Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. g Paradi e bi m o Z The m H e le n Kan g The following events are entirely fictional. None of the names, except appropriately referenced authors, pertain to actual people. The events of February 2012 conjure up a multitude of confused images. It is almost too early to contain the memories of the events in manageable stories that we can tell and retell so that we can command some mastery over the chaos. The events are still fresh in public memory and in the memories of all the individuals who were affected by them, which is to say every person within range of international travel and media reception. All we “know” for now is that words such as nightmare, apocalypse, the plague, Armageddon and pandemic currently circulate as though they mean the same thing, at least in the English-speaking parts of the world affected by the events. One word in particular entered our collective consciousness in ways that it hadn’t before: zombies. It’s a word that had resided in the pop cultural sub-genre of horror and science fiction to describe the once-human figure doomed to an eternal hunger for human flesh and blood. When we started to use the word 285 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm zombie to describe the events of February 2012, something happened in our cultural consciousness. Every word has a history and carries with it a baggage of meaning as it travels across cultural domains. When zombies emerged out of the fictional world of horror films and entered news media, biomedicine and public health to give description to what was otherwise indescribable, the word created a bridge between fictional and non-fictional worlds. And when zombies joined with the words disease and outbreak to name this unnameable, incomprehensible thing as zombie disease and zombie outbreak, these words had specific and profound consequences. You, reader, who managed to survive February 2012, might be puzzled, even enraged, that I have the audacity to speak of meanings, images and culture at a time like this. I, too, am a person of this world. I have been deeply affected by the chaos, both as a victim and as a witness. I, too, have used the words above to describe the events in my futile attempt to make sense of the absurdity of what I saw. But I am also a critical cultural studies scholar, and my immediate reaction is to jump into analysis of what I see and hear and do not see and hear. Yet the unfathomable number of those who died, the kinds of deaths they experienced and the degree of trauma suffered by those who survived make it almost impossible, morally unthinkable, to call for an analysis of symbolism, metaphor and imagery. Yet meanings matter. How we represent the events of February 2012 matter. Because, when we represented them with images of zombies, diseases and outbreaks, the meanings associated with these words shaped our perceptions of these events and the people involved. These perceptions in turn informed how everyday people reacted to someone foaming at the mouth and dragging his feet on the street. These perceptions informed how scientists agreed to name the “cause” of the “disease” as acute necrotic virus (ANV), which is transmitted by biting and results in massive cell death in a human body. These perceptions informed how journalists and public health workers told the public about which “symptoms” to watch out for in others and how the military justified forced quarantine of tens of thousands of people. And these perceptions will inform 286 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang how we decide to look back and assess how we reacted as a society to these events. Diseases and illnesses are not just about health and medicine, though the latter tends to have a lot of authority on the matter. The work of historian Sander Gilman (1985, 1988a, 1988b) and philosopher Susan Sontag (1990) has shown that disease, or being diseased, has always been linked to perceptions of moral integrity and moral degeneration. To be diseased is to be feared, to be blamed or to be pitied (depending on one’s moral standing), to be pushed out, to be contained for fear of infecting others, or to be “othered.” “Other” is a term used to describe social groups who are not considered to be part of the “norm,” which is racially white, Christian, heterosexual, male, middle class and able-bodied. Through histories of colonialism, racism, homophobia, sexism, classism and ableism, these social traits have gained dominance so that individuals who possess them not only have power, but are also considered morally superior. Alternatively, those who are other to this norm are considered morally suspect. Being diseased also tends to fall under the category of other as being associated with moral degeneration. The naming of a disease is an important part of creating the cultural line between norm and other. Twenty years ago, groups of gay men in major cities in the United States died of unknown causes; then similar symptoms were identified in intravenous drug users who were generally urban, poor and racialized. Before the names AIDS and then HIV became the official names of this illness, several informal names circulated that took on an explicitly moral tinge: “gay disease,” WOGS or “Wrath of God Syndrome” and GRID or “Gay-Related Immunodeficiency.” It was not only everyday “ignorant” people who used these names, but also medical researchers who published in medical journals and doctors at hospitals, people whom we expect to be completely objective and neutral. These names simultaneously drew on existing stereotypes of gay men and intravenous drug users as morally degenerate and further amplified these discriminatory sentiments by linking the illness to being a certain type of person rather than a series of activities 287 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm that lead to infection. These moralizing tendencies lingered in the names AIDS and HIV and had profound social, economic and political consequences. In the United States, the religious right found moral justification in HIV/AIDS to demonize what were perceived as “deviant” behaviours and systematically to deny care and support to those most affected by the early wave of the epidemic, leading to countless deaths. The social, moral, cultural, political and economic impacts of HIV/AIDS have been vast, and prominent scholars in cultural studies have engaged with these effects over the past two decades. One of the central questions that they have grappled with concerns the processes by which a disease, such as HIV/AIDS, is named. Paula Treichler (1988, 1999) and Cindy Patton (1990) in particular have extensively examined news media, public health and biomedical discourses on HIV/AIDS to untangle the complex processes by which the names HIV and AIDS, as well as the meanings and knowledges associated with them, emerged. The authors pay attention to power struggles, ambiguities, controversies, conflicts and uncertainties along the way in the conversations among journalists, scientists, doctors, patients and activists that over time were lost and forgotten. These forgotten stories remind us that, when we name a disease in a way that draws on notions of “otherness” and “deviance” from the social “norm,” news media can become a vehicle for mass panic and scapegoating, that scientific “facts” are grounded in interpretations and cultural meanings, and that how we define symptoms and identify who is afflicted draw on and amplify pre-existing stereotypes. The literature on cultural studies of HIV/AIDS can provide us with the framework and tools with which to understand and analyze the recent events of February 2012. These events are now simply called “zombie outbreak,” “zombie epidemic” and “ANV outbreak,” but we must remember that these are shorthand forms that mask a multitude of complex and conflicting stories and representations. The simplicity and increasing ubiquity of these names and associated “symptoms” can hide the fact that the processes whereby we came to understand the condition were full of uncertainties and ambiguities, not just in news media and perceptions of everyday people, but also in 288 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang scientific research, public health and the military. A disease is not just about medicine, health or science but also about social and cultural struggles over how a disease is named and then taken up to reinforce moral boundaries between those who are at fault and deserve to die, and those who are innocent and deserve sympathy or protection. The Birth of the Zombie The first high-profile use of the word zombie is attributed to the medical journalist Caroline Peters from the New York Times. In an article on 3 February 2012, which appeared on page 5 of the main section, she quoted an interview with Dr. Dan Morgan, a clinician at New York Downtown Hospital: The patient is in a comatose state but still has full motor function. He can walk and move his arms. He also retains certain basic physiological functions, such as the need to expel urine and feces and the need to eat and drink. But the patient can’t judge what is edible and what is not. One patient in our emergency ward chewed on a metal bedpost for hours overnight and completely destroyed the right side of his teeth and gums. It was incredible. A normal person wouldn’t have been able to stand the pain. They are like zombies. They move, make noises and eat, but the lights are out inside. The headline for this article read “New Disease Makes People into ‘Zombies.’” The caption beneath a close-up of the patient’s ravaged jaw, which took up the top half of the front page, read “‘Zombie’ patient eats bedpost. ‘A normal person wouldn’t have been able to stand the pain,’ says Dr. Dan Morgan at New York Downtown Hospital.” This story marked the beginning of media frenzy over “the zombie disease.” The combination of the words disease, zombies and normal with images of visibly sick people made this article not only strictly a medical story, but also a moral one. To talk about what is normal means to refer to what is abnormal. Gilman (1985, 1988a, 1988b) has argued that these ideas are as much about morality as they are about health. His extensive work on the history of representation of illness, such as syphilis, tuberculosis and HIV/ AIDS, shows that illnesses in Western culture have always been 289 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm associated with moral judgments about the conduct and innate qualities of the person who is afflicted. The “zombie disease” was no exception. English newspapers quickly jumped on the word and “zombies” began to appear in headlines within a matter of hours across the globe. Newspapers such as the Globe and Mail and the National Post in Canada retained the quotation marks around this fictional word as if reluctant to indulge in fantastic imagery to describe what was quickly becoming a public health catastrophe. Within forty-eight hours of the word’s first appearance on the cover of the New York Times, the quotation marks were dropped altogether in the majority of English national newspapers, as though it was now an indisputable fact that people were turning into zombies. Soon afterward, zombie disease, zombie outbreak and zombie epidemic became part of the daily repertoire of news broadcasters, such as CNN in the United States, the BBC in Britain and the CBC in Canada. An early preoccupation in the news coverage of February 2012 was to ascertain the origin of the disease. It was as though, if we can find where it comes from, then we can automatically gain control of it. Gilman (1988a) and Treichler (1999) have explained that the impulse to find out who or what “brought” a disease into the nation is more about the need to place blame for the disease than about medical problem solving. Two distinct stories of the origin of the zombie disease circulated in the media: Haiti and contaminated meats from East and Southeast Asia. These stories were also about placing blame and punishing those who were deemed “guilty” of spreading the zombie disease to the rest of the world. Haiti has historically been linked to the zombie and voodoo, but the recent earthquake disaster amplified the fear of the origin of the zombie in Haiti. Some media reports linked extremely impoverished and unhygienic living conditions in the aftermath of the earthquake with stereotypical ideas about primitiveness and barbarism of the “Third World,” suggesting that Haitians cannibalized one another, leading to the spread of the zombie disease, which was “encoded in their genes.” Alternatively, recent scares with H1N1 combined with the epidemiology of the avian flu, resulting in stories about contaminated 290 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang meats from Asia, again suggesting stereotypical notions of dirtiness and barbaric livestock-farming practices. These images of barbarism and backwardness are age-old myths that framed non-Western, non-European places and people as inferior to white Europeans to justify colonial conquest and imperial rule. In February 2012, these mythical images were invoked to create sensationalistic stories about the origin of the zombie disease, with severe economic and political consequences: wealthy nations stopped sending relief aid to Haiti and ceased importing meats from Asian countries in acts of economic and moral punishment for the “guilt” of spreading the zombie disease. The media stories in February 2012 uncritically combined cultural myths and pseudo-scientific explanations to talk about the events, especially when they put zombies and disease together to create a media shorthand: zombie disease. The term circulated so widely that it became taken for granted, unquestioned and incorporated into common-sense knowledge, even before biomedicine and science formulated their own theories. On 9 February, the Ottawa Citizen published an article on the mathematical model of the zombie outbreak. Previously, a group of mathematicians at the University of Ottawa (Munz et al. 2009) had produced what was conceived as a playful model of the spread of a hypothetical zombie outbreak. For the mathematicians, the fictional “communicable disease” had presented interesting parameters that are absent in nature: those who died from the disease “returned” to become new vectors of the disease. Upon its publication, this academic article had received widespread attention in news media in the Englishspeaking world, including the BBC, the CBC, the Wall Street Journal and the Ottawa Citizen. The article was part of a broader resurgence of the zombie trope in the popular cultural imagination: novels such as World War Z by Max Brooks (2006) and Pride and Prejudice and Zombies by Seth Grahame-Smith (2009); films such as 28 Days Later (2002), the remake of the 1978 classic Dawn of the Dead (2004) and its parody Shaun of the Dead (2004); and video games such as the Resident Evil series (1996 onward) and the Doom series (2003 onward). Kyle Bishop (2009) explains this resurgence by pointing out that the zombie theme resonates with post- 291 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm 9/11 cultural consciousness in the United States, namely the fear of disasters such as viral outbreaks and terrorism. Munz et al.’s (2009) article was part of this cultural play: part horror, part comedy and part intellectual musing. However, shortly after the New York Times article appeared with the first reference to zombies, the article became the explanatory guide of the outbreak. By the end of the second week, it reached the hands of every journalist, policy-maker and public health worker in Canada. Munz et al. (2009) directly drew on zombie films to come up with their formulae and parameters, which in turn were now being used to inform journalism and health practices. The immense popularity of this article beyond scientific circles shows how seeing the events of February 2012 as a zombie outbreak blurred the lines between fiction and reality. Zombies of Romeroesque horror films became the primary lens through which the events of February 2012 were imagined, told, conceptualized and problematized. The imagery became the single paradigm that dominated how all the different stories of this illness were to be told, including scientific explanations. Biomedical Uncertainties It is unclear how many who were infected actually recovered. The different avenues of transmission are also unclear. In fact, because the outbreak was so sudden and so recent, there is insufficient clinical research on this event to make any reliable findings or comprehensive countermeasures. Scientists and doctors know so little about it that even the transmission theory of the disease is just that, a theory. It is unclear where the belief originated, but biting was the most commonly perceived way that people became sick, an idea that quickly gained momentum. The predatory biting zombie was terrifying and grotesque but also already familiar through popular horror movies. In the midst of chaos and confusion, this imagery gave people something they could identify with and hold on to. But as the very first media report of the incident in the New York Times suggests, the afflicted person bit random things, which included other people but also objects and even his or her own body. Yet what was overly highlighted in media stories 292 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang were people biting other people as the “cause of the disease.” It did not help that afflicted people had chewed on their own flesh and had lesions all over their bodies, adding to the terrifying image of the flesh-eating zombie. The news media and public health officials immediately latched on to the notion that the “infectious bite” from a predatory zombie was the primary, if not the only, way that one could get sick. But there were many other hypotheses that circulated in biomedicine about the causes of the illness that were unknown to the general public. The name ANV, or acute necrotic virus, which we now take for granted as the indisputable cause of the zombie disease, was in fact the result of intense competition among scientists who vied for the prestige of naming the new illness. In Canada, the Centre for Disease Control (CDC), in conjunction with Health Canada, hosted an emergency symposium on 10 February 2012 at St. Paul’s Hospital in Vancouver, British Columbia. There was considerable political squabbling over where the symposium should take place. McMaster Hospital, a teaching hospital known for cutting-edge research, and McGill University, a university medical school with considerable prestige in Canadian medicine, also vied for the honour of hosting the monumental event. But St. Paul’s was chosen and, though the exact reasons were unclear to the press, my contacts in the biomedical community, who participated in the symposium, informed me that it was because of the prevailing belief, mostly from urban legends and recent outbreaks of H1N1, that the zombie disease originated from East and Southeast Asian livestock imports. This speculation made Vancouver a potential point of entry of the epidemic into Canada; a ground zero, so to speak. Vancouver has always been notorious for being the entry point for illicit drugs and “illegal” immigrants to Canada, making it a particularly vulnerable location that needs to be defended. I was able to get hold of the symposium proceedings through my contacts, including a video recording of the roundtable discussions in which various disciplines went head to head on who would get to define the biomedical phenomenon. At the end of a very dramatic three-day discussion, acute necrotic virus was decided on as the technical biomedical term. The long 293 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm process by which the symposium participants arrived at these terms, however, is far from straightforward or even purely “scientific.” Naming something as a disease means much more than giving a definition to a condition. It means framing a phenomenon in scientific terms, giving biomedicine the ultimate authority on what it is, learning how to identify it and determining how to stop it. Once a phenomenon is framed in biomedical terms as a disease or a condition, the battle is on over which biomedical discipline, which laboratory and which team of scientists will be credited with its discovery, the ultimate reward for scientific work. Hence, naming ANV was as much a political struggle as it was a pursuit of scientific explanation. The name ANV reflects the battle between two “camps” led by immunology and virology. At the beginning of the talks in Vancouver, immunologists held the reins. A team represented by Dr. Emily Chan from Dalhousie University proposed that environmental irritants, such as pollution and GMO foods, particularly corn and soy, cause a severe auto-immune response that attacks the central nervous system and ultimately the brain. Their argument was supported by molecular geneticists, who further elaborated that the auto-immune response was the result of genetic predisposition, which was aggravated or “triggered” by environmental factors. Hence, this group of scientists diverged from the prevalent belief that it is a communicable disease transmitted through a human bite that punctures the flesh. The immunology-genetics camp jointly proposed gene therapy in conjunction with immune treatment. The union of immunology and genetics made sense at the time because the same genetics lab team had previously “discovered” the asthma gene. For the geneticists, an auto-immune link to the activation of the gene meant a new direction for research as well as the ability to tap into a larger pool of research funding that included both genetics and immunology. An environmentally aggravated illness was an argument that would have been popular at the time, when climate change was already a growing concern, resulting in Kyoto Agreements and green movements across the globe. The immunology-genetics camp pointed out figures for recovery rates and proposed dietary monitoring and isolating environmental pollutants. Virologists at the symposium, led by Dr. William Goldman 294 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang from the University of Toronto, vocally opposed the immunology-genetics explanation. They proposed instead that an extremely virulent viral infection caused premature and sudden cell death on a full-body scale. Drawing on peripheral research on the effects of spider venom seen to cause necrosis (premature cell and tissue death), which was controversial and deemed inconclusive among toxicologists, the virologists argued that this viral toxin was similarly transmitted through a bite. There was no representation from toxicology at the symposium to refute this argument. The virologists drew on media reports of biting and images from newspapers and broadcast news as “evidence” alongside grainy, microscopic images of indistinct viral particles. Despite questionable findings, the notion of the infectious bite was immensely popular and, by the end of the second day of the symposium, the name acute necrotic virus was born. It was as though a “zombie paradigm” had taken hold, pushing out all complexities and any hypotheses or findings that contradicted the theory of a viral disease. Although the transcripts of Dr. Goldman’s arguments contained repeated references to the “necrotic virus” and even the “zombie virus,” no virus had yet been isolated. Treichler (1999) draws on the works of science-studies scholars Bruno Latour and Steven Woolgar to remind us that, even when research or “evidence” is lacking, simply using a name, such as the virus or the zombie virus, can eliminate all uncertainties and make it into a “fact.” The virologists drew on this semi-fictitious zombie virus to claim that a virological model of the epidemic was much more sound than an environmentally triggered genetic auto-immune disease. They pointed out that the immunology-genetics argument contained too much uncertainty with no concrete measures or findings and was based upon inconclusive data on the effects of GMOs on the immune system. However, a viral model of the illness was equally based upon inconclusive data. This camp argued further that gene therapy would take too long to research, without the guarantee of a cure, when time and scientific speculation were luxuries. They accused immunology of not doing “hard objective science” and instead indulging in science fiction. Yet the virologists themselves drew on a media-invented notion of the zombie virus to make their claims. Canadian feminist science studies scholar 295 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm Sheryl Hamilton (2003) explains that scientists often use the term “science fiction” in a derogatory way to discredit the work of their competitors. Once the virological model of the disease was more or less agreed upon, Dr. Goldman and his team of virologists quickly called for the development of a vaccine against the (yet unknown) virus to prevent further infection, a proposal met with significant enthusiasm in the symposium. Nowhere in the transcripts was there any mention of developing a treatment or cure for the toxic infection. The original focus on treatment by the immunology-genetics team was replaced by an overwhelming emphasis on prevention. Instead of treating those who were already afflicted back to health, the emphasis was placed on preventing those who were still healthy from becoming zombies. Through the vaccine, biomedicine could provide the means to create a safe distance between those who were already sick (the other) and those who were not (the norm), a prospect that was attractive to policy-makers and public health representatives at the symposium, who showed the most positive response to the vaccine. Left undiscussed at the symposium were the rare documented cases of people who had recovered after “turning.” Instead of exploring the possibilities of recovery and treatment through these cases, they were dropped, and all remaining efforts went into discussing vaccine development. It was as though in the zombie paradigm, which seemed to prevail even in biomedicine, you can’t conceive of treatment and recovery, only prevention. Zombies in popular films do not recover from their death-like state. They are the living dead, with an emphasis on “dead.” The only way out is not to get bitten in the first place or to protect yourself from the zombie “venom” with a vaccine. By week four in February 2012, over ten million people had died, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), an estimate that continues to rise every day as more and more bodies are recovered in remote places, such as northern Canada. What is not evident in these figures is that a significant number of these deaths have less to do with ANV than with factors related to mass panic: starvation, psychological trauma and physical assault. 296 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang Confused Terminology and Moral Panic We’re just doing our job. We’re just protecting the innocent victims. We’ll do whatever it takes to contain this thing and bring it under control. This is a national emergency. Heck, it’s a world emergency. It’s irresponsible for these activists to talk about human rights. These people have no idea what we’re dealing with everyday on the ground. These zombies are not people. At least not anymore. —Richard Johnson, Chief of Emergency Medicine, Glendale Hospital, Calgary, Alberta In the days that followed the infamous New York Times article, “zombie stories” flooded the headlines of newspapers and evening television news. People were stricken with mortal fear as they watched on television everyday Joes and Janes turn into walking comatose bodies for unknown reasons. The number of these bodies seemed to grow exponentially, but more recent reports by the WHO revealed that the actual “transmission” rate was lower than journalists made it appear. The number of newspaper articles and news segments on zombie stories grew much faster than did the actual number of people who “turned.” Media zombies went more viral than the virus itself. In a climate of acute uncertainty and heightened fear, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH) churned out press releases by the dozens on the latest identifiable symptoms of what was fast becoming called the zombie disease or the zombie virus by the media, scientists and the everyday person on the street. The long list of symptoms was a confused collection of at-times contradictory behavioural and physiological characteristics. Here is a list that I saw on the CDC website on 14 February 2012, which I captured as a JPEG image on my computer: Possible manifest symptoms of infection: • a high fever followed by sudden extreme cooling of body temp­ erature; • an uncontrollable desire to eat (including things that are inedible); • an uncontrollable desire to bite (including self and other people); 297 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm • foaming at the mouth or inability to control saliva (drooling); • insomnia; • loss of speech; • ulcers and open sores on face, back, arms, legs and torso; • an unusually slow and sloppy gait (dragging of the feet); • ignorance of hygiene and other social mores; • moaning, murmuring and other unusual speech patterns; • sudden loss of body weight; • unusually high amount of sleep; • unusual bursts of uncontrollable anger; • abnormally high feeling of mental and psychological stress; • cataracts or eye infections; • propensity to bruises and bone fractures; • severe mood swings; and • anesthesia to pain (e.g., bone fractures). The list changed daily, even hourly, by the third week after the New York Times story was published. People checked the websites of the CDC, the NIH and local health ministries like they checked websites for weather, flooding the bandwidth and crashing the mainframes on a daily basis. Regardless of the fact that the reality of the zombie virus or its “symptoms” was debatable, public panic was palpable. The list above combines symptoms that you might experience when “infected” with symptoms that you can identify in someone else. Hence, the purpose of the list was confusing and ambiguous. Was it intended for people to use to diagnose themselves and seek a health professional accordingly? Or was it intended for people to diagnose others in order to avoid them? From a public health perspective, both are equally viable routes of health promotion and preventative education. If people monitor their own symptoms and those in people around them, then it is easier to prevent the spread of infection and avoid a pandemic. The CDC’s “List of Zombie Symptoms,” as it was commonly called, was meant as a guide for citizens to take precaution and seek a health professional if necessary. However, everyday people used the list to focus primarily on the visible symptoms of others, especially strangers whom they encountered in public spaces such as buses, streets, malls, 298 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang schools and other places where large numbers of people gather. Fear of contracting the zombie virus combined with a list of ambiguous, untested and inconclusive symptoms resulted in mass panic and paranoia. Patton (1990) has argued that media consumers interpreted HIV/AIDS coverage in complex ways that were not always straightforward or intended by media producers or health educators. Media information about symptoms, transmission or HIV antibody tests did not directly lead to changes in public perception or behaviour. However, media and scientific “information” on HIV/AIDS was far from objective to begin with. It reflected and amplified existing social perceptions of “abnormal” sexuality and “illicit” drug use but couched them in the language of objectivity and neutrality. The words symptoms of infection for ANV were the CDC’s attempt to frame the behavioural and physiological traits as objective medical measures of disease. Yet the symptoms themselves were already saturated with social and cultural values of what is deemed a “normal” biological and social human. The words abnormal and uncontrollable painted the picture of a person who is unstable, out of control, socially inept, et cetera. References to lack of hygiene, talking to oneself and dragging one’s feet while walking fell neatly into existing social and cultural images of the homeless and the mentally ill, whose poverty and mental states already marked them as other. The CDC’s list of symptoms drew on ambiguous yet highly moralized notions of what is socially normal, acceptable and desirable as a way to define what is normal in terms of the disease. This semantic confusion between signs of social mores and of health, coupled with an existing array of negative images about the homeless and the mentally ill as unclean, irrational and animallike, resulted in a mass moral panic that anyone who “looked” homeless and/or mentally ill was automatically a zombie who would, with scientific certainty, bite you and kill you. Dangerous Slippages and Angry Mobs The imagery of the ANV patient, or zombie, did not emerge in a cultural vacuum. Since the summer of 2009, the Conservative federal government in Canada has pushed for the elimination 299 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm of safe-injection sites for intravenous drug users. These sites constitute public health measures to prevent the transmission of HIV and other bloodborne infections by sharing dirty needles. As part of the harm-reduction model of HIV prevention in intravenous drug use, these sites provide clean needles and space for safe injection (away from the streets) under the supervision of a health professional. The model does not impose on clients to go “cold turkey” and instead tries to minimize the risks of HIV transmission in drug use. These injection sites are located in major Canadian cities, such as Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver, and have been subject to controversy, particularly from moral and religious conservatives. In October 2009, the Conservative federal government took the matter to various provincial supreme courts and tried to gain voters’ support for the elimination of these sites, drawing on stereotypical images of “homeless drug addicts” to make public statements such as “We must not let tax dollars be used for these junkies to shoot up in the streets.” The debates around the safe-injection sites were already old material on national broadcast news and newspapers when the events of February 2012 hit. By the time the CDC’s list of symptoms became common knowledge, Canadians were already familiar with the stereotypical image of the homeless drug addict. In the case of ANV, drug addiction, homelessness and mental illness came clashing together with the zombie virus. In the height of “media AIDS,” Gilman (1987) demonstrated how the cultural imagery of syphilis in the early nineteenth century shifted onto the imagery of HIV/AIDS in the 1980s. Although HIV is not strictly a sexually transmitted infection (STI), because of the strong cultural and moral association between the viral infection and sex, particularly “abnormal” gay sex, HIV/AIDS was culturally framed as a venereal disease. Prior to HIV/AIDS, syphilis had been the most lethal STI and was associated with deviant and amoral sexual behaviour, particularly in women (including sex workers) who transmitted the infection to unsuspecting men, thereby corrupting them both morally and physically. This moral implication of syphilis as a venereal disease was so strong that, even when it became treatable with the discovery of antibiotics, the imagery of amoral sexual 300 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang behaviour that leads to disease did not fully disappear. Gilman argued that, when HIV/AIDS appeared, it replaced syphilis as the next lethal venereal disease, and the imagery of syphilis “slipped” onto HIV/AIDS and found new variations: gay sexuality, prostitution, intravenous drug use and “African heterosexuality,” which became perceived as abnormal due to stereotypical images of primitiveness. In the case of ANV and debates over safe-injection sites in Canada, we saw the imagery of the morally suspect and unclean homeless person who is mentally ill and who uses intravenous drugs “slip” onto the imagery of the ANV patient or zombie. On 21 February, the Toronto Star reported how an “infected zombie” had a “fit of uncontrollable rage” in the underground subway and attacked people “while foaming at the mouth.” The “situation was brought under control” by “brave bystanders” who were later quarantined and then praised for their heroism. What the article didn’t tell was how these bystanders beat a homeless man to death because he was inebriated and could not stand properly, a story that was later reported on a small local alternative news website. In another case of mob violence, the Georgia Straight reported that a schizophrenic woman was beaten to death at a suburban park by a group of parents when she approached the playground full of young children while talking to herself. These terrifying stories of regular people turning into angry mobs didn’t appear in major newspapers or on broadcast news and tended to appear in independent, local and alternative press, if they appeared at all. I found many more stories on personal blogs and Facebook posts of photos and videos of group beatings, but they were pushed to the periphery by frightened people and sensationalist media. We have yet to see the full ramification of the image of the morally suspect intravenous drug user who visits the safe-injection sites transformed into the uncontrollable, violent and infectious ANV zombie. We cannot forget how, in the United States in the 1980s and 1990s, the religious right found ammunition in HIV/AIDS to condemn and control “abnormal” sexualities and the “uncontrollable” addictions of the urban poor. The conservative agenda of the Reagan administration further fuelled the moral panic, denying care to 301 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm those dying of AIDS, education to prevent the spread of infection and research to develop treatments. In the aftermath of the ANV outbreak in Canada in February 2012, I can only imagine how the moral conservatives in this country will take up and use the zombie disease to condemn some of the most vulnerable and disenfranchised people in our society. Instead of identifying economic inequalities and colonial violence, and turning to improve social security, housing and health care as solutions to homelessness, mental illness and addiction, we as a society might become a giant angry mob, ready to corner, imprison and kill. In fact, we already began to do this during the height of the ANV outbreak in the form of military-controlled quarantine camps. Quarantine and “State of Emergency” What about the people who are not infected? Who are scared and in hiding? What about our rights? The survival of mankind [sic] is at stake here. —Jennifer Madison, Human Liberation Front (HLF) Very few of us who survived the events of February 2012 knew about the quarantine camps all across Canada and the United States. In Canada, these camps first began as detainment zones in hospital wings, expanding to entire hospitals and then to makeshift housing in remote rural areas. What began as a series of emergency public health measures quickly dissolved into militarized quarantine zones, complete with barbed wire, surveillance cameras and guards armed with automatic weapons. At first, people went into hospital isolation voluntarily because they were either afraid that they were infected or afraid of infecting their loved ones at home. When rumours spread of the deplorable conditions and inexplicable deaths at these camps, the rates of voluntary quarantine diminished while the rates of infection escalated. The US federal government issued a state of emergency, enlisting municipal police and military soldiers to round up infected zombies (also called “zombie hostiles,” mostly the homeless and the urban poor) by force if necessary, even 302 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang before they demonstrated full-blown symptoms. Under pressure from the US government, the Canadian federal government quickly followed suit. Both American and Canadian militaries instituted a complex series of hurdles for security clearance at the camps, making it impossible for journalists and health-care professionals to enter the camps to document what was happening inside them and to provide desperately needed medical care. The situation was war-like and these camps resembled military prisons. Indeed, both governments called it a “war against zombies.” In 1989, Sontag cautioned that, when we use military metaphors, such as “the war against AIDS,” to describe a society’s reaction to an illness, we invoke the belief that, during a war, social ethics and principles can be sidelined to deal with an “emergency” situation. Not only is excessive (military) spending seen as a trade-off in war, but also civil liberties and the protection of the rights of citizens go out the window. According to the symbolisms of war, the military and the nation, those who become infected also become “guilty” enemies of the state, while those who are not yet infected become the “innocent” people whom the state must protect at all costs, which include the cost of the lives of the infected. Hence, the dichotomy between the “guilty diseased” and the “innocent healthy” feeds into and amplifies the binary between norm and other, turning people into us and them, and justifying the claim that we must protect ourselves from them at whatever cost. Tens of thousands died in these camps in the name of the “war against zombies” all across North America and little is known about what exactly caused these deaths. Due to this uncertainty, these numbers are not tallied into the calculation of the total death toll due to the ANV outbreak. When journalists and health-care workers entered these camps after the outbreak had subsided in early March, they discovered bodies that showed signs of extreme trauma, which included bites but predominantly starvation, malnutrition, stabbing, rape, beating and other acts of extreme violence. Some of them were the bodies of children and infants. Several journalists who took “pilgrimages” to these quarantine camps recently embarked on a series of exposés in major 303 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm newspapers across North America, calling on the Canadian and American militaries to provide formal explanations. Their defence is slowly making its way into news media and includes references to “state of military emergency,” “zombie hostiles” and “zombie terrorists” that draw on the rhetoric of “the War on Terror” to assume that the sick were the guilty enemies who threatened the state and its citizens and whose disease/guilt justified the violent actions of the military. By turning the victims of ANV as well as state violence into hostiles and terrorists, both national militaries attempt to legitimize their attacks on citizens. The militaries also claim that the “zombie infectants” were not human by medical definition and were therefore not subject to human rights or constitutional rights. One of the most vocal supporters of the military is the militant vigilante group called Human Liberation Front (HLF), which took it on itself to hunt and kill zombies as part of its constitutional right to bear arms and protect itself. The current string of lawsuits against the American and Canadian militaries faces the difficulty of having to defend that those who died at the camps or otherwise in the hands of the military were, in fact, human. It is as though we are starting with the fiction-based definition that “zombies are not human” unless found otherwise; those who died in the camps were already guilty of threat unless the prosecutor can prove that they were, in fact, still human and therefore innocent. We find ourselves back to square one: those who died were others because they were already zombies, which meant they were no longer human, as opposed to those of us who survived because we were still human. This moralizing rhetoric of guilt and innocence based on disease is now mapped onto definitions of human versus non-human in a court of law as families of those who died in the camps try to find acknowledgement of injustices and as the militaries argue that the violence was justified as defensive actions to protect citizens. Gay activist Richard Goldstein (1989) reminds us that the social contract is an agreement between citizens and their government that individuals will relinquish some of their rights as individuals for the welfare of the community as a whole. As 304 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang social beings, we tend to see ourselves not just as isolated individuals but also as part of a community, a family and/or a nation, and we sacrifice our own needs for the greater good of the whole. Goldstein argues that not all citizens enjoy equal protection or equal expectation to sacrifice themselves. Those who are perceived as other, outside respectable, “normal” society, are expected to forgo this protection and sacrifice their individual rights. Twenty years ago, intravenous drug users, sex workers and gay men were expected to control their “deviant” behaviour or expect to be controlled by the state for the greater good of “normal” society. In February 2012, if you were homeless, poor, mentally ill or an addict, then you expected to be suspected of ANV infection and expected to be quarantined for the greater good of “normal” society. In this logic, any casualties or losses of individual rights were a “fair trade-off” for the good of the whole. For us now, this seems to mean that we can be fine with knowing that tens of thousands died horrific deaths while living in subhuman conditions under forced military quarantine. Or can we? Living after Death I don’t recognize anything or anyone anymore. Nothing is the same. Nothing will ever be the same. It makes me sick to my stomach. Sicker than when I first saw someone get bitten. —Sophie O., social worker at St. Paul’s Hospital I have always wondered when watching films about the end of the world, be it due to human-instigated disaster (e.g., nuclear war, biomedical research gone wrong) or natural disaster (e.g., comet impact, climate change, disease outbreak), when you begin the story with the end of the world, how do you end the story? What happens to the people who survive? I ask the same ques­tion for us now in the aftermath of February 2012. Which nightmares will plague our dreams? How will we manage to maintain healthy and trusting relationships? How will we deal with conflict, one that is more complex than good versus 305 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm bad, innocent versus diseased, that requires something different from imprisoning people or hacking them down with an axe? How will we make sense of the bizarre play of chance that made us into survivors while countless others died horrific deaths? What does life mean in the aftermath of so much death and living death that never seemed to end? When does life mean more than surviving? Will it ever mean something different? We might all have opposing reactions to the events of February 2012. Some of us are angrily seeking answers from our governments. Some of us just want to forget because it is too painful to remember. Some of us want to heal, rebuild and move on. And some of us are mourning the loss of loved ones. Whatever our individual reaction, all of us are stricken with the inability to disassociate ourselves fully from those who died. I could have been bitten instead of my friend who was standing beside me. I could have been beaten to death by a mob when I staggered home drunk after a party. I could have been taken to the camps. I could have stopped people from being beaten or being dragged away. In all of our diverse reactions in the aftermath of February 2012, the events of the month remind us that how we decide collectively and individually to tell the story of what happened will be extremely important. When we as journalists, doctors, scientists, public health workers, politicians and everyday people decided to call this inexplicable phenomenon the zombie disease, there was mass panic. Representing the events as the zombie disease through news media, public health and biomedical research gave this name truth status, making it impossible to entertain other possible explanations. Every word or image has a cultural history and baggage beyond its immediate meaning. When we merged zombie with disease and outbreak, the popular cultural image of the predatory, flesh-eating monster was automatically perceived to be the “cause” of the spread of this condition of living death. And when we called certain social and physiological traits associated with being poor, homeless and/or mentally ill a list of zombie symptoms, and then waged a war against zombies as a way to deal with the events, we further marginalized, oppressed and violently 306 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang killed some of the most vulnerable people in our society. All of these words and images combined to create a climate of mass panic and extreme moralizing about who deserves to die because they are zombies and other, and who deserves to live because they are “normal.” We must be cautious about how we represent the events of February 2012 in newspapers, medical journals, history books, novels and other records hereon. The images, words and stories that we use to remember the events will deeply inform how grievance cases against militaries will unfold, what the citizenry will demand from its government, whom we define as victims and therefore deserving of retribution and peace, and what we identify as worthy of healing and rebuilding for the future. We must not rely on a humanist utopian notion of the “human story” to pull us out of this trauma into a place that is more comfortable, safe and palatable than the nightmare we just lived. The very idea of “human” was turned on its head and put into question, with lethal consequences. Everyday people succumbed to a strange and inexplicable condition of living death. Other everyday people became an angry and frightened mob that turned on individuals without hesitation or due process. We might want to tell the story of how the things that make us human were lost and of the death of innocence, but none of us was truly innocent when we came up against this thing. We all conformed in one way or another to the description of the zombie outbreak that resulted in mass panic and extreme moralizing. What we must do, collectively and individually, is never for­ get the things that we’d like to forget. We must never forget how sensationalist news media fuelled the panic about the unknown phenomenon and how so many of us believed it. We must never forget how a health emergency was used to further marginalize and oppress the disenfranchised and how many of us did nothing about it. We must never forget that the military forcibly quarantined people en masse, without a transparent process, resulting in the deaths of tens of thousands. We must never remember any of this as an acceptable reaction by a state or society. We must continually ask ourselves difficult 307 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. The Zombie Paradigm questions. What are our beliefs and values as a society? What are we willing to risk and sacrifice, how far are we willing to stretch the social contract, and what does this willingness say about us? Ultimately, what kinds of individuals, what kinds of communities and what kinds of societies do we want to become? And we must remember that, when we answer these questions in our stories, representations and memories, we do so with honesty, self-reflection and great difficulty. References Bishop, Kyle. 2009. “Dead Man Still Walking: Explaining the Zombie Renaissance.” Journal of Popular Film and Television 37, 1: 16–25. Boyle, Danny, dir. 2002. 28 Days Later. DNA Films. Brooks, Max. 2006. World War Z: An Oral History of the Zombie War. New York: Three Rivers Press. Gilman, Sander. 1985. Difference and Pathology: Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race, and Madness. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ———. 1988a. “AIDS and Syphilis: The Iconography of Disease.” In AIDS: Cultural Analysis/Cultural Activism, edited by Douglas Crimp. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. ———. 1988b. Disease and Representation: Images of Illness from Madness to AIDS. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Goldstein, Richard. 1989. “AIDS and the Social Contract.” In Taking Liberties: AIDS and Cultural Politics, edited by Erica Carter and Simon Watney. London: Serpent’s Tail. Grahame-Smith, Seth. 2009. Pride and Prejudice and Zombies. Philadelphia: Quirk Books. Hamilton, Sheryl. 2003. “Traces of the Future: Biotechnology, Science Fiction, and the Media.” Science Fiction Studies 30, 2: 267–82. Munz, P., I. Hudea, J. Imad and R.J. Smith? 2009. “When Zombies Attack! Mathematical Modelling of an Outbreak of Zombie Infection.” In Infectious Disease Modeling Research Progress, edited by J.M. Tchuenche and C. Chiyaka. Hauppage, NY: Nova Science Publishers. Patton, Cindy. 1990. Inventing AIDS. New York: Routledge. Snyder, Zack. 2004. Dawn of the Dead. Strike Entertainment. Sontag, Susan. 1990. Illness as Metaphor; and, AIDS and Its Metaphors. New York: Doubleday. Treichler, Paula. 1988. “AIDS, Homophobia, and Biomedical Discourse: 308 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. helen kang An Epidemic of Signification.” In AIDS: Cultural Analysis/Cultural Activism, edited by Douglas Crimp. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. ———. 1999. How to Have Theory in an Epidemic. Durham: Duke University Press. Wright, Edgar, dir. 2004. Shaun of the Dead. Studio Canal. 309 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820 Copyright © 2011. University of Ottawa Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 5/24/2019 5:24 PM via UNIV OF MISSOURI-ST LOUIS AN: 1790470 ; Smith?, Robert.; Braaaiiinnnsss! : From Academics to Zombies Account: 096-820
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