probably in a bulleted list format. Your description may include mention of anticipated demographic characteristics, significant historical/technological events, and/or the prevailing zeitgeist. The page should be easily read and understood by a wide-audience in 2 minutes or less. 


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American Psychologist © 2018 American Psychological Association 0003-066X/18/$12.00 2018, Vol. 73, No. 5, 626 – 638 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/amp0000327 This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. The Strength of the Causal Evidence Against Physical Punishment of Children and Its Implications for Parents, Psychologists, and Policymakers Elizabeth T. Gershoff Gail S. Goodman University of Texas at Austin University of California, Davis Cindy L. Miller-Perrin George W. Holden Pepperdine University Southern Methodist University Yo Jackson Alan E. Kazdin Pennsylvania State University Yale University The question of whether physical punishment is helpful or harmful to the development of children has been subject to hundreds of research studies over the past several decades. Yet whether causal conclusions can be drawn from this largely nonexperimental research and whether the conclusions generalize across contexts are issues that remain unresolved. In this article, the authors summarize the extent to which the empirical research on physical punishment meets accepted criteria for causal inference. They then review research demonstrating that physical punishment is linked with the same harms to children as is physical abuse and summarize the extant research that finds links between physical punishment and detrimental outcomes for children are consistent across cultural, family, and neighborhood contexts. The strength and consistency of the links between physical punishment and detrimental child outcomes lead the authors to recommend that parents should avoid physical punishment, psychologists should advise and advocate against it, and policymakers should develop means of educating the public about the harms of and alternatives to physical punishment. Keywords: physical punishment, spanking, discipline, parenting, causality When experimental studies are not feasible or ethical, when are alternative research approaches sufficient to conclude that a causal relation between variables exists? At what point can that evidence be used to inform individuals, psychologists, and even public policy? These fundamental questions are illustrated in the controversy over the physical punishment of children. Physical punishment refers to the use of physical force to cause a child to experience some degree of pain or discomfort with the intention of modifying the child’s behavior (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2007). Spanking is the most common form of physical punishment and typically involves an adult striking a child on the bottom with an open hand. Decades of research have consistently linked physical punishment with risks of harm to children (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a), yet over 80% of American parents continue to spank their children (Gershoff, Lansford, Sexton, DavisKean, & Sameroff, 2012). Why do parents persist in a behavior that may increase the risk of harm to their children? A primary reason is that they believe it to be effective at improving child behavior and are unaware of its potential harms to children (Holden, Miller, & Harris, 1999), in part because they themselves were spanked as children and believe that they “turned out OK.” These beliefs are not often challenged by the media, which typically frames stories about spanking as a “debate” among Elizabeth T. Gershoff, Department of Human Development and Family Sciences and the Population Research Center, University of Texas at Austin; Gail S. Goodman, Department of Psychology, University of California, Davis; Cindy L. Miller-Perrin, Social Science Division, Pepperdine University; George W. Holden, Department of Psychology, Southern Methodist University; Yo Jackson, Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State University; Alan E. Kazdin, Department of Psychology, Yale University. The lead author’s time writing this article was supported by grant P2CHD042849 (PI: Umberson) from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. This article is based on a report written by the authors for the Task Force on Physical Punishment of Children sponsored by APA Division 7: Developmental Psychology and APA Division 37: Society for Child and Family Policy and Practice. We thank the following colleagues who provided constructive feedback on that report: Ronald Dahl, Nancy Eisenberg, David Finkelhor, Milton Fuentes, Joan Grusec, Michael E. Lamb, Jennifer Lansford, Mary Ann McCabe, and Anita Thomas. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Elizabeth T. Gershoff, Department of Human Development and Family Sciences, University of Texas at Austin, 108 East Dean Keeton Street, Stop A2702 Austin, TX 78712. E-mail: liz.gershoff@austin.utexas.edu 626 THE EVIDENCE AGAINST PHYSICAL PUNISHMENT 627 APA Divisions 7 (Developmental Psychology) and 37 (Society for Child and Family Policy and Practice). The Task Force (active 2013–2016) was charged with summarizing the literature on spanking and physical punishment, in part to inform APA’s Council of Representatives as it decides whether to approve a resolution opposing all physical punishment of children, including that by parents. As of early 2018, APA had yet to consider such a resolution. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. What Is the Evidence About Causality Regarding Physical Punishment? Elizabeth T. Gershoff researchers without adequately vetting the strength of the evidence (e.g., Moyer, 2016). It is also the case that not all psychologists refute the notion that spanking is ineffective and inadvisable. In a 2016 survey of 843 members of the American Psychological Association (APA), the majority of these psychologists agreed that spanking children was harmful and would not recommend it to parents, yet substantial minorities held favorable views. For example, nearly 30% of survey respondents did not agree that spanking is harmful to children, 28% did not agree that spanking is a form of violence against children, 17% did not agree that spanking is a bad disciplinary technique, 14% said they advise parents with whom they work to spank with a hand occasionally, and 15% to 36% were unsure whether research has linked spanking with particular negative outcomes (Miller-Perrin & Rush, 2018). There are also a few psychologists who argue that, because experiments of spanking are, for the most part, not possible, we can never definitively conclude that spanking causes harm to children (Larzelere, Gunnoe, Roberts, & Ferguson, 2017). In short, there remains an information gap between what researchers in psychology, medicine, and other disciplines have confirmed about the harms linked to spanking and what the majority of parents and a substantial minority of psychologists continue to believe. The goal of this article is to fill the information gap by directly addressing critiques about whether the relevant research warrants causal conclusions and to thereby illustrate a case in which a large body of largely nonexperimental research can, when taken together, support causal inference. This article developed out of a 2016 report from the Task Force on Physical Punishment of Children created by Ethical concerns have meant that very few studies have examined physical punishment with experimental designs: Researchers cannot randomly assign children to “hit” and “no hit” conditions, nor can they randomly assign parents at the birth of their child to use physical punishment or not. The fact that the body of research on physical punishment is largely correlational leads to two key challenges to causal conclusions. The first is the classic “chicken or egg” problem: Are children’s behavior problems the consequence or the cause of physical punishment? Some critics of the physical punishment literature have termed this “intervention selection bias”: Individuals who most need a treatment are the ones most likely to get it, and consequently the intervention can be linked with more problems, at least initially (Larzelere, Kuhn, & Johnson, 2004). It is true that children with behavior problems elicit more physical punishment from their parents over time (Gershoff et al., 2012), and so research that measures physical punishment months or years before the child outcomes is key to establishing causality. A second potential problem with physical punishment research is selection bias, which is the possibility that links between physical punishment and child outcomes are determined in part by parent or child characteristics that predict whether parents use, or in the terminology of economists “select into,” physical punishment (Duncan, Magnuson, & Ludwig, 2004). This possibility is often referred to as the “third variable” explanation— other variables, such as the parent’s level of warmth, may predict both the amount of physical punishment and the level of the child outcome in question, and it is this third variable that may account for the association between them. To guide our review of research on physical punishment, we relied in part on Sir Austin Bradford Hill’s (1965) classic criteria that have been used to establish causal connections such as those between smoking and lung cancer and between certain occupational hazards and pulmonary disease (Fedak, Bernal, Capshaw, & Gross, 2015). We used seven of Hill’s criteria (two of his criteria are not necessary for causality, namely, his criteria of specificity of effects and of analogy) and combined them with the three criteria identified by Shadish, Cook, and Campbell (2001) into five This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 628 GERSHOFF ET AL. hypothesis goes against common knowledge does not mean we should dismiss it. Research on physical punishment is coherent with the hypothesis that it predicts detrimental outcomes for children. Decades of correlational research have linked more physical punishment with more problematic behavior in children (Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a). Physical punishment is a form of hitting (Gershoff, 2013), and given that other forms of hitting are already acknowledged as harmful to children (bullying; American Psychological Association [APA], 2004) and adults (violence between romantic partners; APA, 1999), the hypothesis that physical punishment should predict detrimental outcomes for children is consistent with our society’s beliefs about the negative outcomes that can be attributed to hitting. Gail S. Goodman criteria for establishing causal relations between a predictor and an outcome (Hill’s criteria are italicized): (a) the hypothesized causal pathway must be plausible and have coherence with existing facts about the predictor and the outcome; (b) the behavior must be strongly and consistently correlated with the outcome of interest; (c) the behavior must temporally precede the outcome; (d) a gradient in the association between the predictor and the outcome is observed; and (e) experiments or statistical methods establish that the association between the two cannot be attributed to spurious factors. We will summarize relevant research on physical punishment for each criterion. Plausibility and Coherence Hill (1965) observed that it would be “helpful” if the hypothesized causal pathway is plausible and that the observed data are coherent with what is generally known about the predictor and outcome. The hypothesis that parents’ use of physical punishment should affect children’s behavior is plausible and indeed widely accepted: Parents use physical punishment under the working hypothesis that their action (physical punishment) will cause a reaction (change in behavior) in the child. However, there is less agreement about the valence of the effect. Parents’ beliefs about effective parenting, their own histories with physical punishment, and their cultural milieu lead many parents to assume that physical punishment will yield positive changes in the child. Yet if we accept as plausible that parents’ use of physical punishment can affect children’s behavior at all, we must be willing to accept that any effects could be positive, negative, or neutral. As Hill noted, just because a Strength and Consistency Hill (1965) urged researchers to judge the strength of potential causal relations; the direction of the association is of course also important to assess. For years, the field judged strength of effect sizes, which statistically characterize the association between two variables, according to criteria for small, medium, and large effect sizes suggested by J. Cohen (1988) in his writings on power analysis. Yet on their own, effect sizes can be large but not practically significant, as in the case of studies with small samples and large standard errors. Confidence intervals (CIs) around effect sizes are needed, as they help researchers establish the amount of error in the effect size and indicate whether an effect size is statistically different from zero. Meta-analysis is an ideal tool for determining the general strength and direction of the associations between key variables. We can obtain an overall sense of the strength, direction, and consistency of the associations between physical punishment and child outcomes through the findings of five meta-analytic reviews: Gershoff (2002; 88 studies), Paolucci and Violato (2004; 70 studies), Larzelere and Kuhn (2005; 26 studies), Ferguson (2013; 45 studies), and Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016a; 75 studies). There is some, but not entire, overlap across the meta-analyses in the studies used; for example, the most recent meta-analysis (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a) used 26% of the studies used in Gershoff, 23% of the studies in Paolucci and Violato, 42% of the studies in Larzelere and Kuhn, and 24% of the studies in Ferguson. The Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor meta-analysis reported a mean effect size of d ⫽ .33 (95% CI [.29, .38]) that characterized all 111 effect sizes and the 160,927 unique children represented by those effect sizes. The strength of the association between physical punishment and child outcomes is statistically significant and moderate in strength. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. THE EVIDENCE AGAINST PHYSICAL PUNISHMENT Cindy L. MillerPerrin When the direction of the associations is considered, spanking has been significantly correlated with the following child outcomes, almost all in a detrimental direction: lower long-term compliance (Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a); more aggression (Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a; Larzelere & Kuhn, 2005); more behavior problems (Ferguson, 2013; Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a), but not in Larzelere and Kuhn (2005); more mental health problems (Ferguson, 2013; Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a); lower cognitive performance (Ferguson, 2013; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a); lower parent– child relationship quality (Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & GroganKaylor, 2016a); and higher risk for physical injury or abuse (Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a). Research on immediate compliance has been equivocal. Physical punishment was associated with higher rates of immediate compliance in two meta-analyses (Gershoff, 2002; Larzelere & Kuhn, 2005); however, when Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016a) reanalyzed these studies to take into account differences in initial rates of compliance between the spanked and nonspanked groups, the association was no longer statistically significant. It is one thing to know that physical punishment is, on average, associated with detrimental child outcomes; it is another to know that this association is consistent across dozens or hundreds of examinations of it. Hill (1965) encouraged researchers to consider the question, “Has it been repeatedly observed by different persons, in different places, circumstances and times?” (p. 296). In other words, the strength and direction of the finding must be replicated 629 across studies but also across a range of populations, locations, and cohorts. The research on physical punishment demonstrates both aspects of consistency. Physical punishment has been linked with detrimental child outcomes consistently across studies. In the most recent meta-analysis, a total of 79 of all the effect sizes (71%) were statistically significant, and 99% (all but one) were in the direction of an unfavorable outcome (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a). In other words, just under three quarters of all effect sizes were statistically significant and indicated physical punishment was associated with detrimental child outcomes. Links between physical punishment and problematic child outcomes have also shown consistency across samples. Using meta-regression, Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016a) found that spanking was linked with detrimental outcomes to the same extent in the United States and in countries other than the United States (13 countries, constituting 30% of studies). In a group of studies that included cohorts of children from the 1950s through the 2000s, they also found that the mean effect size was robust to the age of the children and to the operationalizations of spanking (e.g., ever; in last week). The literature on physical punishment is thus characterized by a remarkable level of consistency across studies, populations, settings, and cohorts. Temporal Precedence The best way to ensure that physical punishment precedes child outcomes in a statistical model is through a longitudinal design in which spanking is used to predict subsequent child outcomes. Although longitudinal designs meet the temporal precedence criterion, they do not necessarily address selection bias. A particularly important selection factor, as mentioned earlier, is a child effect of children’s initial behavior: Children’s difficult behaviors could elicit physical punishment from their caregivers. If the “true” association between physical punishment and child outcomes is either entirely or partially a child effect, an association between physical punishment and child outcomes could be mistakenly viewed as a parent effect. With this selection concern in mind, nine longitudinal studies have controlled for children’s initial behavior problems. All of these studies determined that parents’ use of physical punishment predicted increases in children’s externalizing behavior problems over time, even after race, gender, and family socioeconomic status had been statistically controlled (e.g., Grogan-Kaylor, 2005; Larzelere, Cox, & Smith, 2010; Olson, Lopez-Duran, Lunkenheimer, Chang, & Sameroff, 2011). Even stronger are research designs that model both the longitudinal parent effect (physical punishment to child behavior) and the longitudinal child effect (child behavior eliciting more physical punishment) simultaneously, such that each statistically controls for the other; these are known This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 630 GERSHOFF ET AL. George W. Holden as cross-lagged panel designs. Using this design, spanking at an initial time point predicted increases in behavior problems from Ages 1 to 3 (Berlin et al., 2009), 3 to 5 (Maguire-Jack, Gromoske, & Berger, 2012), 5 to 8 (Gershoff et al., 2012), and 12 to 14 as well as 14 to 16 (Wang & Kenny, 2014). Three of these four studies used large and nationally representative samples (N ⫽ 2,573: Berlin et al., 2009; N ⫽ 11,044: Gershoff et al., 2012; N ⫽ 3,870: Maguire-Jack et al., 2012). These three approaches to determining temporal order effects generally find that spanking predicts a worsening of child behavior over time, with only a few exceptions that find no relation between spanking and changes in child behavior (e.g., Lansford, Wager, Bates, Pettit, & Dodge, 2012). It is important to note that in none of the cross-lagged studies did physical punishment predict a decrease in child problem behaviors over time while controlling for the child elicitation effect. If selection entirely explained the links between physical punishment and children’s behavior, physical punishment would have significantly predicted improvements in child behavior. Longitudinal studies have overwhelmingly found that physical punishment predicts deteriorations in child behavior over time. That said, it is worth noting that in the Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016a) meta-analysis, the mean effect size for longitudinal studies was not significantly different from the mean effect size for correlational studies, indicating that both methods reached the same conclusion. Gradient A gradient in the association between two variables is observed when a one-unit change in the predictor leads to a regular change in the outcome variable that is observed along the full range of the predictor variable. Hill (1965) noted that a gradient does not prove causality, but it does strongly suggest researchers should look for a cause. In medicine, a gradient is often referred to as a dose–response relationship, and it can be linear (which is then also called a step function) or curvilinear. For example, a gradient could be illustrated by an increase in children’s externalizing scores by 2 points for every additional spank per month. Whether there is a gradient in the associations between physical punishment and child outcomes, and what form that gradient takes, is an issue that underlies one of the common arguments about physical punishment. Defenders of physical punishment (Larzelere et al., 2017) argue that the association is curvilinear, namely, that infrequent or light spankings are not thought to be harmful to children and that physical punishment is only linked with harm to children when it is frequent, harsh, or injurious. A few studies have examined the shape of the association. A study of parents in Chile (Ma, Han, Grogan-Kaylor, Delva, & Castillo, 2012) found that, compared with adolescents who were never physically punished, externalizing behavior problems were higher among adolescents who were even infrequently subjected to physical punishment. Moreover, compared with those adolescents who were subjected to infrequent physical punishment, externalizing behavior problems were significantly higher among adolescents subjected to frequent physical punishment. In this crosssectional study, the association between frequency of physical punishment and externalizing behaviors followed a step function gradient. A second study used a causally stronger fixed effects regression method with longitudinal data to examine links between three levels of physical punishment (“never,” “once,” “more than once in the past week”) and children’s behavior problems (Grogan-Kaylor, 2004). An increase in the frequency of parents’ physical punishment between Wave 1 and Wave 2 from “never” to “once in the past week” predicted the same level of increase in children’s behavior problems, as did an increase from “once” to “more than once in the past week.” That the association between physical punishment and children’s behavior problems followed a linear gradient in both studies is consistent with a causal link, such that exposure to more physical punishment leads to more behavior problems. Ruling Out Spurious Factors Longitudinal designs used to examine spanking can rule out the influence of selection factors measured in the study. However, there could be unmeasured factors that account for significant associations between physical punishment and child outcomes. The ideal method for ruling out both selection factors is the randomized experiment (Duncan et al., 2004). Very few studies have examined physical pun- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. THE EVIDENCE AGAINST PHYSICAL PUNISHMENT Yo Jackson ishment with experimental designs. However, there are also a few experimental evaluations of interventions and quasiexperiments that bear on the question of whether physical punishment harms children. Experiments. The extent of experimental studies is limited to a series of experiments with small samples conducted by Mark Roberts and his colleagues to examine the utility of spanking used as a “back up” when children with behavior problems leave “time out” prematurely. He concluded that spanking was effective compared with other disciplinary techniques (e.g., Roberts, 1988; Roberts & Powers, 1990). However, the spank and no-spank groups had significant differences in their levels of compliance at the start of the experiments. Once initial differences were controlled by comparing pre–post differences rather than just postexperiment differences (see Gershoff & GroganKaylor, 2016a), effect sizes were nonsignificant. There is thus no experimental evidence that spanking is more effective than other methods at securing children’s immediate compliance. There are no other traditional experiments examining spanking’s direct effect on children’s behaviors. However, dozens of parenting interventions have been found to reduce parents’ use of physical punishment (Gershoff, Lee, & Durrant, 2017). A few studies have examined whether parenting interventions that target a reduction in physical punishment predict change in child outcomes. A randomized controlled trial (RCT) evaluation of the Incredible Years intervention for young children with behavior problems found that treatment effects were significantly mediated through a reduction in parents’ use of spanking (Beauchaine, Webster-Stratton, & Reid, 2005). 631 An analysis of data from a national RCT of the federal Head Start program showed that parents of children randomly assigned to participate in the Head Start program decreased their use of spanking more than parents in the control group, and that this reduction in spanking, in turn, predicted declines in children’s aggression (Gershoff, Ansari, Purtell, & Sexton, 2016). An RCT of the Chicago Parent Program, part of which focused on African American and Latino/a parents and their preschool children, found that the intervention group reduced parents’ use of physical punishment significantly more than the control group and that their children had fewer behavior problems over time (Breitenstein et al., 2012). These experimental program evaluations provide evidence that interventions can reduce child problem behavior by reducing parents’ use of spanking, and in doing so provide evidence for a causal link between spanking and children’s problem behavior. Quasi-experiments. When experiments are difficult to conduct, statistical methods can be employed to rule out alternative explanations and to enhance our confidence in making causal inferences. One such method is fixed effects regression, which uses difference scores to control for timeinvariant unobserved characteristics that may account for observed relations between physical punishment and child outcomes, such as children’s initial levels of problem behavior. Using fixed effects regressions, Grogan-Kaylor (2005) found that parents’ increased use of spanking predicted increases in children’s subsequent externalizing behaviors. A rigorous statistical method from econometrics known as propensity score matching has recently been applied to the issue of physical punishment with samples in the United States and Japan. Gershoff, Sattler, and Ansari (2018) used propensity score matching to create two groups of children who were matched on 38 demographic characteristics so that they varied only in whether parents reported they had ever spanked their children. The spank and no-spank groups were matched so that they were not significantly different on characteristics at the levels of the child (e.g., demographic characteristics and initial behavior problems as rated by teachers), the parent (e.g., demographic and mental health characteristics), and the family (e.g., income, language, regional location). In the models with the matched samples, children in the spanked group (n ⫽ 9,479) were rated by teachers as having significantly more externalizing behavior problems 1 and 2 years later than children who had never been spanked (n ⫽ 2,479); there were no differences for internalizing problems. Similarly, using a sample of more than 29,000 children, Okuzono, Fujiwara, Kato, and Kawachi (2017) found that spanked children exhibited more behavior problems after matching children on 28 variables. By ruling out many of the plausible third-variable explanations, these results give considerable confidence to the con- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 632 GERSHOFF ET AL. Alan E. Kazdin clusion that physical punishment predicts increases in children’s problem behaviors over time. Summary The conclusion from this combination of meta-analyses, experiments, and quasi-experiments is that the preponderance of evidence links physical punishment with detrimental child outcomes. There is no evidence that physical punishment is effective at improving child behavior or at reducing other negative outcomes for children. The research linking physical punishment with harm to children is, with only a few exceptions, consistent and unidirectional, and it has been replicated across a range of study designs and methods, thereby increasing the validity of causal inference. Do Harsh or Abusive Methods Drive the Links Between Physical Punishment and Detrimental Child Outcomes? A persistent criticism of the physical punishment research is that the associations with detrimental outcomes are driven by the inclusion of harsh and potentially abusive methods along with acceptable methods such as spanking (Larzelere et al., 2017). The underlying argument is that physical punishment may be effective and not harmful up to a certain threshold of either severity or frequency, after which it becomes harmful. If this argument were to be supported, then socially acceptable manifestations of physical punishment, such as spanking, should be linked with either benefits to children or neutral effects on children, whereas un- acceptable forms, such as beating children to injury, should be associated with harm. One way to address this criticism would be to compare children who are physically punished but not abused with children who are abused. Such a comparison would be problematic for reasons of selection bias— children who are abused may be different from nonabused children on a range of individual and family characteristics that may drive any differences in their outcomes. Children who are physically abused are also likely to be physically punished (Lee, Grogan-Kaylor, & Berger, 2014), and thus such betweensubjects comparative studies cannot isolate impacts of physical punishment from impacts of physical abuse. The solution to this problem is to use within-subjects designs in which both physical punishment and physical abuse are measured for the same children, thereby eliminating any selection bias. Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor (2016a) identified seven studies with 10 different outcomes that reported effect sizes for links between spanking and child outcomes as well as for physically abusive methods and the same outcomes. Both spanking and physical abuse were linked with more problematic outcomes for children. The mean effect size for the link between spanking and detrimental outcomes was two thirds the magnitude of the effect size for the link between physical abuse and the same detrimental outcomes (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016a). A similar conclusion was reached in an analysis of data from the Adverse Childhood Experiences Survey (Afifi et al., 2017). Adults who reported having ever been spanked in childhood were more likely to have attempted suicide, to have used street drugs, and to have had a drinking problem than adults who had not been spanked, over and above whether the adults reported having been physically or emotionally abused as children. These findings suggest that the distinction between acceptable physical punishment and unacceptable physical abuse is largely semantic; they are linked with the same detrimental outcomes for children, just to varying degrees. Euphemisms such as “spanking” have obscured the fact that both physical punishment and physical abuse involve hitting and hurting children emotionally and physically (Brown, Holden, & Ashraf, 2018; Gershoff, 2013). Are the Detrimental Outcomes Linked With Physical Punishment Generalizable Across Contexts? The third and final major concern about the research on physical punishment is that it is not generalizable across contexts (Deater-Deckard & Dodge, 1997). Some researchers have argued that physical punishment may benefit children growing up in some contexts more than children growing up in other contexts. The three main contexts that have THE EVIDENCE AGAINST PHYSICAL PUNISHMENT been investigated as with regard to physical punishment are culture, parenting style, and neighborhoods. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Culture Within the United States, examinations of “culture” and physical punishment have tended to focus on a single cultural marker: race or ethnicity. Race refers to categories of individuals based on physical characteristics, whereas ethnicity implies the acceptance of a set of beliefs and values from a culture of origin (American Psychological Association, 2002). We acknowledge that there is wide variability both in cultures and in parenting practices within racial groups, but because race has been theoretically and empirically considered a cultural moderator of discipline effects on children, we will consider race and ethnicity to be markers of culture as well. The discipline used in African American families has often been contrasted with that found in European American families. African Americans tend to more strongly endorse physical punishment as an appropriate and effective discipline strategy than do European Americans (Mosby, Rawls, Meehan, Mays, & Pettinari, 1999) and to spank their children more frequently than European American or Hispanic/ Latino parents (e.g., Barkin, Scheindlin, Ip, Richardson, & Finch, 2007; Deater-Deckard, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1996; Gershoff et al., 2012; Grogan-Kaylor & Otis, 2007). Such findings led to the development of the cultural normativeness hypothesis (Deater-Deckard & Dodge, 1997), which states that physical punishment may have less negative impact, and a potentially positive impact, when it is culturally normative because children expect and accept it when they misbehave. A few studies have indeed found that African American children who are physically punished have levels of behavior problems that are lower (Gunnoe & Mariner, 1997) or the same as (Polaha, Shapiro, Larzelere, & Pettit, 2004) European American children who are physically punished. In contrast, other studies using data from longitudinal, nationally representative samples have not found race or ethnicity to moderate the association of physical punishment with later child behavior (Grogan-Kaylor, 2004, 2005; Lau, Litrownik, Newton, Black, & Everson, 2006; McLoyd & Smith, 2002; Mulvaney & Mebert, 2007). Three methodologically strong studies that utilized cross-lagged longitudinal models controlling for children’s initial behavior along with empirical tests of moderation each found no moderation by race or ethnicity (Berlin et al., 2009; Gershoff et al., 2012; Wang & Kenny, 2014). In addition, a meta-analysis of five studies that reported bivariate associations between spanking and child outcomes separately for White and Black children determined that the effect sizes were nearly identical for both groups (d ⫽ .274 for Whites [n ⫽ 11,814]; d ⫽ .279 for Blacks [n ⫽ 3,065]) 633 and both effect sizes were statistically different from zero (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016b). Taken together, these studies support a conclusion that there are few, if any, racial or ethnic group differences in the extent to which physical punishment is linked with worse child behavior. Parenting Style Physical punishment is but one of many disciplinary techniques parents use and it occurs in the context of an overall parenting style. Parenting style is thought to be more influential than individual parenting behaviors and to serve as a moderator of them (Darling & Steinberg, 1993). Some researchers have thus argued that a warm or positive parenting style may buffer against any negative effects of physical punishment (Benjet & Kazdin, 2003). This possibility has been examined in a few studies and there is some evidence that parental warmth buffers associations between physical punishment and child outcomes. Several studies have found that the link between physical punishment and negative child outcomes is stronger when parents are low in warmth or high in negativity (e.g., Aucoin, Frick, & Bodin, 2006; Deater-Deckard, Ivy, & Petrill, 2006; McKee et al., 2007). Yet other cross-sectional studies have not found maternal warmth to buffer the crosssectional association of spanking with children’s behavior problems in the United States (Stacks, Oshio, Gerard, & Roe, 2009) or in 20 different countries (Fréchette, Zoratti, & Romano, 2015). Four studies have examined this question using longitudinal data. One study of over 11,000 children found that parental warmth did not moderate the link between spanking at Age 5 and lower math scores at Age 10 (Bodovski & Youn, 2010). An investigation using a cross-lagged panel design with 2,500 children at Ages 1, 2, and 3 found maternal warmth did not buffer the associations of spanking with increased behavior problems and lower cognitive ability (Berlin et al., 2009). In another study using a cross-lagged design with 3,200 children, greater use of spanking at Age 3 predicted an increase in aggression from Age 3 to Age 5 regardless of their mothers’ level of warmth (Lee, Altschul, & Gershoff, 2013). A fourth study also used a cross-lagged design and failed to detect any evidence of moderation of parental warmth on relations between maternal or paternal physical punishment and children’s behavior problems and depressive symptoms (Wang & Kenny, 2014). The fact that warmth has not been consistently found to buffer the links between physical punishment and child behavior in cross-sectional studies, and not at all in longitudinal studies, indicates that parenting warmth is not a reliable buffer against the negative outcomes associated with physical punishment. GERSHOFF ET AL. 634 This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Neighborhood Quality There has been speculation that neighborhood contexts moderate the link between physical punishment and children’s behavior problems. For families living in neighborhoods with high levels of violence, crime, and illicit activity, the consequences of child misbehavior may be serious (e.g., injury or death). Thus one possibility is that parents’ use of physical punishment may be more successful at promoting positive child behavior when families reside in dangerous neighborhoods (Garbarino, Kostelny, & Barry, 1997). There is little evidence to support this argument. First, it is not clear that the rate of physical punishment is indeed higher in violent or low-income neighborhoods. Neighborhood problems have sometimes been associated with higher rates of physical punishment (Molnar, Buka, Brennan, Holton, & Earls, 2003) but sometimes not (Grogan-Kaylor & Otis, 2007). Second, neighborhood context has not been found to be a predictable moderator of associations between physical punishment and child behavior. Although one study found that physical punishment was linked with lower child behavior problems when families lived in communities with higher levels of neighborhood problems (Eamon, 2002), this finding was refuted when reanalyzed with more sophisticated fixed effects regression methods that found physical punishment was equally deleterious for children in all neighborhoods (Grogan-Kaylor, 2005). Similarly, a large two-state study using a multilevel design found that community deviance did not moderate the association between physical punishment and children’s conduct problems (Simons et al., 2002). Implications of the Research on Physical Punishment The extensive body of empirical research on physical punishment, including some experimental and quasiexperimental studies, is quite consistent and affords a clear conclusion: Physical punishment increases the risk that children will experience detrimental outcomes and this risk is experienced equally across cultural groups, families, and neighborhoods. The consistency and strength of these findings suggest several implications for parents, psychologists, and policymakers. Implications for Parents Parents and the general public should be educated about the body of research indicating physical punishment is ineffective and may be harmful to children. Professional associations such as the American Academy of Pediatrics (1998, 2014), the National Association of Pediatric Nurse Practitioners (2011), the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (2012), and the American Profes- sional Society on the Abuse of Children (2016) have all issued policy statements both urging parents to avoid using physical punishment and directing professionals who work with parents to advise them to discipline their children with nonphysical techniques. Education about alternatives to physical punishment can occur in a range of contexts and at universal, selective, or indicated levels of intervention (Gershoff et al., 2017). Interventions in pediatric health care settings have successfully reduced attitudes about or intent to use physical punishment (e.g., Canfield et al., 2015). Home visiting programs that focus on teaching nonviolent parental discipline have been successful at reducing physical punishment and preventing physical abuse (Bugental et al., 2002). Groupbased interventions can also be effective at teaching alternatives to physical punishment; the Adults and Children Together against Violence educational program (http:// actagainstviolence.apa.org/) created by APA’s Violence Prevention Office teaches social problem-solving skills and nonviolent discipline and has been shown to reduce spanking and to increase positive discipline in the United States and around the world (e.g., Howe et al., 2017; Portwood, Lambert, Abrams, & Nelson, 2011). Interventions to educate parents about physical punishment need not be intensive to be successful. New mothers in an RCT who received baby books that informed them about alternatives to physical punishment reported significantly less favorable views toward physical punishment than did mothers who received noneducational baby books or no books (Reich, Penner, Duncan, & Auger, 2012). A randomized controlled study effectively used motivational interviewing coupled with psychoeducation to change the attitudes and behavior intentions of mothers of young children (Holland & Holden, 2016). Merely presenting parents with summaries of the research on physical punishment has also been found to reduce approval of physical punishment (Holden, Brown, Baldwin, & Croft Caderao, 2014). Implications for Psychologists The work of psychologists is guided by APA’s (2010) ethics code as well as by resolutions passed by APA related to research and practice. Principle A in the ethics code concerns safeguarding the welfare and rights of others. Because physical punishment poses a harm to children’s welfare, psychologists are obligated to caution parents against using physical punishment. APA was a leader in opposing physical punishment in schools when it became the first professional organization in the United States to pass a resolution opposing school paddling (APA, 1975). That resolution was largely based on research on parents’ use of physical punishment because there was no research then on the effects of school physical punishment on children. Out of over 800 APA members in a recent survey, THE EVIDENCE AGAINST PHYSICAL PUNISHMENT 59% were in favor of an APA resolution opposing any use of spanking or physical punishment by parents or caregivers (Miller-Perrin & Rush, 2018). APA should take a stand against physical punishment and work to educate its members and the public about the harms of physical punishment and about the benefits of alternative positive forms of discipline. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Implications for Policymakers Children are the only group of American citizens who can be legally subjected to physical punishment. Physical punishment of adults was banned from all prisons and military training facilities in the United States decades ago (Block, 1997). Physical punishment has been banned from public schools in 31 states (Gershoff & Font, 2016) and from child care centers, residential treatment facilities, and juvenile detention facilities in most states (Bitensky, 2006). At the federal level, the notion that parents have a right to discipline their children as they see fit reflects a historical perspective that children are the property of their parents (Pollard, 2003). Whether parents have a fundamental constitutional right to use physical punishment, or children have the right to be protected from it, has not been brought before the United States Supreme Court (Pollard, 2003). The committee that monitors compliance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) has declared that physical punishment is a form of “legalized violence against children” (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2007, para. 18). The Committee stressed that all physical punishment of children, including that in homes, should be eliminated through “legislative, administrative, social and educational measures” (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2007, para. 18). As of 2018, 53 countries, including most of Europe and South America, have banned all physical punishment of children (Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children, 2018). The United States is the only country in the world that has not ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The United States’ failure to do so rests in part on some critics’ objection to what they consider to be governmental interference in parenting (Wilkins, Becker, Harris, & Thayer, 2003). A legal ban would be a clear example of government regulating family life, and thus the prospects of a ban in the United States are unlikely at present. In a survey of adults in the State of New York 10 years ago, a majority (64%) were opposed to legislation that would ban parents from using physical punishment (SurveyUSA, 2007). Yet there are many policy strategies short of a legal ban that could be used to reduce parents’ use of physical punishment in the United States. One prime example would be educational efforts that target societal attitudes about physical punishment as a means of reducing its use. In their review of 635 primary prevention strategies to prevent child abuse, Klevens and Whitaker (2007) importantly recognized that “social norms regarding physical discipline may be the most prevalent risk factor for child abuse in the United States” (p. 371). Changing norms about physical punishment can lead to reductions in risk at the family level that will accumulate to improve overall public health (D. A. Cohen, Scribner, & Farley, 2000). Conclusion This article summarized three key conclusions about spanking and physical punishment that bear on psychologists’ views about it: (a) Research on physical punishment has met the requirements for causal conclusions, despite there being few true experiments; (b) Research on spanking and physical punishment is highly consistent in showing links to detrimental child outcomes for children; (c) Spanking and physical punishment are linked with the same harms to children as physical abuse; (d) Spanking and physical punishment have been linked with harm to children across multiple contexts; (e) Spanking and physical punishment are disavowed by a number of professional organizations outside psychology; and (e) Human rights organizations and 53 countries agree that spanking and physical punishment are forms of violence that infringe on children’s human rights. 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Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 42, 717–730. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10802-013-9827-8 Wilkins, R. G., Becker, A., Harris, J., & Thayer, D. (2003). United States and its participation in the Convention on the Rights of the Child: Why the United States should not ratify the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Saint Louis University Public Law Review, 22, 411– 434. Received November 29, 2017 Revision received March 1, 2018 Accepted March 8, 2018 䡲 645072 research-article2016 PSSXXX10.1177/0956797616645072Psychological Science Corrigendum Corrigendum: Low Childhood Socioeconomic Status Promotes Eating in the Absence of Energy Need Psychological Science 2016, Vol. 27(6) 932­ © The Author(s) 2016 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0956797616645072 pss.sagepub.com Hill, S. E., Prokosch, M. L., DelPriore, D. J., Griskevicius, V., & Kramer, A. (2016). Low childhood socioeconomic status promotes eating in the absence of energy need. Psychological Science, 27, 354–364. (Original DOI: 10.1177/ 0956797615621901) Because of an error in mean-centering of the energyneed predictor used in Study 1 of this article, the inferential statistics reported for that study were incorrect. The corrected inferential statistics are reported here, and the Supplemental Material has also been updated to reflect the corrected results. Note that the pattern of results and their interpretation do not change with this correction. The Results section for Study 1, beginning with the second paragraph, should read as follows: Total calories consumed. In our target analysis, we examined the impact of childhood SES and energy need on the total number of calories participants consumed during their laboratory session. Results revealed a significant interaction between the two predictors, b = 36.94, SE = 13.21, t(24) = 2.80, p = .01, semipartial r 2 = .13. We probed this interaction by conducting regions-of-significance tests in which we examined the impact of each predictor on food intake at 1 standard deviation above (high) and below (low) the mean of the other predictor. First, we probed this interaction by examining the impact of childhood SES on calorie consumption at different levels of energy need. When energy need was high, there were no differences between participants from high- and low-SES environments in the number of calories consumed, b = 17.66, p = .26. However, when energy need was low, there was a negative relationship between childhood SES and food intake, with individuals from low-SES childhood environments consuming a significantly greater number of calories than those from high-SES environments, b = −46.51, SE = 16.36, t(24) = −2.84, p = .009, semipartial r 2 = .13 (see Fig. 1). We next examined the impact of energy need on calories consumed at different levels of childhood SES. For individuals reared in high-SES environments, calorie consumption was greater when self-reported energy need was high than when it was low, b = 125.11, SE = 30.64, t(24) = 4.08, p < .001, semipartial r 2 = .28 (see Fig. 1). We did not observe an effect of energy need on the number of calories consumed by participants reared in low-SES environments, however, b = 11.36, p = .67. Cookie and pretzel intake. We next examined separately the impact of childhood SES and energy need on the number of grams of each snack type (calorically dense cookies vs. relatively low-calorie pretzels) consumed by participants. All covariates were the same as in the target analysis, except that instead of controlling for liking of both food items, we controlled only for the hedonic response to the food examined in each analysis (e.g., we controlled for liking of the cookies but not the pretzels in our analysis of cookie intake). We first looked at the impact of childhood SES and energy need on the number of grams of cookies that participants consumed. Results revealed a significant interaction between childhood SES and energy need, b = 6.81, SE = 1.99, t(25) = 3.42, p = .002, semipartial r 2 = .18. We probed this interaction by examining the impact of childhood SES on cookie intake at different levels of energy need. When energy need was high (1 SD above the mean), there were no differences between participants from high- and low-SES environments (i.e., 1 SD above and 1 SD below the mean SES, respectively) in the number of grams of cookies consumed, b = 3.05, p = .17. However, when energy need was low (1 SD below the mean), there was a negative relationship between childhood SES and cookie intake, with individuals from low-SES childhood environments consuming a significantly greater number of grams of cookies than those from high-SES environments, b = −8.78, SE = 2.54, t(25) = −3.46, p = .002, semipartial r 2 = .18. We next examined the impact of energy need on cookie intake at different levels of childhood SES. For individuals reared in high-SES environments, high selfreported energy need, compared with low energy need, predicted greater cookie consumption, b = 20.76, SE = 4.54, t(25) = 4.58, p < .001, semipartial r 2 = .32. We did not observe an effect of energy need on the number of grams of cookies consumed by participants reared in low-SES environments, however, b = −0.21, p = .96. Finally, we looked at the impact of childhood SES and energy need on the number of grams of pretzels that participants consumed. Our analysis revealed no interaction between childhood SES and energy need, b = 1.51, p = .19. 621901 research-article2016 PSSXXX10.1177/0956797615621901Hill et al.Hunger, Childhood Socioeconomic Status, and Food Research Article Low Childhood Socioeconomic Status Promotes Eating in the Absence of Energy Need Psychological Science 2016, Vol. 27(3) 354­–364 © The Author(s) 2016 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0956797615621901 pss.sagepub.com Sarah E. Hill1, Marjorie L. Prokosch1, Danielle J. DelPriore1,2, Vladas Griskevicius3, and Andrew Kramer1 1 Department of Psychology, Texas Christian University; 2Norton School of Family and Consumer Sciences, University of Arizona; and 3Carlson School of Management, University of Minnesota Abstract Life-history theory predicts that exposure to conditions typical of low socioeconomic status (SES) during childhood will calibrate development in ways that promote survival in harsh and unpredictable ecologies. Guided by this insight, the current research tested the hypothesis that low childhood SES will predict eating in the absence of energy need. Across three studies, we measured (Study 1) or manipulated (Studies 2 and 3) participants’ energy need and gave them the opportunity to eat provided snacks. Participants also reported their SES during childhood and their current SES. Results revealed that people who grew up in high-SES environments regulated their food intake on the basis of their immediate energy need; they ate more when their need was high than when their need was low. This relationship was not observed among people who grew up in low-SES environments. These individuals consumed comparably high amounts of food when their current energy need was high and when it was low. Childhood SES may have a lasting impact on food regulation. Keywords life-history theory, childhood socioeconomic status, energy regulation, evolutionary-developmental psychology, thrifty phenotype, eating behavior, open data, open materials Received 3/12/15; Revision accepted 11/19/15 Obesity is a growing problem in the United States and around the world (Flegal, Carroll, Kit, & Ogden, 2012). An important factor that contributes to obesity risk is childhood socioeconomic status (SES). Several studies have found low childhood SES to be a major predictor of obesity and insulin resistance in adulthood (Poulton et al., 2002; Wells, Evans, Beavis, & Ong, 2010), even among individuals who are able to improve their conditions later in life (Lawlor, Ebrahim, & Smith, 2002; Power, Manor, & Matthews, 2003). Despite growing evidence that low childhood SES may increase obesity risk, little is known about the mechanisms that drive this association (Laitinen, Power, & Jarvelin, 2001). The proposed explanations typically focus on the environmental conditions of poverty that promote weight gain in childhood, such as lack of access to healthy foods and safe places to play (Baltrus, Everson-Rose, Lynch, Raghunathan, & Kaplan, 2007; Laitinen et al., 2001). Although these factors undoubtedly contribute to the link between low childhood SES and obesity, we propose that exposure to harsh and unpredictable early-life conditions may also become biologically embedded in one’s energy-regulation mechanisms in ways that promote survival in environments that are scarce in resources, but promote obesity in those with a rich food supply. A person’s childhood environment provides a blueprint for the types of environments likely to be encountered in adulthood. Accordingly, life-history theory predicts that organisms calibrate their development in ways that promote survival and reproduction in their expected adult environments (Belsky, Steinberg, & Corresponding Author: Sarah E. Hill, Department of Psychology, TCU, Fort Worth, TX 76129 E-mail: s.e.hill@tcu.edu Hunger, Childhood Socioeconomic Status, and Food Draper, 1991; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005). Researchers have therefore hypothesized that exposure to harsh and unpredictable early-life environments should promote the development of an adult phenotype that is well adapted to survive in such conditions (Gluckman et al., 2007; Hales & Barker, 1992; Kuzawa, McDade, Adair, & Lee, 2010). Consistent with this hypothesis, research has found that exposure to resource scarcity in utero and during early childhood encourages the development of a thrifty phenotype, characterized by a small body, slow metabolism, and reduced level of behavioral activity (see, e.g., Barker, 1997; Bateson et al., 2004; Bateson & Martin, 1999; Gluckman et al., 2007). Here, we build on these insights, examining whether early-life environments may also have a lasting impact on the mechanisms that guide food intake. Mechanisms of energy regulation typically develop such that current energy need plays an important role in regulating food intake (Havel, 1999; Woods, Seeley, Porte, & Schwartz, 1998). Indeed, people eat more when hungry than when full. However, in low-SES environments—where there is diminished access to resources that have historically provided a buffer from food shortages (Gurven & Kaplan, 2007)—it makes adaptive sense to eat when food is available, even if current energy need is low. Exposure to the conditions typical of low SES during development may therefore undermine the role that bodily signals of hunger and satiety play in guiding food regulation, promoting eating in the absence of bodily need. Although eating in the absence of bodily need is associated with obesity in contemporary food-rich environments (Fisher & Birch, 2002; Herman & Polivy, 1984), it would help promote survival in environments that are resource scarce. The Current Research Here, we present the results of three studies testing the hypothesis that low childhood SES predicts eating in the absence of energy need. In each of our studies, we either measured (Study 1) or manipulated (Studies 2 and 3) participants’ energy need and gave them the opportunity to eat provided snacks. We predicted that people who grew up in high-SES environments would regulate their food intake on the basis of their immediate physiological energy need, consuming more calories when need was high than when need was low. In contrast, we predicted that physiological energy need would have a negligible impact on food intake among people who grew up in low-SES environments. Specifically, we predicted that their food intake would be comparably high when bodily energy need was high and when it was low. 355 Study 1 In Study 1, we assessed individuals’ current energy need by measuring the length of time since their last meal and their current level of hunger. We then provided participants with an opportunity to eat snack foods (cookies and pretzels) and measured how many calories they consumed. We predicted that participants who grew up in high-SES environments would eat more when their energy need was high than when it was low. However, we predicted that participants who grew up in low-SES environments would eat comparably high numbers of calories when their current energy need was high and when it was low. Method Participants. Thirty-one1 female students at a North American university (mean age = 19.21 years, SD = 1.26, range = 18–22) participated in exchange for partial course credit. Because people from low-SES environments, compared with those from high-SES environments, are more likely to be obese (e.g., Gonzalez et al., 2012), and because obesity impairs energy regulation (see, e.g., Galic, Oakhill, & Steinberg, 2010), we screened potential participants in advance and included only those who were not obese (body mass index < 30); we also excluded participants who had food allergies or diabetes. Procedure and materials. Participants came to the laboratory individually and were told that they would be participating in a consumer research study. First, they filled out a survey that contained two key items: the number of hours since they had last eaten and how hungry they felt (rated on a scale from 1, very full, to 7, very hungry). Responses to these two items were highly correlated (r = .52) and were therefore transformed into z scores and averaged to form a measure of current energy need. Next, participants were told that they would be evaluating some food products as part of a consumer taste-test study. They were presented with a 3-oz bag of chocolatechip cookies (Famous Amos) and a 0.9-oz bag of pretzels (Snyder’s). Each snack was presented to participants in a white Styrofoam bowl. Participants were instructed to sample each item and to evaluate its flavor by answering the question: “How much did you like this product?” (7-point rating scale from 1, dislike extremely, to 7, like extremely). We included this item both to buttress the cover story and to provide a control for liking of the food in our data analysis, as liking is a strong predictor of food intake (e.g., Spiegel, Shrager, & Stellar, 1989; Yeomans, Gray, Mitchell, & True, 1997). After tasting and evaluating each product, participants were told that it would take a Hill et al. 356 few moments to set up the next part of the study and that they could eat as much of the remaining food as they would like while waiting and while completing the remainder of the study. After a 2-min waiting period, participants were directed to complete a survey that asked questions about their age, height, weight, and childhood SES. We used an established measure of relative childhood SES (Griskevicius, Delton, Robertson, & Tybur, 2011; Hill, Rodeheffer, DelPriore, & Butterfield, 2013) as a proxy measure of exposure to harshness and unpredictability in childhood. This proxy was chosen because research indicates that individuals who grow up in lower-SES environments experience higher levels of morbidity and mortality and have less stability in their day-to-day life (e.g., more chaotic and unpredictable home environments; Evans, Gonnella, Marcynyszyn, Gentile, & Salpekar, 2005; Jensen, James, Boyce, & Hartnett, 1983; Miller, Chen, & Parker, 2011). Participants were therefore asked to think about their childhood before age 12 and rate their agreement or disagreement with the following statements on 7-point rating scales (from 1, strongly disagree, to 7, strongly agree): “My family had enough money for things growing up,” “I grew up in a relatively wealthy neighborhood,” and “I felt relatively wealthy compared to others my age.” Responses to these three items were aggregated to form an index of childhood SES (α = .87), with higher scores reflecting higher childhood SES. Although it is possible that such retrospective accounts are prone to error, past studies have documented a strong link between adults’ retrospectively reported and actual SES in childhood (S. Cohen, Janicki-Deverts, Chen, & Matthews, 2010; Duncan, Ziol-Guest, & Kalil, 2010). The dependent measure consisted of the total number of calories consumed by each participant. At the end of each testing session, the uneaten cookies and pretzels were weighed separately, and the amount of food consumed was calculated by subtracting the remaining amount of each product from its starting weight. We then used the information provided on each product’s nutrition label to calculate the total number of calories consumed during the laboratory session. differences in food intake based on participants’ hedonic responses to the food items (Spiegel et al., 1989; Yeomans et al., 1997). Total calories consumed. In our target analysis, we examined the impact of childhood SES and energy need on the total number of calories participants consumed during their laboratory session. Results revealed a significant interaction between the two predictors, b = 36.94, SE = 13.21, t(24) = 2.80, p = .01, semipartial r2 = .13. We probed this interaction by conducting regions-of-significance tests in which we examined the impact of each predictor on food intake at 1 standard deviation above (high) and below (low) the mean of the other predictor. First, we probed this interaction by examining the impact of childhood SES on calorie consumption at different levels of energy need. When energy need was high, there were no differences between participants from high- and low-SES environments in the number of calories consumed, b = 17.66, p = .26. However, when energy need was low, there was a negative relationship between childhood SES and food intake, with individuals from low-SES childhood environments consuming a significantly greater number of calories than those from high-SES environments, b = −46.51, SE = 16.36, t(24) = −2.84, p = .009, semipartial r2 = .13 (see Fig. 1). We next examined the impact of energy need on calories consumed at different levels of childhood SES. For individuals reared in high-SES environments, calorie consumption was greater when self-reported energy need was high than when it was low, b = 125.11, SE = 30.64, t(24) = 4.08, p < .001, semipartial r2 = .28 (see Fig. 1). We did not observe an effect of energy need on the number of calories consumed by participants reared in low-SES environments, however, b = 11.36, p = .67. Cookie and pretzel intake. We next examined separately the impact of childhood SES and energy need on the number of grams of each snack type (calorically dense cookies vs. relatively low-calorie pretzels) consumed by Table 1. Descriptive Statistics for Study 1 Results Variable Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for this study. We used multiple regression to test our predictions. In each of our analyses, calorie consumption was regressed on childhood SES and current energy need (both centered) in the first step and on the interaction between these variables in the second step. Participants’ body weight and ratings of how much they liked the food (both centered)2 were also entered in the first step, to control for differences in energy need based on body weight and Age (years) Weight (pounds) Childhood socioeconomic status (1–7) Hours since eating Hunger (1–7) Liking of the cookies (1–7) Liking of the pretzels (1–7) Total calories consumed M SD Range 19.21 140.61 5.24 1.26 22.98 1.54 18–22 102–211 1.33–7.00 3.97 4.23 5.58 5.45 199.59 3.84 0–10 1.28 2–6 1.29 2–7 0.89 4–5 119.62 42.69–396.51 Hunger, Childhood Socioeconomic Status, and Food High Energy Need Low Energy Need p = .01 p < .001 Total Calories Consumed 350 300 p = .67 250 357 SE = 4.54, t(25) = 4.58, p < .001, semipartial r2 = .32. We did not observe an effect of energy need on the number of grams of cookies consumed by participants reared in low-SES environments, however, b = −0.21, p = .96. Finally, we looked at the impact of childhood SES and energy need on the number of grams of pretzels that participants consumed. Our analysis revealed no interaction between childhood SES and energy need, b = 1.51, p = .19. 200 Study 2 150 100 50 0 Low Childhood SES High Childhood SES Fig. 1. Results from Study 1: total number of calories that participants consumed as a function of energy need and childhood socioeconomic status (SES). For both energy need and SES, high refers to values 1 standard deviation above the mean, and low refers to values 1 standard deviation below the mean. Error bars represent ±1 SEM. participants. All covariates were the same as in the target analysis, except that instead of controlling for liking of both food items, we controlled only for the hedonic response to the food examined in each analysis (e.g., we controlled for liking of the cookies but not the pretzels in our analysis of cookie intake). We first looked at the impact of childhood SES and energy need on the number of grams of cookies that participants consumed. Results revealed a significant interaction between childhood SES and energy need, b = 6.81, SE = 1.99, t(25) = 3.42, p = .002, semipartial r2 = .18. We probed this interaction by examining the impact of childhood SES on cookie intake at different levels of energy need. When energy need was high (1 SD above the mean), there were no differences between participants from high- and low-SES environments (i.e., 1 SD above and 1 SD below the mean SES, respectively) in the number of grams of cookies consumed, b = 3.05, p = .17. However, when energy need was low (1 SD below the mean), there was a negative relationship between childhood SES and cookie intake, with individuals from lowSES childhood environments consuming a significantly greater number of grams of cookies than those from high-SES environments, b = −8.78, SE = 2.54, t(25) = −3.46, p = .002, semipartial r2 = .18. We next examined the impact of energy need on cookie intake at different levels of childhood SES. For individuals reared in high-SES environments, high self-reported energy need, compared with low energy need, predicted greater cookie consumption, b = 20.76, Study 2 was designed to conceptually replicate and extend the findings of Study 1 using an experimental procedure to manipulate participants’ energy need. After abstaining from eating or drinking for at least 5 hr prior to the study, participants were randomly assigned to drink either a beverage containing calories (Sprite) or a beverage devoid of calories (sparkling water). We then provided all participants with an opportunity to eat snacks and asked them to report on their childhood and current SES. We predicted that participants who drank the water would consume comparably high numbers of calories across levels of childhood SES. However, we predicted that participants’ childhood SES would moderate the impact of drinking Sprite on subsequent calorie consumption. Specifically, we predicted that among individuals from high-SES childhood environments, those who consumed the sugar-sweetened drink would eat less than those who consumed water. In contrast, we predicted that among individuals reared in low-SES environments, individuals who had received a glucose boost from the sugar-sweetened drink and those who had consumed water would eat comparably large amounts of food. Additionally, we predicted that the moderating effect of SES would be specific to childhood SES and would not emerge for current SES. Method Participants. Sixty female students at a North American university (mean age = 19.33 years, SD = 1.55, range = 18–24; 31 in the Sprite condition and 29 in the water condition) participated in exchange for partial course credit. We screened potential participants in advance and included only those who were not obese (body mass index < 30); we also excluded individuals who had food allergies or diabetes. Participants were instructed to avoid eating or drinking anything other than water for at least 5 hr prior to their study session. Five participants (4 in the Sprite condition, 1 in the water condition) were removed from analyses because they did not comply with the fasting procedure prior to their session or failed to finish their drink. Hill et al. 358 Procedure. Participants came to the laboratory individually and were told that they would be consuming a beverage as part of a consumer research study on taste preferences. Upon being seated, they were asked to indicate how many hours it had been since they had eaten and how hungry they felt (same 7-point rating scale as in Study 1). After responding to these initial questions, participants were given an unmarked, red plastic cup containing 12 oz of either a sucrose-sweetened soda (Sprite) or an unsweetened sparkling mineral water (La Croix). They were given 2 min to drink the beverage and were then asked follow-up questions about their enjoyment of it (to buttress the cover story). They then completed a 10-min filler task (listing consumer brand names) that allowed time for changes in blood glucose level to occur (Aarøe & Petersen, 2013; Wang & Dvorak, 2010). Following the filler task, participants were informed that they would next be asked to evaluate a food item. They were presented with cookies (the contents of a 1-oz bag of mini Oreo cookies), which were served in a white bowl. After tasting and evaluating the cookies (“How much do you like this product?”; rating scale from 1, dislike extremely, to 7, like extremely), participants were told that that they could eat as much of the remaining food as they liked while waiting for the next survey to load on the computer and while they completed the survey questions. Participants were then asked to report their body weight, their childhood SES, and their current SES. Childhood SES was measured by the three-item measure of relative childhood SES used in Study 1, as well as by a more objective single-item measure: “Based on your best estimate, what was your family’s socioeconomic status during your early childhood (age 12 and earlier)?” Current SES was measured with an analogous item, “Based on your best estimate, what is your family’s socioeconomic status currently?” Participants responded to these additional SES items on a 7-point scale (1 = very poor, 7 = very wealthy). We included these two additional SES measures to test whether our pattern of results would be replicated using a more objective measure of childhood SES and to determine whether only childhood SES, and not adult SES, moderates the effect of energy need on calorie consumption, as our theory predicts. The study ended with a question probing participants’ compliance with the fasting procedure. Participants read, “Please note that your response will not affect your ability to receive credit for participation in this study. How many hours has it really been since you last ate or drank anything other than water before today’s study began?” The dependent measure in Study 2 was the total number of calories consumed during the laboratory session, which we calculated by taking the difference between the starting weight of the cookies and the weight of the uneaten cookies and using the calorie information provided on the nutrition label. Results Table 2 presents descriptive statistics for this study. We used multiple regression to test our predictions. In our analysis, number of calories consumed was regressed on drink condition (dummy-coded) and SES (centered) in the first step and on the interaction between these variables in the second step. As in Study 1, participants’ body weight and ratings of how much they liked the food (centered) were also entered in the first step to control for differences in consumption based on energy need and hedonic response. We also included the number of hours it had been since participants had last eaten as a covariate, as the length of the presession fasting period would also influence the degree to which the fixed number of calories administered (via the soft drink) affected participants’ energy needs. We first examined the effect of energy need and childhood SES on calorie consumption using the single-item measure of childhood SES. This analysis revealed a significant interaction between drink condition and childh...
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Reflective Essay
Thinking back to the begging of this quarter, I see I see myself as an excited,
conscientious and avid learner motivated by understanding the different area that concern
children in a Changing World. My learning experience on children, society, and the changing
world has been filled with a lot of mixed emotions; it has been exciting to learn different aspects
that affect the growth and development of children. The class assignments have been beneficial
in increasing my knowledge of the development of children. The topics covered in class each
week have provided me the chance to understand children develop better and improve my
understanding and knowledge in different other areas.
Having had a lot of interest in children development before I started this course, the
course units' have enabled me to develop an interest in learning as well. Reflecting on my
childhood experience has shown me the difference in present-day children in a changing world.
The topic on Association between Screen Time and Children’s Performance on a Developmental
Screening Test was a great way to learn about delays in development for different children. This
topic enabled me to learn more on developmental delays, a subject that has had a lot of
misconceptions in our society; I learned that excessive screen time is associated with delays in
children development (Straker & Howie, 2016). This topic has made me understand the
directional association between screen time and child development. Before going through this
topic, I believed that screen time had no direct relation to child development, I could not
understand the connection between the two until I went through this topic and got a lot of
insights on directional association between screen time and child developmental outcomes such
as language, communication, motor skills, and/or socioemotional health. This shows that
children with delayed development are affected as they begin schooling not ready for the

3
CHILDREN DEVELOPMENT
learning task. Identifying factors leading to delayed child development such as the screen time is
one way to addressing the issue.
Causal Evidence Against Physical Punishment of Children is a topic that...


Anonymous
Just what I needed…Fantastic!

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