Stichproben. Wiener Zeitschrift für kritische Afrikastudien Nr. 5/2003, 3. Jg Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden „Underground” Rap from Morogoro, Tanzania 1 Birgit Englert2 Abstract Bongo Flava, the Tanzanian variety of HipHop has become a big issue in Tanzania during the past few years. More and more young people use rap lyrics to express themselves. This article first gives a brief overview of the history of Bongo Flava and discusses the topics, lyrics and the sound of this music. It then turns to the situation of the underground rappers with focus on the regional capital Morogoro. The second part of the article discusses selected parts of three songs that were written by Juma Madoweka, one of the young rappers from Morogoro who rap because they want to pass on a message to the society they live in. Introduction „ni bora kula bwembwera chisamvu palipo amani „it is better to eat a poor man’s food in peace kuliko chipsi kuku pa matatani than chicken and chips in a troubled place ee bwana tuzidi kudumisha hamani hey man, let us strengthen the peace [we have] wenzetu nchi jirani wapo matatani our brothers in the neighbouring countries are in a troubled situation kwa kukosa amani because they lack peace au sio jamani...?“ isn’t it my friends…?” (Juma Madoweka, „Sijaridhika moyo”)3 1 In the context of Bongo Flava the term „underground“ is used to denote the large majority of rappers who have not made it (yet) - those who are only known in the part of town where they come from or not known at all. 2 I want to thank Juma Madoweka for raising my interest in Bongo Flava and sharing his lyrics with me. Special thanks also to Albert Fechs for introducing me to US-HipHop and for his critical remarks on an earlier version of this article. 74 Stichproben Juma Madoweka, the author of those lines, is one of many teenagers as well as young men and – though significantly fewer – women in Tanzania who dream of becoming famous HipHop artists by performing rap songs in Kiswahili, the national language of Tanzania. For Juma who calls himself Docta Dox, HipHop is „kujigamba” (to proud oneself) and he certainly does not lack self-consciousness when he explains his aim: to pass on a message to the people in his society: „Ujumbe wangu ni kusafisha watu ambao wapumbavu, through message nitawaponya”. („My message is to cleanse the stupid people of their stupidness, through my message I will cure them.”) But as he expresses in the lyrics of his song „Sijaridhika moyo” to reach ones aims does not mean that one can satisfy ones heart: „kwani dacta dox niliota kuwa mwanamuziki „because me Doctor Dox I dreamed of becoming a musician nikafanya kile na hiki mpaka nikashika mike I did this and that (everything) before I could hold the microphone lakini bado moyo unataka anaza kick” But still the heart wants another kick” the chorus being: „sijaridhika moyo (n)a (h)ujaridhika moyo „I have not satisfied my heart and you have not satisfied your heart (h)atujaridhika moyo, moyo moyo We have not yet satisfied our hearts, hearts, hearts kuridhika moyo (h)adithi” To satisfy one’s heart is a tale” 1. Hiphop in the „Peripheries” Not only in Tanzania young people increasingly express themselves through HipHop. As Newsweek magazine recently noted, HipHop has emerged in countries as varied as Greenland, Indonesia and Senegal and functions there widely as a new social voice. (Beith/Spencer 2002) The songs were transcribed by Juma Madoweka himself. Transcription does not always correspond with proper Swahili orthography, but rather corresponds to the way the words are pronounced when rapped. 3 Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 75 In the United States however, the country from where it conquered the world, HipHop has lost much of its social consciousness. MainstreamHipHop, as it is prominent on music channels such as MTV, is dominated by rappers who have little message to pass on but many golden necklaces to show off with. With increasing success, many of those who literally have made their way from „the ghetto” have lost their credibility. In Germany the development was largely similar while in Japan HipHop was from the beginning rather seen as a fashion than as a social movement. (cf. Beith/Spencer 2002) In the so-called „peripheries” of the HipHop scene though, the majority of the rappers still has a message to pass on. In most countries rappers first created lyrics in English, but success only came about when rappers decided to use their own languages in order to spread their messages. (Beith/Spencer 2002: 79) The actual impact that HipHop as a social movement can have, is of course a matter of debate but it certainly opened a new channel to express criticism that had not existed in this way before. Therefore HipHop rivals other forms of music that also spread messages but do not comment on contemporary issues to such an extent. (Beith/Spencer 2002: 81) In Senegal, the country with the largest HipHop scene in Africa, rappers even claim to have played a crucial role in motivating voters to participate at the Presidential Election 2000 (see Maraszto 2002). 2. HipHop in Tanzania 2.1 Who raps in Bongoland?4 It is no longer possible to list all the crews and artists who have made themselves a name in Tanzania in the past few years. But among the most popular ones are certainly Mr II (2 Proud), Bongo Flava’s first superstar who has retired by now and Prof. Jay who has probably taken over his role as the leading rapper with very socially committed texts. Both fall into the cate4 Bongo, literally meaning „brain”, „intelligence”, is a common slang expression for the country’s largest city, Dar-es-Salaam, from where Tanzanian rap started to conquer the country but can also refer to the country Tanzania in general. „Bongo Flava” as Tanzanian HipHop is called thus refers to the sound (flavour) from Dar-es-Salaam or Tanzania respectively. 76 Stichproben gory of so-called „solo artists” as they are called in Tanzania, which means that they cannot be classified as belonging to one of the two „camps” that have come up in the last couple of years: „TMK” and „East Coast”. „TMK” stands for Temeke, one of the poor neighbourhoods in Dar-esSalaam where some of the more radical and critical crews like Gangwe Mobb and Juma Nature have their origin. „East Coast” on the other hand is the term given to the rappers whose background is the middle- or upper class of society and who reside in Upanga, a rather posh neighbourhood close to the city center. Rappers like TID, Crazy GK or Mwanafalsafa who represent this fraction of Bongo Flava sing more about the sunny side of life or like Azizi Matiga puts it: „East Coast wanaimba commercial, maswala la upenzi, wanachanganya na R’n’B, siyo HipHop sana.” („[The rappers from] East Coast sing commercial music, about love, they mix it with R’n’B, it is not real HipHop.”) (Interview 01.09.2003) Female superstars are still few, one of the first who started to rap was Zay Bi. She was followed by Sister P whose success created a fierce competition between the two, each of them getting support from male rappers who also articulated the competition in their verses. Mwanafalsafa for example was singing: „Sister P, ungeimba nini asingekuwepo Zay Bi?” („Sister P, what would you be singing if it had not been for Zay Bi?”).5 Also the list of producers has grown rapidly6 and a number of very informative websites have come up. While www.africanhiphop.com has been the portal for HipHop from all African countries since 1997, www.mzibo.net and „BongoExplosions” on www.darhotwire.com are exclusively dedicated to Bongo Flava and in Swahili, the latter being at the moment the only major website dedicated to Bongo Flava maintained from Tanzania. 5 And there is of course highly successful Lady Jay Dee, another „East Coast” who is sometimes rated as a rapper though she rather belongs into the category of R’n’B. 6 Among the more popular studios are for example The Producers, Bongo Records, Tafsiri Records, Poa Records, Mambo Jambo Records, Backyard Productions, Marimba Studio, Mj Productions, Empty Souls Production, Sound Crafters, Fm Production. Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 77 2.2 A short history of Bongo Flava HipHop reached Tanzania during the 1980s, but at that time there was no television and only one radio station dominated by Taarab and other traditional forms of music. HipHop did not have a platform and the shortage of recording studios posed a problem for young talents. Thus in the beginning, HipHop was listened to by the children of better-off parents who had either studied abroad or had access to imported tapes and CDs from America. In the „early days” HipHop was mainly heard in the discos of the big hotels and on the beaches around Dar-es-Salaam (De Rycker 2002: 3). Only later did HipHop also reach the less privileged youth and was largely taken over by them. This is almost contrary to the context in which HipHop originated in America. There, HipHop was a voice for the marginalised youth of poorer areas, which were often also subject to racial discrimination – a context that also shaped HipHop in South Africa for example. (cf. Geesthuizen 2002) Saleh Jabir is said to have been the first Tanzanian who started rapping in Swahili in the early 1990s. He did not write his own lyrics though but translated lyrics by American HipHoppers into Swahili. The release of his „Ice Ice Baby – King of Swahili Rap” tape certainly marked a new stage of HipHop in Tanzania. His success though was limited – mainly because his songs lacked an original message. De Rycker (2002: 6) writes: „As a person, Saleh J fits perfectly the description of the youths of the first period of Tanzanian hip hop. He has relatives living in the UK, he himself is a child of mixed origin with a white mother and a black father, at that time he had his own double tape recorder with microphone at home, and he moved to Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates shortly after the release of a full album in 1992.” Since then „Bongo Flava”, as the new sound soon got called, has developed rapidly. The first one to have success with his own verses in Swahili was Mr II who was dominating the Tanzanian HipHop scene throughout the 1990s. While Mr II became a role model for many young Tanzanian rappers, the probably biggest idol for most, including Mr II himself, remained Tupac Amaru Shakur, the American rapper who got shot in 1996. 78 Stichproben In Tanzania rap was in the beginning widely regarded as „uhuni“ („hooliganism”) a situation, which is recalled in a cynical dialogue between a fictive „mzee” (respected elder man) and the young artist on the tape „Machozi, Jasho na Damu” (2002) by Professor Jay. This term however, is not reserved exclusively for rappers within the Tanzanian music scene. Graebner notes: „In Tanzania musicians are commonly considered to be wahuni, i.e. vagabonds, drunkards, drugtakers, while their music is enjoyed by the same people who call them these names” (Graebner 1989: 243 cited in De Rycker 2002: 40) Nevertheless, the acceptance of Bongo Flava music by the Tanzanian society is constantly growing and the music of those „with a message” like Prof. Jay seems to attract people of all age groups as Azizi Matiga’s observations suggest: „Nimeshangaa siku moja nilimwona mama ambaye alinyosha vyombo, akaimba nyimbo za Prof. Jay, mama kabisa, na miaka sitini na kitu, lakini maneno yanamtouch.” („I was surprised, one day I saw a mama who was washing the dishes, she was singing a song of Prof. Jay. She was a real mama, sixty and something years old, but the words touch her.”) (Interview 01.09.2003) This development is certainly related to the fact that since the late 1990s HipHop is being played up and down on the now many Tanzanian radio channels, and artists feature prominently in newspapers and journals. In 2001 HipHop was recognised as an official genre within Tanzania’s pop culture by the Tanzanian Arts Council BASATA and also became one of the categories at the first national music awards in 2002. „Ndio Mzee” by Professor Jay won in the category „Best HipHop Single”, the award for the „Best HipHop Album” went to Gangwe Mobb for „Simulizi la Ufasaha” – both certainly among the most socially and politically committed Tanzanian rappers. (www.darhotwire.com/where_at/tma.html, 2.6.2003) The immense popularity of rap music did not go unnoticed by various interest groups such as NGOs who started to sponsor MCs7 who would translate their messages to the youths. Mr II for example was hired by Population 7 MC is the abbreviation for „Master of Ceremony” as rappers are also called in HipHop jargon. Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 79 Services International for an advertisement (Toroka 2002: 1) and also UNICEF Tanzania uses rappers in their AIDS-awareness campaign. (www.madunia.nl/projects/halisi.htm) But also commercial companies jumped on the train and used rappers for the promotion of their products – ranging from Kilimanjaro Pure Drinking Water to Benson Hedges cigarettes. (Toroka 2002: 1, De Rycker 2002: 12) Concerning politics, Pieter Remes noted that certain rap groups might praise a political party during special performances for which they get paid (Kwanza Unit praising CCM in the example given by Remes 1999: 18-19 cited in De Rycker 2002: 23). This however does not necessarily mean that the same group is not taking a very critical position towards politicians in some of its other lyrics. (De Rycker 2002: 24) Another interesting example that throws up questions about the relation between rappers and politicians is the new song by Mr. Ebbo who became famous with the single „Mimi Mmasai” - a positive confirmation of his Maasai identity. In 2003 Mr. Ebbo collaborated with the Presidential Parastatal Sector Reform Commission (PSRC) in the production of a song whose main objective „is to show the people how privatization helps the economic development of a poor country like Tanzania.” (Mr. Ebbo quoted in The Guardian, January 16, 2003: 7) What certainly gave another push to the HipHop scene is the film „Girlfriend” which came out in summer 2003 and became a big success. „Girlfriend” - despite its English title in Swahili – is a Tanzanian movie situated in the HipHop milieu and starring a number of the most popular rappers. All of them „East Coasters” though – a fact that has stirred up angry reactions among the fans of those who are counted as „TMK”, as letters to the editors of various newspapers show. While the number of artists who „have made it” is increasing, so is the number of those who dream of becoming famous rappers. A vivid scene of young „underground” rappers is emerging - not only in Dar-es-Salaam but all over the country. 80 Stichproben 2.3 „Underground” Rap in Morogoro In Morogoro, a regional capital about 200 km west from Dar-es-Salaam, the HipHop-enthusiastic youth has the chance to show its talent on stage in the weekly „talentshow”8 – a rap contest being held in the Mango Garden. Every Sunday at 7 p.m. approximately 20 groups of young rappers climb the stage in competition to enter the next round. They can choose between two different beats only and have to show their ability to rap their message to the sound. At the end of each month the winners are being declared and receive their prizes: number One is being rewarded with a bicycle. To rap various songs to the same sound is not just practised for competition on stage but also because only few can afford to have their individual beats composed in a studio. Juma Madoweka has got one beat, which was composed by a professional producer for a fee of about 5.000 TSh (appr. 5 Dollar).9 In 2002 he used this one as the background sound to all his lyrics and he had also recorded one song „Je, wajua” completely with beats and lyrics. However, this tape produced by a small local studio in Morogoro lacked the quality needed for the song to be played on the radio. In summer 2003 though Juma Madoweka’s song „Sisi ni nani” was being played on the Morogoro-based radio „Redio Kweli” and was even listed among the Top Ten. He had managed to save up the 70.000 TSh (appr. 70 Dollar)10 to produce the single on CD, which he then brought to the radio station himself. Lucky enough the people there liked and played it so that Juma got at least some emotional satisfaction though financially there are of course no rewards. But a CD also opens new channels for live performances. Most concerts of the „Superstars” are preceded by (sometimes long) hours of performances by the „Undergrounds” who have at least one CD to which they perform playback. Their effort is however rarely awarded by the audience, which is usually still sparse during these afternoon hours and at best ignorant or at worst 8 Such contests are a general characteristic of HipHop and also popular in the United States. 9 Alternatively tapes containing beats only can be bought in the local music shops for a smaller amount. 10 This is approximately equivalent to two monthly salaries of a teacher - though by far too little for a family to live on. Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 81 booing at those who stumble across a word – as it happened to Suzi. The 13year old was the only girl to climb the stage in the warm-up to a concert of Solo Thang in the football stadium of Morogoro at the end of August 2003. But Suzi just carried on with her song and showed that girls are no longer out of the game. Azizi Matiga suggests that they might have it even easier to be successful than their male counterparts: „Undergrounds wa kike wana nafasi kubwa, […] wana nafasi kuliko wanaume kwa sababu hawa ni wengi sana, […] wanawake wanapewa priority sasa hivi.” („The female undergrounds have a big chance, […] they have more chances than the men because they are so many, […] women are now given priority.”) (Interview 01.09.2003) This interpretation though does not ask why the number of girls and women in the HipHop scene is still so low, so that the few female rappers stick out to such an extent. 3. The Rap Songs 3.1 Topics Whether superstar or participant at a local talent show, the lyrics of the songs mainly revolve around a few central topics. Besides some „East Coasters” whose lyrics are mainly about love and party life, most rappers, especially among the „Undergrounds”, address more serious topics: social problems, the poor state of the educational system, HIV/AIDS, politics and corruption and especially the problems of the young generation: „Tunazungumzia maisha, maisha kwa ujumla, ugumu wa maisha […] na labda mapenzi, lakini mapenzi katika negative side, mpenzi anakukataa, labda kwa sababu huna hela…” („We talk about life, life in general, the toughness of life […] and perhaps about love, but in a negative sense, your loved one rejects you, perhaps because you don’t have any money.”) (Juma Madoweka, July 27th 2002) The topic of a young man being rejected by his loved one because he lacks money – though certainly not a theme specific to Tanzania- is for example featured in the super-hit of 2001 „Mtoto wa Geti kali” by Gangwe Mobb as well as in „Barua” by Daz Nundaz who were topping the charts in 2002. And the content of the songs seems to count: 41 % of the voters in an online poll on www.darhotwire.com said that what makes a good rapper is deter- 82 Stichproben mined by his lyrics (mashairi). Only 25 % say this depends on the voice and for 18 % the beats are the most important aspect. 11 3.2 The sound While many of the beats of Bongo Flava songs are still more or less in line with the „original sound” of American HipHop this is changing slowly and beats become more and more „africanised”. Crews like Mambo Jambo for example use various Tanzanian instruments like ngoma and malimba to create their sound. X Plastaz from Arusha – who are one of the few groups who have already performed in Europe - integrated Maasai horns and also Maasai singing into their texts, and Mr. II has also recorded a song together with the famous Tanzanian musician Remmy Ongala. Another new fusion that has come up is „taarap” which combines HipHop and Taarab. The Zanzibari MC Cool Para for example, recorded a whole CD, „Nayaweza”, together with the well-known taarab group „East African Melody”. (www.madunia.nl/projects/struggling.htm) By making the beats sound more „African”, musicians hope to increase the appeal of their music on the world market and thereby also fulfill the demands of producers who claim that „American-sounding” music with lyrics in African languages have no appeal. (compare Kariuki in The East African, September 08-14, 2003, Part 2, II) 3.3 Lyrics Lyrics by Tanzanian rappers are mainly in Swahili and most often in the variety called „Kiswahili cha mitaani” (Street Swahili). Code-switching takes place, although borrowings from English seem to be more frequent. To some extent there is also switching or borrowing between Swahili and other Tanzanian languages. As it is common within HipHop in general transcriptions of lyrics are not easy to come across. Some are being printed in Tanzanian newspapers such as „Kiu”, „Uwazi” or „Lete Raha” and increasingly they can also be found on the internet. But in most cases the transliteration is being done by people other than the artists themselves. 11 http://www.senac.com/voting/2662/vote.cgi?action=show&topic=nini, letzter Zugriff: 25. 09.2003 Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 83 Although lyrics are „written” in a fixed form they can be interpreted flexibly and, especially for the underground rappers, it is common to interchange verses from various songs or to add lines spontaneously. Bongo Flava lyrics do not seem to take on any special form, an exception being „taarap”.12 The lyrics which Cool Para from Zanzibar raps, are written by an older Zanzibari poet who uses the meter of taarab lyrics. (Geesthuizen 2002: 2) In the following part of the article I want to concentrate on selected parts of the lyrics by Juma Madoweka who discussed some of his lyrics with me in detail. 4. Juma Madoweka – an „underground” rapper from Morogoro Juma Madoweka was born in Morogoro as the last of five children and turned 22 in July 2003. Being a Muslim he nevertheless went to a boarding school of the Seventh Day Adventists in the Pare Mountains. He finished form four in 1999, and it was then that he started to create his first rhymes. Besides talking about the hardness of life in Bongoland, Juma Madoweka also often refers to motives from Islam as well as Christianity because due to his personal background he is well familiar with the concepts of the two main religions in Tanzania. His interest in philosophy is also reflected in his songs, especially in „Sisi ni nani?”, as is his involvement in an NGO13 concerned with environmental protection, the main topic of „Mazingira”. 12 Another exception are the lyrics of Solo Thang from Dar-es-Salaam who is also known as „Mzee wa vina” because of his skill to text whole songs in the rhyming style of Swahili poetry called vina. 13 He is member of the relatively new-founded Mountain Conservation Society of Tanzania (MCST) which is also active in the Uluguru Mountains to the South of Morogoro town. 84 Stichproben 4.1. Nitakuongopea (I will deceive you) 14 This song consists of 13 verses (10 of them with 4 lines, two with 3 lines and the very last one with only 2 lines) and the chorus, which is in a questionanswer style and gives the title to this song. In the chorus social rules are being questioned such as having to give a positive answer when asked how things are, even though everyone knows that things are far from fine: ukiniuliza mambo vipi? if you ask me how are things? nitakuongopea I will deceive you mpango vipi? what are the plans? nitakuongopea I will deceive you maswala vipi? what is it up to? nitakuongopea I will deceive you poa palipo poa cool is cool pasipo poa sipoa not cool is not cool nitakuongopea I will deceive you In the main text the rapper comments the bad state of the country by pointing at a situation in class where the teacher does not know how to cope with pupils whose attention is flared due to poverty: hali mbaya dhiki mkuki bad situation, distress is a spear eti sasa shiling tano aitumiki the five shilling coin is not being used (anymore) 14 The complete transcription of five of Juma’s songs – albeit without translation - can be found on the internet at http://mailbox.univie.ac.at/birgit.englert/Bongo_Flava/juma_madoweka.htm Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 85 wanafunzi wengi breakfast hadithi for many pupils breakfast is a tale dalasani maswali ayajibiki in class questions are not answered mwalimu haulizi vipi the teacher does not ask why kwake busara stiki his wisdom is the stick nani kakwambia kungulu afugiki who told you that the Kungulu-bird can not be kept hii dhiki kwa wenzetu hadithi for our friends (from Europe) this poverty is a story only The second part of the song has more general concerns. The elite is being criticised for not changing anything in the situation of the poor: wakubwa juu zaidi the leaders are on a higher level tunasubili chini kama visiki we are waiting down like a stump of a tree zapita siku wiki days and weeks go by chochote hakifanyiki nothing gets done Then the rapper points at his position and talent. This typical feature of rap texts in general15 can be found in almost every lyric by Juma Madoweka: mimi si mzurulaji I am not an idler kipaji changu muimbaji my talent is singing kitambulisho vesi my identity are these verses na mpaka chorus and the chorus is the limit 15 The first rappers were actually DJs who started to tell their life stories over the music they played, boasting being an important element of them from the beginning. 86 Stichproben The criticism pointed at the government later becomes more specified and is mingled with current events in Tanzania for which the government is being blamed: tena wale wahatari they are in danger washikadau mjiadhari the leaders are putting themselves into danger kigoma bunduki sio ghari in Kigoma guns are not expensive kheli mlio pata zari it is better that you had the luck yakuwa na mali to be rich kwani mpo peponi because you are in heaven hivi hamuoni? don’t you see? The final lines again refer to the chorus which criticises people for always pretending that things are fine while their and the country’s situation is far from that: kwanini nijidai why do I proud myself wakati nakula hangaiii? while I am still eating poor food (while I am still poor)? 4.2 Sisi ni nani? (Who are we?) The structure of this song is similar to that of „Nitakuongopea”. It consists of 13 verses with four lines each and one with only 3 lines. The short chorus of two lines is being repeated and placed at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of the song. In „Sisi ni nani?” the rapper asks for the purpose of being in the world, the chorus being: Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 87 sisi ni nani dhumuni letu ni nini na kwa nini who are we, what is our purpose and why tupo kwenye hii dunia dacta dox nataka kujua are we in this world, me, Docta Dox I want to know While the lyrics are written in the first person, the rapper partly takes on the position of different people, which may even contradict each other. In the following verse he takes on the role of a disbeliever who fails to find the purpose of life in the bible: siku moja nilisimama barabarani one day I was standing on the street kama kichaa michanga mingi kichwani like a fool with a lot of sand in the head nauliza wapitao the same question I ask those who pass by the same question kwa nini tupo hapa duniani why are we here in the world anakuja ras na bible mkononi there comes a rastafari with the bible in his hands anafungua na kusoma creation he opens it and reads the creation as a pagani sijaweka concentration being a pagan I do not pay attention kwani aikuniingia mwangu ubongoni therefore nothing enters into my head This line is followed by a verse, which stands very much in contrast to the statement of the above verse of being a pagan: yes haile baba wa mbinguni yes Haile, father in heaven tuma malaika mwangu usingizini send me an angel during sleep 88 Stichproben wanieleze ni nini lilo dhumuni that he explains to me what is the purpose la kuwapo hapa duniani to be here in this world Later the role of a desperate person, which is on the edge of going crazy, is taken on and the language of the lyrics is changed into rather extreme slang language: nimepigika sarawili madak wazi I lack money, my trousers are torn at the backside mswaki wangu simba divai machozi chang’aa (strong local spirit) is my toothbrush mi mwenda wa zimu we bitoz I am mentally disturbed, you despise me kukiniletea na kupa buubasi ki bichi boyz if you look down at me, I will give you bullshit, I am a tough guy To emphasize the desperate situation the language makes reference to „gangsta language”, rather to be found in American Hiphop than in Bongo Flava. This is also reflected in the language usage as in this verse English dominates: kwani nimeshadata ili daluga gozi gozi I have already gone crazy because life is tough you can call us the foresee prophets you can call us the prophetes coz tuna present lost gangsters because we represent lost gangsters you primitive pu pata doz I will give you a dose, you primitive Like in „Nitakuongopea”, Juma later refers more explicitly to his position as a rapper and composer of lyrics, although throughout the whole song he mingles his real identity with an imagined one: Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 89 dox sina cha kuwapa zaidi ya vesi Dox, I do not have anything more to give to you then the verses nna mtabiko tanda banko godoro gunia I have a poor man’s bed and my mattress is a sack masikini na umia, aminia poverty is hurting me, believe me! The first verse in which the rapper speaks as an unbelieving person is further contradicted by later verses in which God is asked for guidance to live a rightful life. Juma then again reflects his own background for being a Muslim educated at a Christian school by stating that he has read the Bible as well as the Koran and therefore knows that human beings do not live according to the wishes of God. mungu niepushe na uchawi majungu God, make me escape from sorcery and conspiracy nifunze kuishi na walimwengu teach me to live with people dunia imejaa dhuluma the world is full of injustice and oppression swala hili kweli lina niuma this question really hurts me waja wako hawana huluma your creations do not have compassion wanadamu wa umbo roho wanyama they are human in form but animals in their spirit (heart) sivyo ulivyo amuru bwana this is not what you ordered, Lord kwenye bible kurani nimeshasoma in the Bible and the Koran, I have already read them Reference is made to the state of war in the neighbouring country Congo and its impact on the border region in Tanzania, with its main town Kigoma: bunduki zauzwa ka pipi kigoma guns are sold like candy in Kigoma 90 Stichproben ni nani mcheza wa hii ngoma who is the player of this dance machozi tiririka sana my tears are falling strongly The song ends by quoting a line by Tupac Shakur, the big American idol of Juma Madoweka. It gives a short but essentially positive answer to the question asked throughout the whole song: that rapping has a meaning: nimezaliwa kufanya ninachofanya I was born to do what I am doing 4.3 Mazingira (Environment) This song consists of 3 parts, which are divided by the four-line chorus. The first part has 15 lines and the other two 18 lines each. The central theme in this song is the conservation of the environment in the Uluguru mountains, which are next to Morogoro town where he lives and the Pare mountains, where he used to live when he went to boarding school. This experience is also reflected in the language of the song of which parts are written in Kipare. Again the topic of „Mazingira” reflects very strongly Juma’s own background. Being a member of the Mountain Conservation Society of Tanzania (MCST), he is involved in efforts to take measures against soil erosion in Nugutu, a part of Morogoro town located in the Uluguru Mountains. miti uzuia mafriko kama vile erinino trees prevent floods like those caused by El Nino Pale mountain wache na wabwange sikizeni men and women in the Pare Mountains listen (Kipare) erinino 98 kumbukeni sasa miti pandeni remember El Nino 98 and now plant trees kama wakazi wa Nugutu, Moro like the people living in Nugutu, Morogoro wameotesha vitalu nyorolo nanyi mjipe moyo katika kufanya ayo. they already planted trees on their plots, and now you make an effort to do the same Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden 91 Like in all other songs the role of the rapper in educating ordinary people as well as politicians about social and political problems is pointed at. Emphasis is marked by placing synonyms after another and repeating the line: na mc sasa elimisha fundisha komesha adabisha burudishaaaa..... MC, now teach, explain, stop them, teach good manners, entertain them nakazia nalia sikia za juma isia I insist, I cry, listen to the feelings of Juma mc sasa elimisha fundisha komesha adabisha burudishaaa…… MC, now teach, explain, stop them, teach good manners, entertain them 5. Concluding remarks HipHop is an art that came to Tanzania from outside – a „globalisation phenomenon” – which was first taken up by richer kids living in Dar-esSalaam but eventually spread all over the country. More importantly still, it has been discovered by the less privileged youth as a means to express themselves. Bongo Flava has become a new channel for young people to voice their opinions about society as well as of politics. A strong commitment to educating people is still a characteristic of most Bongo Flava artists – especially of the „underground” rappers. HipHop allows underprivileged youths, who are traditionally denied a voice because of their low standing in terms of age as well as of class, to take over a role normally reserved to the elders and well-educated: that of teaching people how to change their lives. Rap lyrics, whether written by well-known artists or by „underground” rappers, are a new fascinating form of literary expression in Swahili. They should be studied with respect to form and content, but probably also in reference to their social impact as the question remains: to what extent does Bongo Flava have a potential for transformation of Tanzanian society? 92 Stichproben Zusammenfasung Bongo Flava, die tansanische Variante von HipHop hat sich in den letzten Jahren zur populärsten Musikform im Land entwickelt. Dieser Artikel gibt zunächst einen kurzen Überblick über die Geschichte von Bongo Flava und diskutiert Themen, Texte und Musik. Danach wird näher auf die Lage der sogenannten „Underground“ Rapper eingegangen Der zweite Teil des Artikels beschäftigt sich mit ausgewählten Teilen aus drei Songs von Juma Madoweka - einem der jungen Rapper aus Morogoro, die ihre Motivation daraus beziehen, der Gesellschaft in der sie leben, durch das Medium Rap eine Botschaft zukommen zu lassen. References Beith, Malcom; Spencer Katy M. 2002. Hiphop’s Message now spans the World. In: Newsweek, Special Issues 2003 Edition, December 2002 - February 2003 Buyanza, Eric „DoT”. 2002. Historia ya Hiphop ya Bongo. http://www.darhotwire.com/v2/go/burudani/bongoexplosion.html(31.1.2003) De Rycker, Jasper. 2002. The social context of rap in Tanzania. MA Thesis, University of Antwerp Geesthuizen, Thomas. 2002. Hiphop in Tanzania. http://www.niza.nl/media/EA.hivhop/Ea2.Tanzania.html (27.5.2003) Graebner, Werner. 1989. Whose music? The songs of Remmy Ongala and Orchestra Super Matimila. In: Popular Music, 8 (3), 243-258 Kariuki, John. 2003. World Music: Still Waiting for an East African Superstar. In: The East African, September 08-14, 2003, Part 2, I-II Malm, Krister; Sarstad, Monika. 1998. Rap, Ragga and Reggae in Nairobi, Dar es Salaam and Lusaka: The Scene in Dar es Salaam http://www.music.museum./mmm/Africa/dar.html (27.5.2003) Maraszto, Caroline. 2002. Sozialpolitische Wende? Zur Entwicklung des Rap im Senegal. In: Stichproben. Wiener Zeitschrift für kritische Afrikastudien Nr.4/2003 Remes, Pieter. 1999. Global Popular Music and Changing Awareness of Urban Tanzanian Youth. In: Yearbook for Traditional Music, 31, 1-26 The Guardian, January 16, 2003, p. 7 Toroka, Eric. 2002. Why local firms ignore Tanzanian artists. www.africanhiphop.com (9.10.2002) Interview: Juma Madoweka, Morogoro, July 27th 2002 Azizi Matiga, Morogoro, September 1st 2003 Specific Internet sites: Bongo Flava (Still) Hidden http://www.darhotwire.com/where_at/tma.html, 2.6.2003 http://www.madunia.nl/projects/struggling.htm, 2.6.2003 http://www.madunia.nl/projects/halisi.htm, 2.6.2003 Internet in general: http://www.africanhiphop.com http://www.mzibo.net/frame.html http://www.darhotwire.com/v2/go/burudani/bongoexplosion.html http://www.madunia.nl 93 Nyatiti Nyatiti is a traditional instrument of the Luo tribe in Kenya. Its size is about twice as small as an acoustic guitar. The performer has three tasks when playing the Nyatiti: percussion, strings, and vocal. The Nyatiti is played sitting low to the ground, while keeping a small distance from your body. You also put iron bells called "gara" on your right ankle and a metal ring called "oduongo" on the big toe of your right foot. Then, you sing and play keeping the beat by tapping the ring on the edge of the Nyatiti. The Nyatiti is also called Kanbanane. "Kanba" means string and "nane" means eight, so it literally means "eight strings". The body is made of a hollowed fig tree and is like a hemisphere. Cow skin is put on the surface of the hemisphere. Nylon fishing lines are used for the eight strings, which have three thicknesses. In the past, female cow's Achilles' tendons were used for the strings instead of the fishing lines. Two thin bamboos like sticks and wood chips are bonded together by bee wax, which creates a deep echoing sound. There are reasons why the Nyatiti has eight strings, why only men are allowed to play it and why it is called "Nyatiti". The first four days after a male’s birth and after his death are said to be very special in Luo culture. In Nyatiti, the lower four strings represent the first four days of his birth and the upper four strings represent the four days after his death.   The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells Home Music Stories News Galleries http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ Donate About The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music Since its founding, Ketebul has been focused on ʻBridgeʼ artists – the key artists that created certain genre that link the tribal music to modern music. Benga is a great example of a bridge genre and Ketebul has kindly given us permission to publish in full their history of Benga music. Here it is: Retracing the Benga Rhythm Recent Stories Central and Eastern Kenya: Days 5-11:An Interview with Gregg Category: Community, Kenya (Central/Eastern) 2014 From simple traditional village entertainment to a national and regional music genre, this is the story of the making of benga music. Setting the Background A characteristic of popular music the world over is the element of mystery surrounding the origins of the genre and sometimes also, the real meaning of its name. Great icons of jazz, blues, RʼnʼB, 1 of 19 The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music Category: Kenya (Central/Eastern) 2014, Music 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ reggae, rumba and even the much revered Western country music are famous for performing in their respective genres rather than expounding on meanings and origins. Rarely does one find consensus among fans, let alone among musicologists when it comes to interpreting the history, art and emotive power of a particular music. Still, the imperative of building an archive of a peopleʼs past—including their popular histories—compelled us to search and ask, to travel far and build connections, to collate documents and present available evidence relating to the roots of popular Kenyan music. Many historians and musicologists agree that the cradle of the Benga genre of Kenya popular music is Nyanza province in western Kenya. This region is home to the fishing community of Luo-speaking people, many of whom live around Lake Victoria—known locally as Nyanza. Lake Victoria straddles the three East African countries—Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania—covering an area of over 68,000 square kilometers. The Luo who live around its shores in Kenya speak a western Nilotic tongue distinctly different from their Bantu neighbours to the north and south, and their Kalenjin distant cousins to the east. The Luo comprise close to 3 million people. Their forefathers migrated south from the Bahr al Ghazal region in what is today know as Southern Sudan in a steady stream until the 19th Century. Some live in neighbouring Uganda and Tanzania. Central and Eastern Kenya: Days 5-11: Ketebul Studios, Nairobi Category: Kenya (Central/Eastern) 2014 Central and Eastern Kenya: Day 4 – Nkubu to Mukuuni to Nairobi Category: Kenya (Central/Eastern) 2014 Central and Eastern Kenya: Day 3 – Nkubu to Mariene to Murungurune to Nkubu Category: Kenya (Central/Eastern) 2014 Today, Benga music is played across a fair share of Kenya—from the lake shores in the west, across the vast floor of the Rift Valley to the slopes of the imposing 5,199 metre Mount Kenya and into the plains of eastern Kenya. From a genre that was previously considered low class, it has managed to establish its hold as a definite Kenyan style and beat. Sprinklings of it are to be found in DR Congo. It has been borrowed, repackaged and found a new form in Zimbabwe. From its humble rural beginnings, this music has been nurtured into a club circuit affair in numerous urban areas in East, Central and Southern Africa. What, exactly, is Benga Music? Central and Eastern Kenya: Day 2 – Muranga to Kangema to Nkubu Category: Kenya (Central/Eastern) 2014 Central and Eastern Kenya: Day 1 – Nairobi to Kiongwe to Muranga Category: Kenya Bengaʼs most distinctive feature is its fast-paced rhythmic beat and bouncy finger-picking guitar technique. Indeed, the core of benga is the lead guitar, which essentially follows the track of the 2 of 19 (Central/Eastern) 2014 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ vocals. Without exception, the singing is at some point separated from the climax—the instrumental expanse that combines three or four guitars and percussions. Benga is loosely linked to Congolese rumba and West African highlife, but differs sharply from South African kwela, taarab, chakacha and Central and Eastern Kenya: Day 0 – London/Nairobi Category: Kenya kidumbaak; the most well-known Swahili music forms from the coastal strip of East Africa. (Central/Eastern) 2014 The peculiarity of the Benga beat comes from the combination of a sharp lead guitar overriding the rhythm and bass. The pace of the guitars, with a steady rise to a climax or crescendo and an equally quick refrain, together with the arrangement and sectioning mark benga apart from other music. Luo guitarists long cultivated a unique technique of playing the guitar. They commonly do not massage the strings as their Congolese counterparts do but rather they pluck and pick single notes rapidly in a fashion akin to playing a nyatiti—the traditional lyre of the Luo people. Central Uganda: Day 7 – A Magic Day in Entebbe Benga is undoubtedly dance music because of its fast tempo. Dancers commonly do not hold hands or embrace as is the case with other music, for instance Congolese rumba. Benga fans will be seen dancing alone or forming a group, but not holding hands. Often the dancers break off from the circle of their partners and slink away, doing their own thing, sometimes becoming theatrical in their movements—flexing their muscles, feet and shaking their heads. They dance with freedom and even total abandon. Attentive Benga audiences point out the importance of its themes especially where a song chronicles or even instigates an important social event or political drama. Many lyrics dwell on love, either extolling a womanʼs beauty and praising her virtues or expressing the disappointment of an ardent suitor. Some songs sing about money and personal experiences of hardship and struggle. Occasionally, the lyrics are in praise of a person of high standing in the society. Those in political leadership are frequently the subject of such praise, even though occasionally they are the subject of biting censure. Modern Benga vocals sections are long and the story winding and repetitive, with some of the more accomplished songwriters employing clever allegory, generating witty memorable phrases or coining new idioms. Category: Field Reports, Uganda (Central & Eastern) 2013 Central Uganda: Day 6: Kampala to Entebbe Category: Field Reports, Uganda (Central & Eastern) 2013 Field Reports Kenya (Central/Eastern) 2014 Kenya (Coastal Region) 2011 Kenya (Nyanza Province) 2011 Kenya (Rift Valley) 2012 3 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ Tradition— Adaptations and Innovations The traditional Benga sound is about 60 years old with its formative years occurring between the late 1950s and the 1960s. Its roots run deep in age-old Luo musical instruments. Of the many traditional instruments that the Luo played, the most enduring and widely used is the nyatiti, an eight-stringed traditional lyre. Uganda (Central & Eastern) 2013 Uganda (Northern) 2012 Uganda (South West) 2011 In elaborate traditional Luo ceremonies, the nyatiti was accompanied by a set of traditional drums, cow horns, gourds, sticks, shakers and other improvised instrumentation such as whistling, feet-stamping, and clapping or a melody created from someone blowing through the hollowed chamber of clasped hands. Sometimes the single-stringed orutu, from the viol family, would also be used. This combination of musical instruments and vocal accompaniment provided entertainment for a range of ceremonies long before the first European explorers and missionaries appeared on the scene. The winding mournful sound of the orutu, which was easily imitated by the modern Benga lead guitar upon which the music rides, is considered by many as the single most crucial link between that instrument and modern benga. The tempo of the nyatiti playing along with the sound produced from the rhythmic thumping of an iron ring harnessed to the toe of the lyre player is the rhythm and percussion respectively in modern Benga. The nyatiti which had been made popular by musicians like Otuoma Ogolo, Mbui Jachur and later Ogola Opot also influenced the acoustic guitar in terms of moulding single-note picking rather than strumming. Its playing technique, together with that of the orutu formed the root of the high-pitched electric lead guitar and bass that was the vogue of mid-1970s benga bands. Today, one typically finds up to four guitars interplaying in synchronized harmony and the high-pitched lead still typifies the benga beat. Benga pioneers were, in local parlance, “one-man guitarists” accompanied by a conductor-an improvised instrument in the form of a wooden box which maintained the rhythm. Later, novel accompaniment was discovered in the form of the rhythmic strumming of the grooves of the 1960s 4 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ Fanta soft drink bottle. This kind of performance shared many similarities with that of a nyatiti player and his ankle shaker. Transition to Benga Soon after the end of the Second World War, a handful of demobilized soldiers who had been conscripted from Luoland arrived back home with an instrument that would herald new practices of entertainment amongst their people—the Spanish guitar. Though the fairly sophisticated accordion had penetrated Nyanza after the First World War, its chords did not quite capture the emotions, popular imagination and the creative impulses of the locals in the way the strings of the acoustic guitar did. Musicians like Nyangira Obongʼo, Achwal, Aton Mito and later Oguta Lie Bobo attained some success with their accordion music, but it soon paved way for what the locals called a ʻbox guitarʼ, which truly appealed to the Luo ear. Interestingly the accordion had a far greater appeal and impact amongst the Kikuyu people of central Kenya. In the late 1940s individual guitar players began plucking away at the chords as they would the nyatiti, all the while singing in the language of the lake shore people. Traditional Luo dance forms and songs were fused to produce new and distinct guitar-generated beats and riffs. The foreignerʼs instrument was slowly becoming an indispensable part of the leisure and entertainment of the local community. The ex-soldiers and their students particularly liked to play the guitar next to a granary. These traditional food stores were often erected a distance away from the main houses, the better for naughty lyrics to escape the ears of the innocent. The Luo word for granary is “dero” while the expression “tie dero”— the local reference to early guitar-music— denotes the idea of being “around and about” the granary. The Ogara Years 5 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ By the early 1950s, pioneering Luo musicians like Obuondo Atwanga , John Odula, Oyugi Tobby, Ojwang Bathlomeyo, Owiti (Dewitts), the group Lango Obiero, John Langʼo, Olulo Ochenya and Olima Anditi were already recording songs, the latter producing the memorable track “Sabina.” But it is the late John Ogara Odondi “Kaisa” who is regarded as one of the trail-blazing benga pioneers who spread it beyond local village confines, ingeniously shaped its style and nurtured a new crop of benga artistes. The next step was to unfold when John Ogara founded Ogara Boys Band in 1960 with Aketch Oyosi. With the recruitment of Nelson Ochiengʼ Orwa two years later, Ogara transformed his group into a three-piece acoustic and vocal group. Ochiengʼ Orwa was a young and extremely talented guitarist who would come to be known by the stage name of Ochiengʼ Nelly. He must be distinguished from another accomplished performer bearing a similar name, Ochieng Nelly Mengo, who was one of the founders of the 1970s Victoria Kings Band. Other pioneers and contemporaries of Ogara at that time were Adero Onani, Owiti Origo, and Festo Ochuka. In 1963, the Ogara trio recorded the song “Selestina Juma” at the African Gramophone Stores, famously known as AGS, in Nairobi. Curiously, the song bears a distinct beat of ska, the precursor of todayʼs reggae. The trioʼs guitar work was evidently inspired by influences from way beyond Luoland and was pretty much ahead of its time. It is possible that its ingenuity came from itinerant guitarists from the Congo, Uganda and Zambia who were already visiting Nairobi in the 1960s. Musicians such as Jean Bosco Mwenda, Edward Masengo, Nashil Pichen, Peter Tsotsi and Ugandan bassist Charles Sonko introduced exotic styles which were snapped up by their local collaborators who included Daudi Kabaka , Fadhili William, John Mwale, John Nzenze and Gabriel Omolo. Another illustrative recording by the ambitious Ogara Boys was the 1965 track titled “Samuel Aketch” in which Aketch is praised and the word “benga” mentioned in animation. Apparently the song was composed after Aketch briefly left the group. In the same way as this lyrical utterance ties Ogara to the emergence of a genre, veteran Kericho-based music producer and retailer A.P. Chandarana, is 6 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ on record as remarking, “Benga is Ogara.” John Ogara died in 1998 in Kandiege Village in Karachuonyo, South Nyanza. Origin of the Word The debate over the actual origins of the word “benga” has been raging since the 1960s when it first became a mainstream genre. Typical of many other music genres worldwide, the struggle to pinpoint the origins of a style is especially difficult when its name is unrecognizable in any known ethnic language. Some of the musicians who were interviewed claim the word originated from the Congo. In the 50s a number of Luo people travelled to that vast country for work and adventure and came back home with the term. Other players and enthusiasts maintain that the term is derived from a Luo word, arguing that, in the Dholuo language, describing something as “obengʼore,” for instance, implies it is in a state of looseness, lacks rigidity or seriousness. They advance that in music, this can be understood in the context of one being relaxed and happy- which is the very basis of dance and celebration. Other people associate the word “benga” with the dress fashions of the 50s and 60s. In particular, they single out a skirt that was in vogue at the time. Aketch Oyosi and Ochiengʼ Nelly are in agreement about this. The skirt was known as the “Ogara Skirt,” named after their band leader, John Ogara. 1970s benga producer, Oluoch Kanindo concurs with the former members of the Ogara Boys Band about the skirt style that lent its name to the musical genre. According to him benga skirts were so fashionable in the 60s that women would travel long distances from their homes to have them made. The late Benga maestro D.O. Misiani at one time said the term was derived from his motherʼs 7 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ maiden name, but that claim has been dismissed by most people. However, pundits agree that Misiani was clearly the king of benga. But to add to the confusion on its origin, the word benga features prominently in the lyrics of DR Congoʼs Francoʼs song, ʻTcha Tcha Tcha de mi Amorʼ which was released in the 50s. At the turn of the 60s, Benga was still in its infancy. No one could possibly tell that a particular genre was being developed. Although the Ogara Boys helped shape its style, marrying it with new elements from a fast urbanizing Nairobi, they unwittingly left it to others like George Ramogi and D.O. Misiani to develop the genre further and gain acclaim for shaping a genuine Kenyan sound. Electric Bands and Big Producers Out of the Ogara years came a marked proliferation of the first proper bands, which were now outfits of at least three guitars and a drum set. With them came the 45 rpm vinyl records and the debut of the now well-known names in benga, who include George Ramogi, George Ojijo, D. O. Misiani, Orwa Jasolo, Ochieng Nelly Mengo, Collela Mazee, Paddy Onono, Brother Charley, Peter Owino Rachar, Leonard Omedo, Cheplin Kotula of Kawere Boys, John Otonde of Kiwiro Jazz, Kaudha Twins, Awino Lawi, Opiyo Emma and Musa Olwete. Later Ouma Omore, the Victoria Chomeka band, Ouma Jerry, Kassongo Polo Menyo, Osito Kalle and Okatch Biggy emerged. Many of these musicians had now dumped their acoustic guitars and snapped up electric ones; as it was said, “the power had been turned on.” Most of these pioneers have since passed on with only a handful left in active music. The era of 78 rpm discs and His Masterʼs Voice (HMV) gramophones had been ushered in by European producers when Kenyaʼs first recording studio was set up in 1947. This is the magical year in which pioneer guitarist, Fundi Konde, who was a member of the Entertainment Unit during the Second World War reportedly played Kenyaʼs first electric guitar. European recording companies were to hold a monopoly over the East African music industry for many years to come before 8 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ independent Kenyan producers made real headway. Rivaling the Europeans at the time was Kenyan producer of Indian ancestry, A.P. Chandarana, who set up base in Kericho, lying in the lush tea-growing regions east of the Rift Valley, and has remained there since. It is at Chandaranaʼs studios that a vast number of musicians from western Kenya first put their work on spool tapes. Chandaranaʼs business acumen was in large part responsible for the replication of the Benga sound by singers from the mid-Rift Valley region. His shop and recording premises in the town are still in operation, though he has retreated into reclusive old age and is hardly keen on granting media interviews. The pre-Ogara period saw the emergence of the first influential indigenous African producers. At the time, they were more of talent scouts in the employ of big multinationals such as AIT, Andrew Crawford, Polydor and EMI.By the turn of the 60s, they had set up their own labels and throughout the 70s they were pivotal forces in the emergence of new groups and evolving sounds. David Amunga of Kassanga and Phares Oluoch Kanindo, who worked under numerous record labels like AIT, EMI and later his own label POK, are amongst the key producers of that era. Amunga is the one African producer to whom a myriad of Kenyan musicians owe their success. He knew how to identify talent and nurture it, and signed on musicians from different ethnic backgrounds and styles. However, most of them later fell out with him because of his brash style of management. From the late 60s, substantial stakes in the local music industry were also held by Indian-owned record retail shops and recording studios such as Assanands & Son, which moved from Mombasa to what was then Government Road (present-day Moi Avenue) in Nairobi and Melodica on the busy Tom Mboya Street. Although depressed today by technological advances that have significantly stunted music sales by making reproduction quick and cheap for music pirates, Melodica remains in operation stocking numerous “zilizopendwa” golden oldies. Melodicaʼs precursor was known as Bonanza Music Store located on Luthuli Avenue. Founded by Mzee Daudia in 1963, the name was inspired by the American cowboy TV series of the time and it quickly became a Benga musicianʼs Mecca. The shop moved to its present location on Tom Mboya 9 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ Street in 1971, with Daudia renaming it Melodica. He was passionate in his promotion of local artistes. One of his sons, Abdul Karim, now runs the outlet with no less great passion. It is a shrine for many Kenyans who have either been away from the country for long or reside outside the capital. They visit it to collect old hits every time they are in Nairobi. Melodica has also received numerous musicians eager to experiment with Kenyan styles and Western-based researchers anxious to locate a local music archive. Melodica produced Juma Odundo, Adams Nyahone and Ochiengʼ Kabaselleh, a Luo pop artist who occasionally teamed up with Laban Juma Toto, formerly of the Hodi Boys band, to produce some of the best rumba melodies sang in the Luo language. Kabasellehʼs love for rumba saw him adopt the name of Congoʼs celebrated pioneer musician, Joseph Kabaselleh ʻLe Grand Kalle.ʼ Some of Ochiengʼs sons like Babu Kabaselleh and Reggie Kabaselleh are now well-known musicians in their own right, same to his siblings who make up the Bana Kadori band. Ochiengʼ Kabaselleh died in 1998, leaving a vacuum in the leadership of the Luna Kidi band which he founded almost three decades earlier. By the mid-1970s, studio recording in Nairobi and a handful of other towns was big business. Big studios like Andrew Crawford and Polygram had set up shop in the capital. Polygram, which was based in Nairobiʼs Industrial Area, later held record-pressing monopoly. Other big music labels locally were EMI and CBS, and these attracted artists from as far away as the then Zaire. But the activity at these multinationals could never rival the volume, spirit and camaraderie that reverberated from the independent studios on Nairobiʼs River Road, which nurtured raw talent and threw together new bands in the flash of a recording session. Musicians from far and wide across the country would congregate at these River Road studios, sometimes recording a song in just one take and cutting the new record in the space of a day. These independent outlets have remained in business long after the multinational record companies closed shop in the mid-1980s. With the rise of local video production, the vibrant River Road studios have acquired the name “Riverwood,” riding on the success of Hollywood, Bollywood and 10 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ Nollywood. 1960s—1970s: the Golden Decades Benga was for a long time regarded as the music of the lower classes— the subaltern Luo living in the rural areas and urban slums. Indeed, early Benga was known as music of the “rural and uncultured.” The expressions used by musicians and fans alike, jomaranda or jonjore (meaning low class) are pejorative and fairly snobbish ways of describing benga music. The emergent African elite shunned these ethnic sounds in favour of Western music, which was viewed as being synonymous with “progress” and modernity. In later years, Congolese music would come to be viewed as more suitable entertainment for an emergent urban middle-class. These attitudes in part explain why artists who saw themselves as urbanites, preferred rumba, jazz and Western styles. They include Sila Gwada, father to Rocky and Paddy Gwada of the famous Ashanti Band, Ben Blastas Bulawayo, who worked as a senior manager at Kenya Meat Commission, and the Russia-educated Jose Kokeyo, who was a District Officer. The seventies were the era in which Oluoch Kanindo, a former technician with the Kenya News Agency and the Voice of Kenya (KBC) grew into a massive music production guru whose dominance and supreme authority over Benga generated many controversies. One of the first big benga bands of that decade, Victoria Kings, was Kanindoʼs brainchild and it grew into a key pillar of the Kanindo stable. Victoria Kings eventually split into sub groups, most of them with the “Victoria” tag appended to them— Victoria A, B, C and D Kings. Kanindo also had a plethora of labels such as Lolwe, Sungura, Oyundi, Duol amongst others. By 1979, Kanindo had become a household name in the region, controlling an industry worth several million shillings, and determining the fate of Benga musicians besides setting their standards. He is said to have, at times, played bands against each other, dropping some suddenly and giving bigger recording opportunities and visibility to others. It has been suggested that his management style— 11 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ no doubt motivated by business interests and familial or clan-based loyalties—triggered unprecedented mass production of Benga releases. He also embarked on the “Congolization” of Benga by encouraging bands under his stable, who included his brother-in-law Dr. Collela Mazeeʼs Victoria Kings, to copy Congolese bands like Orchestre Kiam and Lipua Lipua that were being promoted by Congolese musician and businessman Verkys Kiamuangana, who was his business associate. Many of their recordings blatantly lifted recognizable sections of these Congolese songs. This copying was also being replicated at Verkysʼ end. A case in point is the mid-1970s hit “Nouvelle Generation” by the Kinshasa-based Lipua Lipua. The high-pitched notes of the rhythm guitar by veteran guitarists Vata Mombasa and Lele NʼSundi of Orchestra Kiam were frequently imitated by these Benga groups. This borrowing created a new trend where the spark of the Benga guitars was fused with rumba to create a potent form of dance music. This experimentation later saw Sam Mangwana together with other Congolese musicians like guitarists Lokassa ya Mbongo, Ringo Moya, Nyboma Mwandido, Bopol Mansiamina and Syrian Mbenza form the African All Stars in Abidjan, Cote dʼIvoire, in 1978. By this time, the popularity of Benga had spread as far as West Africa and as Mangwana once confessed, it was this sound and West African highlife that the people loved. The African All Stars added elements of this energetic rhythm to the existing Congolese rumba. In the 1980s some members of the African All Stars moved to Paris and formed the Four Stars (Les Quatre Etoiles) and became the base for the fast-paced Congolese music production spiced with additional Caribbean influences like zouk. This music came to be known as Paris soukous, a lively and compelling beat that was different from the one played in Kinshasa. Their signature of intricate guitars could be heard on virtually every soukous record out of Paris, which became the recording capital for Congolese music. Stars from Kinshasa like Pepe Kalle and Madilu System couldnʼt resist this new trend, and they all trooped to Paris to record with this group of musicians. 12 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ Benga spreads its wings beyond the region But perhaps Oluoch Kanindoʼs most important contribution to Benga was the fact that he took this genre to southern Africa, thanks to his distribution acumen. In Zimbabwe, the music became so popular that the locals named it “kanindo” after the music producer. All the records bore the label ʻKanindoʼ. Another of Kanindoʼs benga labels was called Sungura, Swahili for ʻrabbitʼ and it too became the name given to a faster variation of the music, a spin off from kanindo. Currently sungura is one of the biggest music genres in Zimbabwe. It is said that many fighters during the independence war in Zimbabwe used to dance to kanindo records during the night vigils known as pungwe. However, it should be noted that Zimbabweans have their own traditional beats like mbira and chimurenga music which have been popularized by big names like Thomas Mapfumo and Oliver Mtukudzi. Does Benga have a Future? Despite all this success Benga has refused to shed the rural tag, with the urban youth preferring Western music. The typical Benga musician will still travel to the capital for recording sessions and a few gigs, but he or she is more comfortable doing gigs in the siwadhas (temporary shelters) of Kenyaʼs provincial agricultural shows and seedy small-town pubs or at rural market centres. Although clubs like the Carnivore have opened up to Benga acts, it is still an occasional thing. Save for the culturally-themed nights–ʻMugithi nightʼ for the Kikuyu, ʻKililimbi nightʼ for the Kamba, ʻMulembe nightʼ for the Luhya and ʻRamogi nightʼ for the Luo – which are few and far apart, the rest of the entertainment fare is dictated by the DJs, who have no choice but to play what appeals to the mostly youthful urbanite audience. Benga musiciansʼ problems are further compounded by the fact that they can no longer make money like their forebears did from record sales. 13 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ The intricacies of vinyl production in the 1970s allowed artistes to gain reasonable remuneration from good sales. In a country where copyright laws are blatantly flouted, cassette tape and CD technology have given the largest share of music profits to music pirates, thereby plunging Benga artistes into near poverty. Benga artistes are also witnessing a “raid” on their primary audiences. The style is being suffocated by the profusion of emergent genres such as the popular Ohangla, named after the traditional Luo set of drums though the music is in fact a scaled down version of Benga played on the electronic keyboard. In a sense, Benga music is at a crossroads. It has largely failed to capitalize on technology to grow. It has also failed to adapt to new trends, thereby losing its appeal to the youth. Normally Benga is dominated by men, but a few female musicians have managed to break through. Notably, they have emerged after the deaths of their musician husbands. A good example is Princess Jully, who took over her husbandʼs Jolly Boys Band and went on to make a success of it. Others are Queen Jane of Queenja Les Les, Emily Nyaimbo, Benta Ogwe Chalre, Queen Babito and Linet Aluoch Pamba, among others. Benga is still shrouded in mystery. One major misconception is that any popular music in Luo is Benga, which normally is not the case. Eldoret-based Awilo Mike won the Kisima Award for Best Benga in 2007 though several observers point out that the group leans more towards rumba. Other prominent musicians who sing in Luo but who do not necessarily play Benga are Gabriel Omolo, Juma Toto, Ochieng Kabaselleh, Mazadijo, Jamnazi Afrikaʼs Milton Ongoro, Musa Juma and his brother Omondi Tony, and the current sensation John Junior. There is no doubt that the Benga beat still pulsates in urban and rural Kenya. The Kondele “Beer Belt” in Kisumu comes alive every night, peaking on Wednesdays, Fridays, Saturdays and Sundays. Almost every pub has some make-shift band and some groups have been lucky enough to make a breakthrough nationally. But in many ways, Benga is caught in a time-warp. 14 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ Shapers of Benga Perhaps the best known Benga artiste in Kenya and abroad is Daniel Owino Misiani, commonly known as D.O. Many Benga musicians, including those from other communities, regard him and George Ramogi as their greatest influences. D. Oʼs iconic status stems from his powerful compositions and the numerous controversies generated by his polemical, often anti-establishment lyrics. Despite him being Tanzanian, he always immersed himself in Kenyan politics to the chagrin of the Kenyan government, which on several occasions tried to have him deported. It was the cruel hand of death that finally silenced the man, achieving what the authorities had failed to do. Misiani died on May 17, 2006 in a road accident in Kisumu. His body was repatriated to his hometown of Shirati in Tanzania, where he was laid to rest. However, what most people do not know is that there were many Luo and Luhyia session musicians who created a unique Benga sound on River Road that the musicians from other communities simply adapted to their lyrics. They were known as the River Road session musicians, and usually they would be found around the famous recording studios on River Road waiting for clients to hire them for a recording. These musicians-for-hire included Osumba Rateng, Owacha Willy, Okech Ombasa, Berry Guya, Vincent Bunde ʻRedmanʼ, Ondiek Nzoi, Juma Othech, Steven Sakwa, soloist Zachariah and Peter Owino Rachar Roland Isese, bassist Swalleh Yussuf, solo guitarist Anzino Osundwa, drummer Issa Juma and Odongo ʻManilaʼ Guya. These session musicians were rarely given their due credit. But it is thanks to them that Benga spread to the Rift Valley, Eastern and Central Kenya as they propelled into stardom artistes like D.K Kamau, Joseph Kamaru, John Ndichu, Kakai Kilonzo, Katitu Boys, among others. These stars wholly relied on them to shape and refine their music. Some, like the soloist Zachariah, were in such demand he had to shuttle by taxi between sessions in River Road and Polygram Studios in Industrial Area. 15 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ Because of his dexterity with the guitar and his ability to improvise on the fly, solo guitarist Vincent Bunde was nicknamed ʻReadymanʼ, which was later corrupted to ʻRedmanʼ by the Kikuyu musicians who worked with him because of difficulties pronouncing the name. The fact that he could speak kikuyu and Kamba fluently also made him a darling of the musicians from the two communities. Equally popular was drummer Steven Sakwa, a Luhyia, played for almost all the Kamba bands, including Kakai Kilonzoʼs Kilimambogo Boys. Peter Owino Rachar featured in most of the early recordings by D. K. Kamau Mwai who was considered the biggest success in Kikuyu benga. with his cross-over national hit ʻI Love Youʼ that was released in 1970. According to Osumba Rateng, who we interviewed, the song featured him on lead guitar, Zachariah Shivachi on the rhythm guitar, Juma Othech on the bass and Steven Sakwa on drums. Osumba also played the guitar on many of Joseph Kamaruʼs hit songs. Business was so good that Roland Isese left the Armyʼs Ulinzi Band to fully concentrate on River Road. Others like Anzino Osundwa played so well he was at times hired to play for Congolese bands like Bana Ikanga. Currently, the big Benga names have instrumentalists from their own communities who got the skills from the original River Road ʻsessionistsʼ. However, occasionally rely on the few surviving aces. Over time Benga has managed to spread to various parts of the country, adapting new flavours as it is transformed to fit into the music of the various communities. Among the Luhyia the most successful Benga artist has no doubt been Sukuma bin Ongaro, thanks partly to the promotional efforts of Art Pointʼs Eric Ndeche. The other benga giants are Jacob Luseno, Shem Tube, Nyongesa wa Muganda and Fanuel Amimo. The baton has since passed on to a younger generation that includes Lisanga Generation Bandʼs Emmanuel Musindi, Musungu wa Muganda and Phonotex Success bandʼs Julius Itenya. Across in Ukambani the benga sound was largely shaped by two musicians, Kakai Kilonzo and later Francis Danger. Now the leader of Kangundo Dangerous Brothers, Danger was drawn to the 16 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ vigorous beat and melody of D. O. Misianiʼs Lala Salama and Harusi ya MK, which he first heard in 1972. Later musicians who adapted the genre include Katitu Boys, Kimangu Boys, Kalambia Boys, Peter Mwambi and the current sensation, Ken wa Maria, among others. For the central region, the key shaper is undoubtedly D K Mwai. CDM Kiratu was another success in this genre. Joseph Kamaruʼs experimentation with Benga was not as successful as his dalliance with mwomboko. D.K. influenced latter-day musicians like Albert Gacheru, John De Mathew, Timona Mburu, Wamumbe, and Peter Kigia. In Kisii, the most successful artiste was Christopher Monyoncho Araka, who was nicknamed the ʻSkin of the Pythonʼ because of his ability to reinvigorate his music over the years he was an active musician. He died in 2013. Angelica Chepkoech and her Kalenjin Sisters band, which she co-founded with the late Elizabeth Chepkorir, is perhaps the best known non-Luo benga musician in the Rift Valley. But her success was midwifed by the work of earlier musicians such as the Kipsigis musicians Kipchambai arap Tapotuk with his band Koilonget Band, Chebaibai who sang the song “Dot.com” and the famous Kipchambai arap Butuk. Although some young Luo musicians have lately switched their allegiance to rumba, there are others who have stuck to the original Benga. They include Aluoch Jamaranda, Dola Kabarry, Atomi Sifa, Omondi Long Lilo, Odhiambo Tusker, Oginga Wuod Awasi and Jerry Jalangʼo. When the multinationals made their exit in the 1980s their place was taken by independent record labels such as POK, Doromy Instrumental Company, Jaca(ACK) Productions, Oula Recording Company, Matunda Records, Studio Sawa, Sibuor Records, Sokota Music Store, Wamenyo Productions, Umoja Store, Diploma, and Jojo Records. Most of these indie labels were based in River Road. However, due to their lack experience in the music industry and lack of access to the international distribution network, they soon found the going tough. Piracy and the marketʼs preference for Congolese music also added to their woes and soon some started closing shop. The 17 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ few of these indie labels that are still in active business include Jojo Records and Studio Sawa. With most indie labels closing shop the demand for session musicians went down. Many of these pioneer ʻsessionistsʼ have since passed on. Only a few of the sessionists are still in operation. They include Osumba Rateng, wo has since relocated from River Road to his rural home in Sega, Siaya County. And as new trends emerge on the market and technological advances pose new challenges, Benga continues to hold its own as the definitive Kenyan sound. END Reprinted for MIA with permission from Ketebul Music. This narrative was compiled by Ketebul Music using, in part, the research conducted by Moussa Awounda in 2007. Published on March 10, 2014 Published in: Kenya (Central/Eastern) 2014, Music ← Central and Eastern Kenya: Days 5-11: Ketebul Studios, Nairobi 18 of 19 Central and Eastern Kenya: Days 5-11:An Interview with Gregg → 5/15/14 2:14 PM The History Of Benga Music: A Report by Ketebul Music | Singing Wells HOME MUSIC STORIES Map & Groups Albums Podcasts Instruments SIGNUP TO OUR MAILING LIST http://www.singingwells.org/stories/the-history-of-benga-music-a-report-by-ketebul-music/ NEWS DONATE ABOUT Field Reports Sponsor SWP Mission Music Picture Community Other donations Who We Are What We Do FAQʼs Our Sponsors CONTACT GALLERIES FIND US PARTNER SITES info@singingwells.org Choose Group Fans Singing Wells Join mailing list 19 of 19 5/15/14 2:14 PM
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