In My Country Viewing Guide Snell Library Link https://search-alexanderstreetcom.ezproxy.neu.edu/view/work/bibliographic_entity%7Cvideo_work%7C3360535 Use your Northeastern credentials to sign in and access the film. Background In My Country (2004), is a fictional film based on true events. It is about two journalists covering the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) hearings in South Africa in the 1990s. The TRC’s role was to investigate the human rights abuses that occurred under apartheid. The two main characters are Langston Whitfield and Anna Malan. Langston is an American journalist with The Washington Post sent to cover the TRC hearings. Anna is a South African poet/journalist covering the hearings for a local radio station. Apartheid Apartheid was a system of racial segregation officially enforced in South Africa from 1948 until a series of negotiations in the early 1990s officially dismantled it. Forms of racial segregation existed prior to 1948, but when the National Party that gained political power they quickly began embracing and enforcing segregation policies, and instituting new policies. Under the National Party, nonwhite South Africans (the majority of the population) were forced to live in separate areas from whites and use separate public restrooms, schools, etc. Contact between white and Black South Africans was minimized, laws were passed to ban marriages between whites and other races, and a system of racial classification developed. White South Africans benefitted financially from this system. Apartheid laws combined with the country’s history of colonialism meant that whites owned the majority of land, and thus also controlled much of the country’s wealth. Truth and Reconciliation Commission The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was set up in 1994 “investigate gross human rights violations that were perpetrated during” apartheid from 1960 to 1994, “including abductions, killings, torture” (USIP, 1995). It helped the country face the horrors of apartheid and the human rights abuses that occurred, and helped the nation to heal and rebuild. The TRC offered the chance for victims to face their perpetrators and for the perpetrators “to confront the human cost of what they did” (“Of memory,” 1997). By admitting their guilt and proving their actions were politically motivated, perpetrators had the chance to receive amnesty. Nelson Mandela made forgiveness “the centrepiece of his government, institutionalised in the truth commission” (“Of memory,” 1997). Forgiveness in this cultural, social, and political context was based on the local forgiveness custom known as, Ubuntu. 1 Ubuntu Ubuntu is an “expression of community…based on reciprocity, respect for human dignity, community cohesion and solidarity” (Wilson, 2001, p. 9). Seeking revenge for offenses is rejected under this notion of justice. The concept was closely tied in with the TRC and, Nelson Mandela was the first Black president of South Africa and served from 1994-1999. He led the country through the emancipation from apartheid. 1 COMM2303_InMyCountry_ViewingGuide Page 1 of 3 subsequently, Ubuntu became a “key political and legal notion in the immediate post-apartheid order” (Wilson, 2001, p. 9). For our purposes, Ubuntu is reflective of a more collectivist society. What to Watch For Collectivism/Individualism Value Orientations As you watch the film, notice the various ways that collectivism and individualism (chapter 3) are represented in the film. For example, in the scene when Anderson testifies, he begins by listing off his ancestors before identifying himself. As Anna explains to Langston, “He’s naming his ancestors. It’s his way of placing himself in the flow of time.” In other words, Anderson demonstrates a collectivist value orientation because of the priority he places on positioning himself within a larger group (his family heritage, even the “flow of time”) rather than on positioning himself as an individual first. His focus is on the group as opposed to the individual. The notion of Ubuntu, of course, arises periodically throughout the film. Notice the ways that Ubuntu, as the characters discuss it, reflects collectivist values. For example, Anderson explains it this way to Langston: “We are all part of each other…when that policeman hurts me, he hurts you. He hurts everybody in this world, but also himself.” • • What other examples of collectivism do you observe throughout the film? What are some examples of individualism that you notice in the film? Dialectics As you watch the film, also think about how some of the six dialectics introduced in chapter 2 are portrayed. Remember that the six dialectics we discuss are: (1) cultural-individual, (2) personal-contextual, (3) differences-similarities, (4) static-dynamic, (5) past-present-future, and (6) privilege-disadvantage. For example, we can observe tensions surrounding the privilege-disadvantage dialectic in Anna’s character. We see her struggle to come to terms with her own privilege as she faces the atrocities of apartheid and her own role in it. Anna is Afrikaner by birth. Afrikaner is a South African ethnic group, descendants primarily from Dutch and other European settlers. They have historically been the dominant group (in terms of wealth, politics and other kinds of power) in South Africa. As I understand it, Afrikaners are white, but not all white South Africans are Afrikaner. Anna, being Afrikaner and thus a member of South Africa’s dominant group, doesn’t agree with the political and social culture that she was born into and that afforded her this privileged position in her culture. She rejects apartheid and other systems of oppression. However, she also comes to recognize that she is swept up in these forces, and eventually faces the ways that she was complicit in this system, even if just by looking away. Thinking in terms of the selfawareness imperative, by reflecting on her own privilege and realizing that even her ability to look away from apartheid’s human rights abuses reflects this privilege, Anna begins to come to terms with her nation’s and family’s past, and communicate more effectively with Langston. • What other examples of privilege-disadvantage do you see operating in this film? COMM2303_InMyCountry_ViewingGuide Page 2 of 3 • What other dialectics do you observe in the film’s characters and relationships? Specifically, think about Langston – which dialectics do you observe in his character and how do they play out in his communication and relationships throughout the film? References Of memory and forgiveness. (1997, October 30). The Economist (online). http://www.economist.com/node/104292 United States Institute of Peace. (1995, December 1). Truth commission: South Africa. USIP.org. https://www.usip.org/publications/1995/12/truth-commission-south-africa Wilson, R. A. (2001). The politics of truth and reconciliation in South Africa: Legitimizing the post-apartheid state. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. COMM2303_InMyCountry_ViewingGuide Page 3 of 3 INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN CONTEXTS This page intentionally left blank INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN CONTEXTS SIXTH EDITION Judith N. Martin Arizona State University Thomas K. Nakayama Northeastern University INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN CONTEXTS, SIXTH EDITION Published by McGraw-Hill, a business unit of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., 1221 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY 10020. Copyright © 2013 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions © 2010, 2006 and 2003. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning. Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the United States. This book is printed on acid-free paper. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 DOC/DOC 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 ISBN 978-0-07-803677-4 MHID 0-07-803677-1 Vice President & Editor-in-Chief: Michael Ryan Vice President of Specialized Publishing: Janice M. Roerig-Blong Publisher: David Patterson Senior Sponsoring Editor: Debra B. Hash Marketing Coordinator: Angela R. FitzPatrick Senior Project Manager: Joyce Watters Design Coordinator: Brenda A. Rolwes Cover Designer: Studio Montage, St. Louis, Missouri Cover Image: © Getty Images RF Buyer: Sandy Ludovissy Media Project Manager: Sridevi Palani Compositor: Laserwords Private Limited Typeface: 10/12 JansonLTStd Printer: R. R. Donnelley All credits appearing on page or at the end of the book are considered to be an extension of the copyright page. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Martin, Judith N. Intercultural communication in contexts / Judith N. Martin, Thomas K. Nakayama.—6th ed. p. cm. ISBN 978-0-07-803677-4 (alk. paper) 1. Intercultural communication. I. Nakayama, Thomas K. II. Title. HM1211.M373 2012 303.48’2—dc23 2011050486 www.mhhe.com VVVVVV About the Authors The two authors of this book come to intercultural communication from very different backgrounds and very different research traditions. Yet we believe that these differences offer a unique approach to thinking about intercultural communication. We briefly introduce ourselves here, but we hope that by the end of the book you will have a much more complete understanding of who we are. Judith Martin grew up in Mennonite communities, primarily in Delaware and Pennsylvania. She has studied at the Université de Grenoble in France and has taught in Algeria. She received her doctorate at the Pennsylvania State University. By background and training, she is a social scientist who has focused on intercultural communication on an interpersonal level and has studied how people’s communication is affected as they move or sojourn between international locations. More recently, she has studied how people’s cultural backgrounds influence their online communication. She has taught at the State University of New York at Oswego, the University of Minnesota, the University of New Mexico, and Arizona State University. She enjoys gardening, hiking, and traveling, and she does not miss the harsh Midwestern winters. Tom Nakayama grew up mainly in Georgia, at a time when the Asian American presence was much less than it is now. He has studied at the Université de Paris and various universities in the United States. He received his doctorate from the University of Iowa. By background and training, he is a critical rhetorician who views intercultural communication in a social context. He has taught at the California State University at San Bernardino and Arizona State University. He has done a Fulbright at the Université de Mons in Belgium. He is now professor of communication studies at Northeastern University in Boston. He lives in Providence, Rhode Island and loves taking the train to campus. He loves the change of seasons in New England, especially autumn. The authors’ very different life stories and research programs came together at Arizona State University. We have each learned much about intercultural communication through our own experiences, as well as through our intellectual v vi About the Authors pursuits. Judith has a well-established record of social science approaches to intercultural communication. Tom, in contrast, has taken a nontraditional approach to understanding intercultural communication by emphasizing critical perspectives. We believe that these differences in our lives and in our research offer complementary ways of understanding intercultural communication. For almost 20 years, we have engaged in many different dialogues about intercultural communication—focusing on our experiences, thoughts, ideas, and analyses—which led us to think about writing this textbook. But our interest was not primarily sparked by these dialogues; rather, it was our overall interest in improving intercultural relations that motivated us. We believe that communication is an important arena for improving those relations. By helping people become more aware as intercultural communicators, we hope to make this a better world for all of us. VVVVVV Brief Contents PART I FOUNDATIONS OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION 1 Chapter 1 Why Study Intercultural Communication? 3 Chapter 2 The History of the Study of Intercultural Communication 45 Chapter 3 Culture, Communication, Context, and Power 87 Chapter 4 History and Intercultural Communication 126 PART II INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION PROCESSES 167 Chapter 5 Identity and Intercultural Communication 169 Chapter 6 Language and Intercultural Communication 223 Chapter 7 Nonverbal Codes and Cultural Space 272 PART III INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION APPLICATIONS 313 Chapter 8 Understanding Intercultural Transitions 315 Chapter 9 Popular Culture and Intercultural Communication 357 Chapter 10 Culture, Communication, and Intercultural Relationships 389 Chapter 11 Culture, Communication, and Conflict 434 Chapter 12 Striving for Engaged and Effective Intercultural Communication 470 vii This page intentionally left blank VVVVVV Contents Preface xix To the Student PART I Chapter 1 xxvii FOUNDATIONS OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION 1 Why Study Intercultural Communication? The Self-Awareness Imperative 3 4 The Demographic Imperative 6 Changing U.S. Demographics 6 Changing Immigration Patterns 8 The Economic Imperative 18 The Technological Imperative 22 Technology and Human Communication 23 Access to Communication Technology 28 The Peace Imperative 29 The Ethical Imperative 32 Relativity Versus Universality 33 Being Ethical Students of Culture 36 Internet Resources Summary 40 40 Discussion Questions Activities 41 41 Key Words 42 References 42 ix x Contents Chapter 2 The History of the Study of Intercultural Communication 45 The Early Development of the Discipline Nonverbal Communication 47 Application of Theory 47 An Emphasis on International Settings 47 An Interdisciplinary Focus 48 46 Perception and Worldview of the Researcher 50 Three Approaches to Studying Intercultural Communication 51 The Social Science Approach 54 The Interpretive Approach 60 The Critical Approach 67 A Dialectical Approach to Understanding Culture and Communication 74 Combining the Three Traditional Paradigms: The Dialectical Approach 74 Six Dialectics of Intercultural Communication 77 Keeping a Dialectical Perspective 79 Internet Resources Summary 80 80 Discussion Questions Activities Chapter 3 81 81 Key Words 82 References 82 Culture, Communication, Context, and Power 87 What Is Culture? 88 Social Science Definitions: Culture as Learned, GroupRelated Perceptions 91 Interpretive Definitions: Culture as Contextual Symbolic Patterns of Meaning, Involving Emotions 91 Critical Definitions: Culture as Heterogeneous, Dynamic, and a Contested Zone 94 What Is Communication? 96 Contents xi The Relationship Between Culture and Communication 97 How Culture Influences Communication 99 How Communication Reinforces Culture 111 Communication as Resistance to the Dominant Cultural System 115 The Relationship Between Communication and Context 115 The Relationship Between Communication and Power 116 Internet Resources Summary 122 122 Discussion Questions Activities Chapter 4 123 123 Key Words 124 References 124 History and Intercultural Communication From History to Histories 128 Political, Intellectual, and Social Histories 129 Family Histories 130 National Histories 131 Cultural-Group Histories 133 History, Power, and Intercultural Communication 134 The Power of Texts 134 The Power of Other Histories 137 Power in Intercultural Interactions 139 History and Identity 139 Histories as Stories 140 Nonmainstream Histories 141 Intercultural Communication and History 153 Antecedents of Contact 153 The Contact Hypothesis 155 Negotiating Histories Dialectically in Interaction 158 126 xii Contents Internet Resources Summary 160 161 Discussion Questions Activities 162 162 Key Words 163 References 163 PART II INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION PROCESSES 167 Chapter 5 Identity and Intercultural Communication Thinking Dialectically About Identity The Social Science Perspective 171 The Interpretive Perspective 174 The Critical Perspective 175 170 Identity Development Issues 179 Minority Identity Development 179 Majority Identity Development 183 Social and Cultural Identities 186 Gender Identity 186 Sexual Identity 188 Age Identity 189 Racial and Ethnic Identities 191 Characteristics of Whiteness 194 Religious Identity 197 Class Identity 199 National Identity 202 Regional Identity 204 Personal Identity 205 Multicultural People 205 Identity, Stereotypes, and Prejudice Identity and Communication Internet Resources 216 214 210 169 Contents xiii Summary 217 Discussion Questions Activities Chapter 6 217 218 Key Words 218 References 219 Language and Intercultural Communication 223 Social Science Perspective on Language 225 Language and Perception 226 Recent Research Findings 229 Language and Thought: Metaphor 231 Cultural Variations in Communication Style 232 Slang and Humor in Language Use 236 Interpretive Perspective on Language 239 Variations in Contextual Rules Critical Perspective on Language Co-Cultural Communication 241 Discourse and Social Structure 245 The “Power” Effects of Labels 245 Moving Between Languages Multilingualism 248 Translation and Interpretation 240 248 251 Language and Identity 254 Language and Cultural Group Identity 254 Code Switching 257 Language Politics and Policies Language and Globalization Internet Resources Summary 267 267 Discussion Questions Activities 269 Key Words 269 References 269 268 259 262 239 xiv Contents Chapter 7 Nonverbal Codes and Cultural Space 272 Thinking Dialectically About Nonverbal Communication: Defining Nonverbal Communication 274 Comparing Verbal and Nonverbal Communication 274 What Nonverbal Behavior Communicates 276 The Universality of Nonverbal Behavior 277 Recent Research Findings 278 Nonverbal Codes 279 Stereotype, Prejudice, and Discrimination 290 Semiotics and Nonverbal Communication 294 Defining Cultural Space 296 Cultural Identity and Cultural Space Changing Cultural Space 303 Postmodern Cultural Spaces 303 Internet Resources Summary 307 307 Discussion Questions Activities PART III Chapter 8 297 308 308 Key Words 309 References 309 INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION APPLICATIONS 313 Understanding Intercultural Transitions Thinking Dialectically About Intercultural Transitions 317 Types of Migrant Groups Voluntary Migrants 320 Involuntary Migrants 321 319 Migrant–Host Relationships Assimilation 324 Separation 325 323 315 Contents xv Integration 328 Cultural Hybridity 329 Cultural Adaptation 330 Social Science Approach 330 Interpretive Approach 337 Critical Approach: Contextual Influences 346 Internet Resources Summary 352 352 Discussion Questions Activities Chapter 9 353 353 Key Words 353 References 354 Popular Culture and Intercultural Communication 357 Learning About Cultures Without Personal Experience 358 The Power of Popular Culture 359 What Is Popular Culture? 360 Consuming and Resisting Popular Culture Consuming Popular Culture 364 Resisting Popular Culture 366 364 Representing Cultural Groups 370 Migrants’ Perceptions of Mainstream Culture 372 Popular Culture and Stereotyping 373 U.S. Popular Culture and Power 377 Global Circulation of Images and Commodities 377 Cultural Imperialism 379 Internet Resources Summary 385 385 Discussion Questions Activities 386 Key Words 387 References 387 386 xvi Contents Chapter 10 Culture, Communication, and Intercultural Relationships 389 Benefits and Challenges of Intercultural Relationships 391 Benefits 391 Challenges 392 Thinking Dialectically About Intercultural Relationships 397 Personal–Contextual Dialectic 397 Differences–Similarities Dialectic 398 Cultural–Individual Dialectic 399 Privilege–Disadvantage Dialectic 399 Static–Dynamic Dialectic 400 History/Past–Present/Future Dialectic 400 Intercultural Relationships 400 Social Science Approach: Cross-Cultural Differences 401 Interpretive Approach: Communicating in Intercultural Relationships 407 Critical Approach: Contextual Influences 423 Internet Resources Summary 427 428 Discussion Questions Activities Chapter 11 429 429 Key Words 430 References 430 Culture, Communication, and Conflict Characteristics of Intercultural Conflict Ambiguity 437 Language 437 Contradictory Conflict Styles 438 The Social Science Approach to Conflict Cultural Values and Conflict 440 Family Influences 441 434 436 439 Contents xvii Intercultural Conflict Styles 443 Gender, Ethnicity, and Conflict Styles 447 Interpretive and Critical Approaches to Social Conflict 449 Social Movements 451 Historical and Political Contexts 452 Managing Intercultural Conflict 453 Productive Versus Destructive Conflict 453 Competition Versus Cooperation 455 Dealing with Conflict 455 Mediation 462 Internet Resources Summary 465 466 Discussion Questions Activities Chapter 12 466 467 Key Words 467 References 467 Striving for Engaged and Effective Intercultural Communication 470 The Components of Competence 471 Social Science Perspective: Individual Components 471 Interpretive Perspective: Competence in Contexts 480 Critical Perspective: Competence for Whom? 482 Applying Knowledge About Intercultural Communication 483 Entering into Dialogue 484 Becoming Interpersonal Allies 485 Building Coalitions 488 Social Justice and Transformation 488 Forgiveness 492 What the Future Holds Internet Resources 499 495 xviii Contents Summary 500 Discussion Questions Activities 501 Key Words 501 References 502 Credits C-1 Name Index I-1 Subject Index I-9 501 VVVVVV Preface THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN A RAPIDLY CHANGING WORLD The economic crisis facing the European Union has some experts questioning the future of the euro. The continued weakness in the U.S. economy and the rapid rise of other economies has the International Monetary Fund predicting that China will overtake the United States in 2016 to become the world’s largest economy (Weisbrot, 2011). How will the expansion of globalization be affected? If the euro fails, what happens to Europe’s economy, and what kind of impact will there be on the exchange of products and movement of people around the world? How will economic changes influence where tourists, businesspeople, students, immigrants, and refugees come from and where they go? What languages will be studied, and what is the future role of English in the world? Changes such as these are likely to influence the shape of intercultural communication. When we look back upon the international and intercultural situation at the time we first began writing this book, we recognize how rapidly the world has changed and how, as a result, these changes have raised even more pressing issues for intercultural communication scholars and practitioners. We could not have predicted that the number of millionaires in Asia would surpass that of Europe so rapidly (Murray, 2011), nor could we have predicted the demonstrations and uprisings in the Arab world (dubbed the “Arab Spring”), 9/11 and the “war on terror,” or the independence of South Sudan. The world will continue to change in ways that we cannot predict, but we must face this dynamic world open to new challenges, rather than retreating to ways of life that are rapidly disappearing. Natural disasters such as the devastating earthquakes in Haiti and Japan; droughts in East Africa, China, and Texas; and record flooding in the United States, Australia, Brazil, and elsewhere have summoned a variety of positive responses, including tremendous caring and compassion across intercultural and international divides. In addition, the Internet, social media, texting, and people cell phones have made intercultural interactions that once may have seemed distant or peripheral to our lives now far more immediate. Regional identities continue to challenge national identities, such as is the case in Belgium, which appears closer than ever to dissolution along the lines of linguistic identities. In this climate, the study of intercultural communication takes on special significance, because it offers tools to help us as we grapple with questions about xix xx Preface religious and ethnic differences, hate crimes, and many other related issues. Those who study, teach, and conduct research in intercultural communication face an increasing number of challenges and difficult questions: Is it enough to identify differences among people? Are we actually reinforcing stereotypes in emphasizing differences? Is there a way to understand the dynamics of intercultural communication without resorting to lists of instructions? Don’t we have to talk about the broader social, political, and historical contexts when we teach intercultural communication? How can we use our intercultural communication skills to help enrich our lives and the lives of those around us? Can intercultural communication scholars promote a better world for all? Such questions are driven by rapidly changing cultural dynamics—both within the United States and abroad. On the one hand, attempts to establish peace between Israel and Palestine by withdrawing Israeli settlements from Gaza, as well as the continued expansion of the European Union, CAFTA (Central American Free Trade Agreement), and the African Union (formerly the Organization of African States), reflect some global movement toward unity. On the other hand, the increase in nuclear armaments, continuing clashes between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, and the tribal and religious struggles within Iraq and Pakistan exemplify continuing intergroup conflict. These extremes demonstrate the dynamic nature of culture and communication. We initially wrote this book in part to address questions and issues such as these. Although the foundation of intercultural communication theory and research has always been interdisciplinary, the field is now informed by three identifiable and competing paradigms, or “ways of thinking.” In this book, we attempt to integrate three different research approaches: (1) the traditional social-psychological approach that emphasizes cultural differences and how these differences influence communication, (2) the interpretive approach that emphasizes understanding communication in context, and (3) the more recent critical approach that underscores the importance of power and historical context to understanding intercultural communication, including postcolonial approaches. We believe that each of these approaches has important contributions to make to the understanding of intercultural communication and that they operate in interconnected and sometimes contradictory ways. In this sixth edition, we have further strengthened our dialectical approach, which encourages students to think critically about intercultural phenomena as seen from these various perspectives. Throughout this book, we acknowledge that there are no easy solutions to the difficult challenges of intercultural communication. Sometimes our discussions raise more questions than they answer. We believe that this is perfectly reasonable. The field of intercultural communication is changing, but the relationship between culture and communication is as well—because that relationship is, and probably always will be, complex and dynamic. We live in a rapidly changing world where intercultural contact will continue to increase, creating an increased potential for both conflict and cooperation. We hope that this book provides the tools needed to think about intercultural communication, as a way of understanding the challenges and recognizing the advantages of living in a multicultural world. Preface xxi References Murray, M. (2011, June 22). More wealthy people in Asia than in Europe, new report says. ABC News. Retrieved September 12, 2011, from http://abcnews .go.com/Business/millionaires-asia-europe-closing-number-wealthy-americans/ story?id=13905440. Weisbrot, M. (2011, April 27). 2016: When China overtakes the U.S. The Guardian. Retrieved September 12, 2011, from http://www.guardian .co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/apr/27/china-imf-economy-2016. SIGNATURE FEATURES OF THE BOOK Students usually come to the field of intercultural communication with some knowledge about many different cultural groups, including their own. Their understanding often is based on observations drawn from television, movies, the Internet, books, personal experiences, news media, and other sources. But many students have a difficult time assimilating information that does not readily fit into their preexisting knowledge base. In this book, we hope to move students gradually to the notion of a dialectical framework for thinking about cultural issues. That is, we show that knowledge can be acquired in many different ways— through social scientific studies, experience, media reports, and so on—but these differing forms of knowledge need to be seen dynamically and in relation to each other. We offer students a number of ways to begin thinking critically about intercultural communication in a dialectical manner. These include: ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ An explicit discussion of differing research approaches to intercultural communication, focusing on both the strengths and limitations of each Ongoing attention to history, popular culture, and identity as important factors in understanding intercultural communication Student Voices boxes in which students relate their own experiences and share their thoughts about various intercultural communication issues Point of View boxes in which diverse viewpoints from news media, research studies, and other public forums are presented Incorporation of the authors’ own personal experiences to highlight particular aspects of intercultural communication NEW TO THE SIXTH EDITION ■ To reflect the increasing influence of globalization, we continue to emphasize its importance to intercultural communication. For example, in Chapter 1, we discuss how globalization and related economic recessions influence intercultural communication. In Chapter 8, we provide new examples of the impact of globalization on the continuing worldwide migration and the resulting intercultural encounters. xxii Preface ■ ■ ■ The continuing and expanding influence of communication technology in our daily lives is addressed by new material in Chapter 10 acknowledging the increasing role of social networking sites (SNS) in intercultural relationships. Our expanded discussion of the implications of religious identity and belief systems in Chapters 1 and 11 is prompted by continued awareness of the important role religion plays in intercultural communication. We continue to emphasize the important roles that institutions play in intercultural contact. In Chapter 10, we address the role of institutions in supporting or discouraging intercultural relationships. SUPPLEMENTAL RESOURCES The Online Learning Center at www.mhhe.com/martinnakayama6 provides interactive resources to fit the needs of a variety of teaching and learning styles. For instructors specifically, the OLC offers an online Instructor’s Resource Manual with sample syllabi, discussion questions, and general pedagogical tips for teaching the course and to help meet the special challenges arising from the controversial nature of much of the material. In addition, a computerized test bank that allows instructors to edit and add their own questions is available in both Windows and Macintosh formats. CHAPTER-BY-CHAPTER OVERVIEW Intercultural Communication in Contexts is organized into three parts: Part I, “Foundations of Intercultural Communication”; Part II, “Intercultural Communication Processes”; and Part III, “Intercultural Communication Applications.” Part I, “Foundations of Intercultural Communication,” explores the history of the field and presents various approaches to this area of study, including our own. We begin Chapter 1 with a focus on the dynamics of social life and global conditions as a rationale for the study of intercultural communication. We introduce ethics in this chapter to illustrate its centrality to any discussion of intercultural interaction. In this edition, we have emphasized the importance of social justice and engagement with communities like the homeless as an important element in intercultural effectiveness and have also updated our discussion of the impact of globalization and immigration policies on intercultural encounters. In Chapter 2, we introduce the history of intercultural communication as an area of study as well as the three paradigms that inform our knowledge about intercultural interactions. We establish the notion of a dialectical approach so that students can begin to make connections and form relationships among the paradigms. The popular Hurricane Katrina case study has been revamped to explore New Orleans six years later, examining the lasting effect of the hurricane on intercultural encounters, including the impacts on the various cultural groups who have left New Orleans versus those who stayed and the related longterm political implications. Preface xxiii In Chapter 3, we focus on four basic intercultural communication components— culture, communication, context, and power. In this edition, we’ve included updated examples of cultural struggles in political contexts (e.g., the DREAM Act) and a new example of interpretive research—Latino/Latina scholarship describing the performance of ethnic identity. Chapter 4 focuses on the importance of historical forces in shaping contemporary intercultural interaction. We have provided additional information and examples of family histories and expanded the notion of hidden histories. Part II, “Intercultural Communication Processes,” establishes the factors that contribute to the dynamics of intercultural communication: identity, language, and nonverbal codes. Chapter 5, on identity, has extended coverage of religious identity, multicultural identity, and sexual identity (in addition to gender identity). This chapter now includes a deeper exploration of sexual identity, including discussions of transgender, intolerance, and how one’s sexuality contributes to development of ethnic and cultural identity. Chapter 6 addresses language issues, with new examples of language barriers to intercultural communication—including slang, humor, and different types of communication styles—and a new discussion of the role of texting in online intercultural communication. Chapter 7 focuses on nonverbal codes and cultural spaces and includes new examples of cultural variations in nonverbal behavior; a new section on cultural variations in physical appearance and attractiveness; and a discussion on the prohibition of the burqa/hijab (covering worn by some Muslim women) in Europe and the United States, along with its implications for intercultural communication. Part III, “Intercultural Communication Applications,” helps students apply the knowledge of intercultural communication presented in the first two parts. Chapter 8 addresses intercultural transitions. In this edition, we introduce a revamped discussion on the migrant–host relationship to emphasize differences among assimilation, separation, and segregation. In Chapter 9, we focus on popular and folk culture and their impact on intercultural communication. We have included new updated examples and an enhanced discussion of how popular culture influences body image of men and women in various cultural contexts. Chapter 10 explores intercultural relationships. In this edition, we expand our discussion of sexuality and intimate relationships in multicultural environments, and new material on online relationships has been added. Chapter 11 is reorganized in this edition. We have eliminated the emphasis on two distinct orientations to conflict and instead emphasize an integrated approach to intercultural conflict, using the recent riots in London and Paris as case studies. We have also updated the discussion on conflict styles, incorporating Hammer’s 2005 framework of intercultural conflict styles. Chapter 12 includes new examples of community coalition building and continues to emphasize practical experience in striving for intercultural competence in everyday encounters. xxiv Preface ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The random convergence of the two authors in time and place led to the creation of this textbook. We both found ourselves at Arizona State University in the early 1990s. Over the course of several years, we discussed and analyzed the multiple approaches to intercultural communication. Much of this discussion was facilitated by the ASU Department of Communication’s “culture and communication” theme. Department faculty met to discuss research and pedagogical issues relevant to the study of communication and culture; we also reflected on our own notions of what constituted intercultural communication. This often meant reliving many of our intercultural experiences and sharing them with our colleagues. Above all, we must recognize the fine work of the staff at McGraw-Hill: sponsoring editor Debra Hash, media project manager Sridevi Palani, marketing Coordinator Angela R. FitzPatrick, and project manager Joyce Watters, and especially developmental editor Craig Leonard, who so effectively guided us through yet another project. In addition, we want to thank all the reviewers of this and previous editions of Intercultural Communication in Contexts, whose comments and careful readings were enormously helpful. They are: First Edition Reviewers Rosita D. Albert, University of Minnesota Carlos G. Aleman, University of Illinois, Chicago Deborah Cai, University of Maryland Gail Campbell, University of Colorado, Denver Ling Chen, University of Oklahoma Alberto Gonzalez, Bowling Green State University Bradford “J” Hall, University of New Mexico Mark Lawrence McPhail, University of Utah Richard Morris, Northern Illinois University Catherine T. Motoyama, College of San Mateo Gordon Nakagawa, California State University, Northridge Joyce M. Ngoh, Marist College Nancy L. Street, Bridgewater State College Erika Vora, St. Cloud State University Lee B. Winet, State University of New York, Oswego Gust A. Yep, San Francisco State University Second Edition Reviewers Eric Akoi, Colorado State University Jeanne Barone, Indiana/Purdue University at Fort Wayne Wendy Chung, Rider University Ellen Shide Crannell, West Valley College Preface xxv Patricia Holmes, University of Missouri Madeline Keaveney, California State University, Chico Mark Neumann, University of South Florida Margaret Pryately, St. Cloud State University Kara Shultz, Bloomsburg University Third Edition Reviewers Marguerite Arai, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs Rona Halualani, San José State University Piper McNulty, De Anza College Karla Scott, St. Louis University Candace Thomas-Maddox, Ohio University, Lancaster Susan Walsh, Southern Oregon University Jennifer Willis-Rivera, Southern Illinois State University Fourth Edition Reviewers Sara DeTurk, University of Texas, San Antonio Christopher Hajek, University of Texas, San Antonio Mary M. Meares, Washington State University Kimberly Moffitt, DePaul University James Sauceda, California State University, Long Beach Kathryn Sorrells, California State University, Northridge David Zuckerman, Sacramento State University Fifth Edition Reviewers Shirene Bell, Salt Lake Community College Lisa Bradford, University of Milwaukee-Wisconsin John Chiang, State University of New York Oneonta Susan DeTurk, University of Texas at San Antonio Charles Elliott, Cedarville University Gayle Houser, Northern Arizona University Tema Oliveira Milstein, University of New Mexico Marc Rich, California State University, Long Beach Sixth Edition Reviewers Nader Chaaban, Northern Virginia Community College Jenny Gardner, Bay Path College Rachel Alicia Griffin, Southern Illinois University-Carbondale Julia Hagemann, Drexel University Amy N. Heuman, PhD, Texas Tech University xxvi Preface Kumi Ishii, Western Kentucky University Meina Lui, University of Maryland Dr. Nina-Jo Moore, Appalachian State University Craig VanGeison, Saint Charles County Community College Nadene Vevea, North Dakota State University MJ Woeste, University of Cincinnati Our colleagues and students have provided invaluable assistance. Thanks to our colleagues for their ongoing moral support and intellectual challenges to our thinking. Thanks to our editorial assistants, Robert Carlsen and Christopher McRae, both graduate students in the Speech Communication Department at Southern Illinois University. They conducted productive library research, finding relevant scholarship and interesting examples to support and liven up our writing. They were also always cooperative and responsive even when they had their own research projects to complete and academic deadlines to meet. And as always, we owe thanks to our undergraduate students, who continue to challenge us to think about intercultural communication in ways that make sense to their lives. We thank our families and friends for once again allowing us absences and silences as we directed our energies toward the completion of this revision. We want to acknowledge both Ronald Chaldu and David L. Karbonski, who continue to be supportive of our academic writing projects. Our international experiences have enriched our understanding of intercultural communication theories and concepts. We thank all of the following people for helping us with these experiences: Tommy and Kazuko Nakayama; Michel Dion and Eliana Sampaïo of Strasbourg, France; Jean-Louis Sauvage and Pol Thiry of the Université de Mons-Hainaut, Belgium; Christina Kalinowska and the Café “Le Ropieur” in Mons, Belgium; Scott and the others at Le BXL in Brussels, Belgium; Emilio, Vince, Jimmy, Gene and the others at the Westbury Bar in Philadelphia; Jerzy, Alicja, Marek, and Jolanta Drzewieccy of Bedzin, Poland; as well as Margaret Nicholson of the Commission for Educational Exchange between Belgium, Luxembourg, and the United States; and Liudmila Markina from Minsk, Belarus. Some research in this book was made possible by a scholarship from the Fulbright Commission and the Fonds National de la Recherche Scientifique in Brussels. In addition, we thank the countless others we have met in cafés, train stations, bars, and conferences, if only for a moment of international intercultural interaction. Other people helped us understand intercultural communication closer to home, especially the staff and students at the Guadalupe Center at South Mountain Community College, and also Dr. Amalia Villegas, Laura Laguna, Cruzita Mori, and Lucia Madril and family. In spirit and conceptualization, our book spans the centuries and crosses many continents. It has been shaped by the many people we have read about and encountered. It is to these guiding and inspiring individuals—some of whom we had the good fortune to meet and some of whom we will never encounter—that we dedicate this book. It is our hope that their spirit of curiosity, openness, and understanding will be reflected in the pages that follow. VVVVVV To the Student Many textbooks emphasize in their introductions how you should use the text. In contrast, we begin this book by introducing ourselves and our interests in intercultural communication. There are many ways to think about intercultural interactions. One way to learn more about intercultural experiences is to engage in dialogue with others on this topic. Ideally, we would like to begin a dialogue with you about some of the ways to think about intercultural communication. Learning about intercultural communication is not about learning a finite set of skills, terms, and theories. It is about learning to think about cultural realities in multiple ways. Unfortunately, it is not possible for us to engage in dialogues with our readers. Instead, we strive to lay out a number of issues to think about regarding intercultural communication. In reflecting on these issues in your own interactions and talking about them with others, you will be well on your way to becoming both a better intercultural communicator and a better analyst of intercultural interactions. There is no endpoint from which we can say that we have learned all there is to know. Learning about communication is a lifelong process that involves experiences and analysis. We hope this book will generate many dialogues that will help you come to a greater understanding of different cultures and peoples and a greater appreciation for the complexity of intercultural communication. COMMUNICATING IN A DYNAMIC, MULTICULTURAL WORLD We live in rapidly changing times. Although no one can foresee the future, we believe that changes are increasing the imperative for intercultural learning. In Chapter 1, you will learn more about some of these changes and their influence on intercultural communication. You stand at the beginning of a textbook journey into intercultural communication. At this point, you might take stock of who you are, what your intercultural communication experiences have been, how you responded in those situations, and how you tend to think about those experiences. Some people respond to intercultural situations with amusement, curiosity, or interest; others may respond with hostility, anger, or fear. It is important to reflect on your experiences and to identify how you respond and what those reactions mean. xxvii xxviii To the Student We also think it is helpful to recognize that in many instances people do not want to communicate interculturally. Sometimes people see those who are culturally different as threatening, as forcing them to change. They may believe that such people require more assistance and patience, or they may simply think of them as “different.” People bring to intercultural interactions a variety of emotional states and attitudes; further, not everyone wants to communicate interculturally. Because of this dynamic, many people have had negative intercultural experiences that influence subsequent intercultural interactions. Negative experiences can range from simple misunderstandings to physical violence. Although it may be unpleasant to discuss such situations, we believe that it is necessary to do so if we are to understand and improve intercultural interaction. Intercultural conflict can occur even when the participants do not intentionally provoke it. When we use our own cultural frames in intercultural settings, those hidden assumptions can cause trouble. For example, when renting a small apartment in a private home in Grenoble, France, coauthor Judith Martin invited a number of her U.S. friends who were traveling in Europe to stop by and stay with her. The angry and frustrated response that this drew from her landlady came as a surprise. She told Judith that she would have to pay extra for all of the water they were using, that the apartment was not a motel, and that Judith would have to move out if the practice of having overnight guests continued. Differing notions of privacy and appropriate renter behavior contributed to the conflict. Intercultural experiences are not always fun. Sometimes they are frustrating, confusing, and distressing. On a more serious level, we might look at the U.S. military’s continued engagement in Iraq and Afghanistan as yet another example of intercultural communication. The subsequent interpretations of and reactions to this presence by different communities of people reflect important differences in our society and in the world at large. Although some people in the United States and abroad see these efforts as attempts to liberate oppressed people and establish democratic governments, others view them as imperialist intervention on the part of the United States. These differing views highlight the complexity of intercultural communication. We do not come to intercultural interactions as blank slates; instead, we bring our identities and our cultures. IMPROVING YOUR INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION Although the journey to developing awareness in intercultural communication is an individual one, it is important to recognize the connections we all have to many different aspects of social life. You are, of course, an individual. But you have been influenced by culture. The ways that others regard you and communicate with you are influenced largely by whom they perceive you to be. By enacting cultural characteristics of masculinity or femininity, for example, you may elicit particular reactions from others. Reflect on your social and individual characteristics; consider how these characteristics communicate something about you. To the Student xxix Finally, there is no list of things to do in an intercultural setting. Although prescribed reactions might help you avoid serious faux pas in one setting or culture, such lists are generally too simplistic to get you very far in any culture and may cause serious problems in other cultures. The study of communication is both a science and an art. In this book, we attempt to pull the best of both kinds of knowledge together for you. Because communication does not happen in a vacuum but is integral to the many dynamics that make it possible—economics, politics, technology—the ever-changing character of our world means that it is essential to develop sensitivity and flexibility to change. It also means that you can never stop learning about intercultural communication. This page intentionally left blank VVVVVV VVVVVV VVVVVV VVVVVV PART I Foundations of Intercultural Communication CHAPTER 1 Why Study Intercultural Communication? CHAPTER 2 The History of the Study of Intercultural Communication VVVVVV VVVVVV VVVVVV VVVVVV CHAPTER 3 Culture, Communication, Context, and Power CHAPTER 4 History and Intercultural Communication This page intentionally left blank V CHAPTER WHY STUDY INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION? 1 THE SELF-AWARENESS IMPERATIVE CHAPTER OBJECTIVES THE DEMOGRAPHIC IMPERATIVE After reading this chapter, you should be able to: Changing U.S. Demographics Changing Immigration Patterns THE ECONOMIC IMPERATIVE THE TECHNOLOGICAL IMPERATIVE Technology and Human Communication Access to Communication Technology THE PEACE IMPERATIVE THE ETHICAL IMPERATIVE Relativity versus Universality Being Ethical Students of Culture INTERNET RESOURCES SUMMARY DISCUSSION QUESTIONS ACTIVITIES KEY WORDS REFERENCES 1. Identify six imperatives for studying intercultural communication. 2. Describe how technology can impact intercultural interaction. 3. Describe how global and domestic economic conditions influence intercultural relations. 4. Explain how understanding intercultural communication can facilitate resolution of intercultural conflict. 5. Explain how studying intercultural communication can lead to increased self-understanding. 6. Understand the difference among a universalistic, a relativist, and a dialogic approach to the study of ethics and intercultural communication. 7. Identify and describe three characteristics of an ethical student of culture. 3 4 Part 1 / Foundations of Intercultural Communication When I was back home [Kuwait], before I came to the United States to go to college, I knew all about my culture and about my religion. However, I did not really know what other people from the other world [United States] think of Middle Eastern people or Muslims in general. So, what I have witnessed is a lot of discrimination in this country, not only against my race but against other groups. . . . Yet I understand that not all Americans hate us. I met a lot of Americans who are cooperative with me and show me love and are interested to know about my country and culture. —Mohamad My longest relationship was an intercultural relationship with a guy from Colombia. We didn’t run into very many problems because we were both culturally open and enthusiastic to learn about each other’s traditions and values. We talked a lot about our backgrounds and really learned to embrace our differences, as we grew close with each other’s families. We both learned a lot about each other’s culture and different philosophies on life. Overall, it was an extremely rewarding experience. —Adrianna Both Mohamad’s and Adrianna’s experiences point to the benefits and challenges of intercultural communication. Through intercultural relationships, we can learn a tremendous amount about other people and their cultures, and about ourselves and our own cultural background. At the same time, there are many challenges. Intercultural communication can also involve barriers like stereotyping and discrimination. And these relationships take place in complex historical and political contexts. Mohamad’s experience in the United States is probably more challenging today than it would have been several years ago because of recent political events. An important goal in this book is how to increase your understanding of the dynamics at work in intercultural interaction. This book will expose you to the variety of approaches we use to study intercultural communication. We also weave into the text our personal stories to make theory come alive. By linking theory and practice, we hope to give a fuller picture of intercultural communication than either one alone could offer. We bring many intercultural communication experiences to the text. As you read, you will learn not only about both of us as individuals but also about our views of intercultural communication. Don’t be overwhelmed by the seeming complexity of intercultural communication. Not knowing everything that you would like to know is very much a part of this process. Why is it important to focus on intercultural communication and to strive to become better at this complex pattern of interaction? We can think of at least six reasons; perhaps you can add more. THE SELF-AWARENESS IMPERATIVE One of the most important reasons for studying intercultural communication is the awareness it raises of our own cultural identity and background. This is also one of the least obvious reasons. Peter Adler (1975), a noted social psychologist, Chapter 1 / Why Study Intercultural Communication? 5 observes that the study of intercultural communication begins as a journey into another culture and reality and ends as a journey into one’s own culture. We gain insights in intercultural experiences overseas. When Judith was teaching high school in Algeria, a Muslim country in North Africa, she realized something about her religious identity as a Protestant. December 25 came and went, and she taught classes with no mention of Christmas. Judith had never thought about how special the celebration of Christmas was or how important the holiday was to her. She then recognized on a personal level the uniqueness of this particular cultural practice. Erla, a graduate student from Iceland, notes the increased knowledge and appreciation she’s gained concerning her home country: Living in another country widens your horizon. It makes you appreciate the things you have, and it strengthens the family unit. You look at your country from a different point of view. We have learned not to expect everything to be the same as “at home,” but if we happen to find something that reminds us of home, we really appreciate it and it makes us very happy. Ultimately we are all very thankful that we had the opportunity to live in another country. However, it is important to recognize that intercultural learning is not always easy or comfortable. Sometimes intercultural encounters makes us aware of our own ethnocentrism—a tendency to think that our own culture is superior to other cultures. This means that we assume, subconsciously, that the way we do things is the only way. For example, when Tom first visited France he was surprised to discover that shoppers are expected to greet shopkeepers when entering a small store. Or that French people sometimes ate horsemeat, snails, and very fragrant cheeses. Sometimes Americans think that these foods shouldn’t be eaten. This attitude that foods we eat are somehow normal and that people shouldn’t eat these other foods is a kind of ethnocentrism. To be surprised or even taken aback by unfamiliar customs is not unexpected; however, a refusal to expand your cultural horizons or to acknowledge the legitimacy of cultural practices different from your own can lead to intergroup misunderstandings and conflict. What you learn depends on your social and economic position in society. Selfawareness through intercultural contact for someone from a racial or minority group may mean learning to be wary and not surprised at subtle slights by members of the dominant majority—and reminders of their place in society. For example, a Chinese American colleague is sometimes approached at professional meetings by white communication professors who ask her to take their drink order. If you are white and middle class, intercultural learning may mean an enhanced awareness of your privilege. A white colleague tells of feeling uncomfortable staying in a Jamaican resort, being served by blacks whose ancestors were brought there as slaves by European colonizers. On the one hand, it is privilege that allows travelers like our colleague to experience new cultures and places. On the other hand, one might wonder if we, through this type of travel, are reproducing those same historical postcolonial economic patterns. Self-awareness, then, that comes through intercultural learning may involve an increased awareness of being caught up in political, economic, and historical systems—not of our own making. ethnocentrism A tendency to think that our own culture is superior to other cultures. 6 Part 1 / Foundations of Intercultural Communication THE DEMOGRAPHIC IMPERATIVE You have probably observed that your world is increasingly diverse. You may have classes with students who differ from you in ethnicity, race, religion, and/or nationality. College and university student bodies are becoming increasingly diverse. According to a recent report, minority students are a growing percentage of all undergraduates. There are currently 37% minority and foreign-born students (compared to 33% in 1998). Conversely, the share of white students on campuses declined from 70% to 63% during the same time period. Women now receive the majority of degrees (Undergraduate diversity, 2010). Sports are a very visible part of this increasing diversity. A 2011 report on diversity in Major League Baseball shows that almost 30% of players were born outside the United States and almost 40% are people of color (Latino, Asian, Native American, and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander); all together, they “make the playing field look more like America” (Lapchick, 2011, p. 2). In addition, 33 percent of the MLB Central Office workers are people of color, and 38% are women. This increasing diversity extends to women’s sports as well, including the LPGA where “Sixteen of the top-20 current money earners were born outside of the United States. Eight of those women are South Korean followed by two Swedes, two Australians, a Mexican, a Norwegian, a Brazilian and a Taiwanese” (The Canadian Press, 2008). This increasing diversity comes from changing U.S. demographics and more global interaction of people. (See Figure 1-1.) Changing U.S. Demographics demographics The characteristics of a population, especially as classified by race, ethnicity, age, sex, and income. U.S. demographics are projected to change dramatically during your lifetime— the next 50 years. Another source of increased opportunity for intercultural contact exists because of the increasing cultural diversity in the United States. The 2010 census revealed a dramatic increase in ethnic/racial diversity, and this trend is expected to continue, as shown in Figure 1-2 (Passel & Cohn, 2008). The Hispanic population will triple in size and constitute approximately 30% of the population by 2050; in the same time period, the Asian American population will double in size and will constitute about 10% of the total population. African Americans will remain approximately the same in numbers and comprise 13% of the population; whites will continue to be a smaller majority as minority populations increase in number. The nation’s elderly population will more than double in size from 2005 through 2050, as the baby boom generation enters the traditional retirement years. The number of working-age Americans and children will grow more slowly than the elderly population and will shrink as a share of the total population (Passel & Cohn, 2008). What is also interesting is the racial distribution in the various geographical regions. The Population Reference Bureau (PRB) computed a “diversity index” showing that the highest ethnic diversity is concentrated in the southeastern and southwestern regions of the United States. Minority concentrations are projected to increase especially in the South, Southwest, and West. The PRB Chapter 1 / Why Study Intercultural Communication? 7 FIGURE 1-1 Rapid changes in technology, demographics, and economic forces mean that you are likely to come into contact with many people with diverse backgrounds and experiences. Although many of these communication experiences will be in professional and work situations, many other interactions will be in public and social settings. ( © Esbin-Anderson/The Image Works ) estimates that, by 2025, minority groups will account for more than 50% of the population in four states (Hawaii, California, New Mexico, Texas) (www.prb .org/AmeristatTemplate.cfm?Section5Estimates). There is increasing diversity in the U.S. workforce as well. The workforce is expected to continue to get older, and there will also be proportionately more women working. What accounts for these changes? The workforce will be older because the baby boomers are aging. More women are in the workforce for several reasons. First, economic pressures have come to bear; more women are single parents, and even in two-parent families, it often takes two incomes to meet family expenses. Second, the women’s movement of the 1960s and 1970s resulted in more women seeking careers and jobs outside the home. In addition, 8 Part 1 / Foundations of Intercultural Communication 90 85% 80 Percent 70 67% 60 50 47% 40 29% 30 20 10 0 14% 11% 13% 13% 1960 2005 2050 Hispanic 1960 2005 2050 Black* 3.5% 1960 2005 2050 White* 9% 5% 0.6% 1960 2005 2050 Asian* Population by race and ethnicity, actual and projected: 1960, 2005, FIGURE 1-2 and 2050 (% of total) Source: From Jeffrey S. Passel and D’Vera Cohn, U.S. Population Projections: 2005–2050, Pew Research Center, 2008 , p. 9. Note: All races modified and not Hispanic (*); American Indian/Alaska Native not shown. See “Methodology.” Projections for 2050 indicated by light gray bars. the workforce is more ethnically and racially diverse—in part, simply because there are more minorities now than before, but also because of civil rights efforts, which led to more opportunities for minorities in business and industry. Changing Immigration Patterns heterogeneous Difference(s) in a group, culture, or population. homogeneous Similarity in a group, culture, or population. The second source of demographic change is different immigration patterns. Although the United States has often been thought of as a nation of immigrants, it is also a nation that established itself by subjugating the original inhabitants and that prospered to some extent as a result of slave labor. These aspects of national identity are important in understanding contemporary society.Today, immigration has changed the social landscape significantly. First, the foreignborn population continues to rise as a percentage of the total population, up from almost 5% in 1970 to more than 13% in 2010. However, this is still lower than it was during the great migrations of the 1800s and 1900s when most Europeans came to the United States. A second change concerns the origin of the immigrants. Prior to the 1970s, most of the immigrants to the United States came from Europe; now, 80% of the immigrants are from Latin America and Asia (Grieco & Trevelyan, 2010). These shifts in patterns of immigration have resulted in a much more racially and ethnically diverse population. It’s not hard to see that the United States is becoming more heterogeneous. We address the issue of whites losing majority status in Chapter 5. Sometimes more heterogeneous cultures are contrasted to more homogeneous cultures. Instead of thinking of cultures as either heterogeneous or homogeneous, it is more useful to think about cultures as more or less heterogeneous (or more or less homogeneous). Cultures can change over time Chapter 1 / Why Study Intercultural Communication? 9 and become more or less homogeneous. They can also be more heterogeneous than another culture. This heterogeneity presents many opportunities and challenges for students of intercultural communication. Sometimes, tensions can be created by (and be the result of) proposed legislation (Flores, Moon, & Nakayama, 2006). For example, in the 1990s, California passed several laws that prohibited undocumented immigrants from receiving public health and social services. In 2006, Arizona passed four propositions similarly limiting undocumented immigrants’ rights: no right to bail, no right to collect any award from civil lawsuits, no right to instate tuition or to taxpayer-funded adult education or child care. The same year, Arizona voted to declare English as the official language. 2008 was a particularly divisive year for immigration policies (see Point of View, p. 13). More recently, Arizona’s Senate Bill 1070—signed by the governor but challenged in court— makes it a state crime to not carry immigration papers, gives the police broad powers to detain anyone suspected of being in the country illegally, and allows people to sue local government agencies if they believe the state immigration law is not being enforced. Other states are considering similar legislation. While some feel that these are reasonable measures, others feel that it paves the way for increased harassment by police and increased discrimination against Latinos (or people who look Latino), regardless of their citizenship status (Archibold, 2010). We should also note the potential opportunities in a culturally diverse society. Diversity can expand our conceptions of what is possible—linguistically, politically, socially—as various lifestyles and ways of thinking converge. However, increased opportunity does not always lead to increased interaction. A recent “freshman survey” conducted by a research institute at UCLA reported that “a growing number of students appeared unlikely to have a diverse set of friends in college” (Farrell, 2005). This may be because these students are graduating from high schools that are becoming increasingly more segregated (see Point of View). To get a better sense of the situation in the United States today, let’s take a look at our history. As mentioned previously, the United States has often been referred to as a nation of immigrants, but this is only partly true. When Europeans began arriving on the shores of the New World, an estimated 8 to 10 million Native Americans were already living here. Their ancestors probably began to arrive via the Bering Strait at least 40,000 years earlier. The outcome of the encounters between these groups—the colonizing Europeans and the native peoples—is well known. By 1940, the Native American population of the United States had been reduced to an estimated 250,000. Today, about 2.9 million Native Americans (from 565 recognized tribes) live in the United States (American Indians by the Numbers, 2011). African American Immigrants African Americans represent a special case in the history of U.S. immigration. African Americans did not choose to emigrate but were brought here involuntarily, mainly as slave labor. Many Europeans also emigrated as indentured servants. However, the system of contract servitude was gradually replaced by perpetual servitude, or slavery, almost wholly of Africans. Many landowners wanted captive workers who could not escape and who could not become competitors. They turned to slave labor. diversity The quality of being different. immigrants People who come to a new country, region, or environment to settle more or less permanently. (Compare with sojourners, see Chapter 8) V POINT of VIEW I n this article, Harinder Bahra tackles some problems relating to race in university education in the United Kingdom. Do you think this article could apply to the United States as well? Far from celebrating the growing diversity of UK university staff and students, the higher education sector is almost doing the opposite. There has been a collective failure of employers in the university sector to tackle race discrimination and racism, or even accept it exists. Like football clubs, universities are descending on developing countries, picking up cheaper black and minority ethnic (BME) researchers and lecturers in response to the transatlantic brain drain and continued pressure on operating costs. BME staff are often on part-time or fixed-term contracts with lower salaries and have difficulty in progressing through to senior positions. Meanwhile, BME students are increasingly being stereotyped as “extremists” in addition to being seen as academically less able. As the University and College Union today launches a race equality campaign it is high time to ask what is being done. Some universities, like the trade union sector, have appointed BME chancellors or presidents in voluntary, unpaid roles, but without corresponding changes in senior paid positions. This window dressing presents a diverse public profile, but still preserves the status quo. Source: From H. Bahra, “Time to kick racism out of university.” The Guardian, November 16, 2008. Retrieved May 13, 2008, from http://education.guardian.co.uk/racism/ comment/0,1949487,00.html. The slave trade, developed by European and African merchants, lasted about 350 years, although slavery was outlawed in Europe long before it was outlawed in the United States. Roughly 10 million Africans reached the Americas, although many died in the brutal overseas passage (Curtin, 1969). Slavery is an important aspect of U.S. immigration history. As James Baldwin (1955) suggested, the legacy of slavery makes contemporary interracial relations in the United States very different from interracial relations in Europe and other regions of the world. Slavery presents a moral dilemma for many whites even today. A common response is simply to ignore history. Many people assert that because not all whites owned slaves we should forget the past and move on. For others, forgetting the past is not acceptable. In fact, some historians, like James Loewen, maintain that acknowledging and understanding the past is the only viable alternative in moving forward. In his book Lies My Teacher Told Me, Loewen (1995) analyzes the content in contemporary high school history books and acknowledges that they do present the horrors of slavery. What is missing, however, is the connection of slavery to the current racial tensions in the United States: 10 Chapter 1 / Why Study Intercultural Communication? 11 Perhaps telling realistically what slavery was like for slaves is the easy part. After all, slavery as an institution is dead. We have progressed beyond it, so we can acknowledge its evils. . . . Without explaining its relevance to the present, however, extensive coverage of slavery is like extensive coverage of the Hawley-Smoot Tariff—just more facts for hapless eleventh graders to memorize. Slavery’s twin legacies to the present are the social and economic inferiority it conferred upon blacks and the cultural racism it instilled in whites. Both continue to haunt our society. Therefore, treating slavery’s enduring legacy is necessarily controversial. Unlike slavery, racism is not over yet. To function adequately in civic life in our troubled times, students must learn what causes racism. ( p. 143) Scholar and theologian Cornel West (1993) agrees that we should begin by acknowledging the historical flaws of U.S. society and recognizing the historical consequences of slavery. For instance, the United States has several Holocaust museums but no organized, official recognition of the horrors of slavery. Perhaps it is easier for us to focus on the negative events of another nation’s history than on those of our own. On the other hand, many U.S. Americans feel that the election of Barack Obama, the first African American president, shows some progress in U.S. race relations. In Chapter 4, we explore the importance of history in understanding the dynamics of intercultural communication. Relationships with New Immigrants Relationships between residents and immigrants—between oldtimers and newcomers—have often been filled with tension and conflict. In the 19th century, Native Americans sometimes were caught in the middle of European rivalries. During the War of 1812, for example, Indian allies of the British were severely punished by the United States when the war ended. In 1832, the U.S. Congress recognized the Indian nations’ right to self-government, but in 1871, a congressional act prohibited treaties between the U.S. government and Indian tribes. In 1887, Congress passed the Dawes Severalty Act, terminating Native Americans’ special relationship with the U.S. government and paving the way for their removal from their homelands. As waves of immigrants continued to roll in from Europe, the more firmly established European—mainly British—immigrants tried to protect their way of life, language, and culture. As one citizen lamented in 1856, Four-fifths of the beggary and three-fifths of the crime spring from our foreign population; more than half the public charities, more than half the prisons and almshouses, more than half the police and the cost of administering criminal justice are for foreigners. (quoted in Cole, 1998, p. 126) The foreigners to which this citizen was referring were mostly from Ireland, devastated by the potato famines, and from Germany, which had fallen on hard economic and political times. Historian James Banks (1991) identifies other antiimmigrant events throughout the nation’s history. As early as 1729, an English mob prevented a group of Irish immigrants from landing in Boston. A few years later, another mob destroyed a new Scots-Irish Presbyterian church in Worcester, 12 Part 1 / Foundations of Intercultural Communication Anglocentrism Using Anglo or white cultural standards as the criteria for interpretations and judgments of behaviors and attitudes. melting pot A metaphor that assumes that immigrants and cultural minorities will be assimilated into the U.S. majority culture, losing their original cultures. nativistic Extremely patriotic to the point of being anti-immigrant. Massachusetts. In these acts, we can see the Anglocentrism that characterized early U.S. history. Later, northern and western European (e.g., German and Dutch) characteristics were added to this model of American culture. Immigrants from southern, central, and eastern Europe (e.g., Italy and Poland) were expected to assimilate into the so-called mainstream culture—to jump into the melting pot and come out “American.” In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a nativistic (anti-immigrant) movement propagated violence against newer immigrants. In 1885, 28 Chinese were killed in an anti-Chinese riot in Wyoming; in 1891, a white mob attacked a Chinese community in Los Angeles and killed 19 people; also in 1891, 11 Italian Americans were lynched in New Orleans. Nativistic sentiment was well supported at the government level. In 1882, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, officially prohibiting anyone who lived in China from immigrating to this country. In 1924, the Johnson-Read Act and the Oriental Exclusion Act established extreme quotas on immigration, virtually precluding the legal immigration of Asians. According to Ronald Takaki (1989), these two laws “provided for immigration based on nationality quotas: the number of immigrants to be admitted annually was limited to 2% of the foreign-born individuals of each nationality residing in the United States in 1890” (p. 209). The nativistic sentiment increasingly was manifested in arguments that economic and political opportunities should be reserved solely for whites, and not just for native-born Americans. By the 1930s, southern and eastern European groups were considered “assimilatable,” and the concept of race assumed new meaning. All of the socalled white races were now considered one, so racial hostilities could focus on ethnic (nonwhite) groups, such as Asian Americans, Native Americans, and Mexican Americans (Banks, 1991). Sociologist David Roediger (1991) traces how devastating this racialization was, particularly for African Americans. In the growing, but sometimes fragile, economy of the first half of the 20th century, white workers had an advantage. Although white immigrants received low wages, they had access to better schools and to public facilities, and they were accorded greater public acceptance. People of color often were considered less fit to receive economic benefits and, to some extent, to be not truly American (Foner, 1998). The notion of the melting pot began to break down as immigrants came in larger numbers from outside of Europe. Although European immigrants were able to melt into white society, other immigrants were barred from doing so. In order to melt into white society, European immigrants were encouraged to assimilate by speaking English only and dropping their culturally specific customs. As part of this melting pot experience, many Americans of European ancestry today do not speak their forebearers’ languages, such as German, Dutch, Norwegian, Polish, or Hungarian. Although the notion of the melting pot could explain European immigrant experiences, the metaphor did not explain other immigrant experiences. Immigrants from Asia, Latin America, and Africa did not simply blend into white V POINT of VIEW T he politics of immigration are always a topic of interest in America. An especially divisive year for immigration policy, 2008, highlighted the remarkably different approaches of various regions of the United States. Arizona’s Employer Sanctions Law Bay Area Day Laborer Policies Policy A statewide effort to punish employers who knowingly hire illegal immigrants Specifics Employers who violate the law will potentially have their business licenses revoked Many illegal immigrants are leaving Arizona for other areas or for their home countries (CNN, 2007) A San Francisco area effort to benefit the working conditions of day laborers, many of whom are undocumented immigrants Laborers in specific areas are eligible for English classes, a variety of free health clinics, and other services Workers show up at the day labor centers even when the economy is slow to commune and learn. (Nieves, 2008) Results Sources: From Evelyn Nieves, “Housing Slowdown Puts Day Laborers in Limbo,” USA Today, February 17, 2008. Retrieved from http://www.usatoday.com/money/economy/housing/2008-0217-day-laborers_N.htm; CNN, “Illegal immigrants packing up and leaving Arizona,” December 22, 2007. Retrieved from http://www.cnn.com/2007/US/12/22/immigrants.leave.ap/. society. As we will see in Chapter 4, there are many legal and historical reasons why this did not happen. Some people are critical of the melting pot metaphor, not only because it does not explain the experiences of non-European immigrants but also because it implies that immigrants should give up their unique cultural backgrounds to become white and American. Economic conditions make a big difference in attitudes toward foreign workers and immigration policies. During the Depression of the 1930s, Mexicans and Mexican Americans were forced to return to Mexico to free up jobs for white Americans. When prosperity returned in the 1940s, Mexicans were welcomed back as a source of cheap labor. This type of situation is not limited to the United States, but occurs all over the world. For example, Algerian workers are alternately welcomed and rejected in France, depending on the state of the French economy and the demand for imported labor. Guest workers from Turkey have been subjected to similar uncertainties in Germany. Indian workers in Kenya, Chinese immigrants in Malaysia, and many other workers toiling outside their native lands have suffered the vagaries of fluctuating economies and immigration policies. In Chapter 8, we discuss the implications of these migration patterns for intercultural communication. 13 14 Part 1 / Foundations of Intercultural Communication The tradition of tension and conflict among cultures continues to this day. The conflicts that arise in Southern California exemplify many aspects of the demographic changes in the United States. We can examine on a variety of levels the tensions in Los Angeles among Latinos/as, African Americans, Korean Americans, and European Americans. Some of the conflict is related to different languages, values, and lifestyles. Some African Americans resent the economic success of recent Korean immigrants—a reaction that reflects a typical historical pattern. The conflict may also be due to the pattern of settlement that results in cultural enclaves. Immigration and Economic Classes Some of the conflict may be related to the economic disparity that exists among these different groups. To understand this disparity, we need to look at issues of economic class. Most Americans are reluctant to admit that a class structure exists and even more reluctant to admit how difficult it is to move up in this structure. Indeed, most people live their lives in the same economic class into which they were born. And there are distinct class differences in clothing, housing, recreation, conversation, and other aspects of everyday life (Fussell, 1992). For example, the driveways to the homes of the very rich are usually obscured, whereas those of upper-class homes usually are long and curved and quite visible. Driveways leading to middle-class homes, in contrast, tend to go straight into garages. The myth of a classless society is hardly benign. It not only reinforces middleand upper-class beliefs in their own superior abilities but also promotes a false hope among the working class and the poor that they can get ahead. Whereas real-life success stories of upward mobility are rare, fictitious ones abound in literature, film, and television. But all such accounts perpetuate the myth. The reality is that the income gap between rich and poor in the United States is more extreme than in any other industrialized country (Yen, 2010). This gap continues to widen, particularly since the recent recession (December 2007–June 2009)—the longest recession since the Great Depression. While the recession is officially over, experts point out that the recovery has taken two tracks—one for typical workers and families and another for the wealthiest. While many U.S. families are still struggling with unemployment and foreclosures, the wealthiest have seen their incomes and assets increase dramatically—as they benefit from significant gains in the stock market and record corporate profits. In fact, in 2009, the top fifth of households held 87% of the wealth, the middle fifth had 3.3% (the lowest recorded share), and the lowest fifth actually had negative wealth (they owed more than they owned). The staggering gap between the wealthy and the rest cannot be underestimated; it is now the largest ever recorded. That is, the wealthiest 1% of U.S. households now has a net worth 225 times greater than the median or typical household’s net worth (Allegretto, 2011). And the recent census data show that the poorest of the poor (those that live at half the official poverty level) are now at a record high, rising from 5.7% in 2008 to 6.3% today. Child poverty is now at 21%, compared to 16% in 2000 (Yen, 2010). This widening gap is partly due to the loss of stable industrial jobs as companies move to cheaper labor markets within the United States and abroad and to declining home values. Class and Chapter 1 / Why Study Intercultural Communication? 15 demographic issues also play a role, with racial and ethnic minorities typically hardest hit by economic downturns. In 2009, the median net worth (what you have if you subtract your debt from what you own) of black households was the lowest ever recorded, $2,200; the median among white households was $97,000 (Allegretto, 2011). Religious Diversity Immigration also contributes to religious diversity, bringing increasing numbers of Muslims, Buddhists, Confucians, Catholics, and others to the United States. The religious composition of the United States is rapidly changing due to a number of factors. According to the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey (2008) done by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 28% of adults have left the religion they were raised in (some choosing another religion, some choosing no religion). Catholics have lost the greatest number of members, but they also gained the most from immigration. The greatest growth has been among adults who are unaffiliated with any religion. What do these changes mean to the role of religion in a diverse society? What is the future of religion in the United States? Religious beliefs and practices often play an important role in everyday cultural life. One example is the very different views on abortion, described by our student Tanya: Pro-choice and pro-lifers have incredibly different worldview lenses. These different lenses they see through are most of the time influenced by religion and social upbringing. The values are different, yet no side is wrong and cannot see through the same worldview lens as their opponents. These different worldviews can sometimes lead to prejudices and stereotypes. Stereotypes about Islam are widespread in the United States, and some religious and political leaders seem to use these stereotypes in ways that increase prejudice and discrimination. For example, Pastor Terry Jones of the Dove World Outreach Center in Florida expressed his anti-Islamic views by soaking a copy of the Qur’an in kerosene and then lighting it on fire. These images of the burning Qur’an were streamed live over the Internet and seemed to lead to violence against Americans in Afghanistan and Pakistan (Harris & Gallagher, 2011). The battle over plans to build a Muslim community center near the site of the 9/11 attacks in New York City have revealed similar anti-Muslim sentiment—leading some to say that Americans seem less inclined to show restraint in expressing hostility toward Islam (see Figure 1.3). Some religious leaders and civil rights activist say that these and similar actions are fueling a tide of “Islamophobia” in the United States and that politicians use the issue to garner votes (McGreal, 2010). Political scientist Ali Muzrui (2001) describes Islam as the “ultimate negative ‘Other’ to the Christian tradition” and laments the rising tide of Islamophobia (fear of Islam and the hostility toward it). He lists the contrasting stereotypes: Whereas Christianity is supposed to be peace loving, Islam is portrayed as fostering holy war ( Jihad). Whereas Christianity liberates women, Islam enslaves them. Whereas Christianity is modern, Islam is medieval. Whereas Christianity is forward looking, Islam is backward looking. Whereas Christians prefer nonviolence, Muslims easily resort to terrorism. ( p. 110) 16 Part 1 / Foundations of Intercultural Communication FIGURE 1-3 Protesters against the construction of an Islamic Cultural Center in lower Manhattan, four blocks from Ground Zero on Park Place, in New York, on Sept. 11, 2010. The project has inflamed and polarized people supporting the project and those against it, and at times the dialogue has turned into that of racism, xenophobia, and hate. (© Ashley Gilbertson/VII Network/Corbis) Muzrui goes on to present evidence to debunk each of these stereotypes. Religious diversity is part of the demographic imperative that challenges us to learn more about intercultural communication. These increasingly diverse ethnic, racial, economic, and religious groups come into contact mostly during the day in schools, businesses, and other settings, bringing to the encounters different languages, histories, and economic statuses. This presents great challenges for us as a society and as individuals. The main challenge is to look beyond the stereotypes and biases, to recognize the disparities and differences, and to try to apply what we know about intercultural communication. Perhaps the first step is to realize that the melting pot metaphor probably was never viable, that it was not realistic to expect everyone to assimilate into the United States in the same way. Today we need a different metaphor, one that reflects the racial, ethnic, and cultural diversity that truly exists in our country. Perhaps we should think of the United States as a “salad,” in which each group retains its own flavor and yet contributes to the whole. Or we might think of it as a “tapestry,” with many different strands contributing to a unified pattern. In any case, the United States is hardly a model of diversity; many countries are far more diverse ethnically. For example, Nigeria has some 200 ethnic groups, and Indonesia has a similar number. Nigeria was colonized by the British, and artificially drawn boundaries forced many different groups into one nation-state, which caused many conflicts. The diverse groups in Indonesia, in contrast, have V POINT of VIEW T ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ he U.S. Religious Landscape Survey points to some interesting religious demographic information. Note how religion intersects with other social categories. Here are some interesting findings: Among people who are married, nearly 4 in 10 (37%) are married to a spouse with a different religious affiliation. (This figure includes Protestants who are married to another Protestant from a different denominational family, such as a Baptist who is married to a Methodist.) Hindus and Mormons are the most likely to be married (78% and 71%, respectively) and to be married to someone of the same religion (90% and 83%, respectively). The Midwest most closely resembles the religious makeup of the overall population. The South, by a wide margin, has the heaviest concentration of members of evangelical Protestant churches. The Northeast has the greatest concentration of Catholics, and the West has the largest proportion of unaffiliated people, including the largest proportion of atheists and agnostics. Of all the major racial and ethnic groups in the United States, black Americans are the most likely to report a formal religious affiliation. Even among those blacks who are unaffiliated, three in four belong to the “religious unaffiliated” category (i.e., they say that religion is either somewhat or very important in their lives), compared with slightly more than onethird of the unaffiliated population overall. Nearly half of Hindus in the United States, one-third of Jews, and a quarter of Buddhists have obtained postgraduate education, compared with only about one in ten of the adult population overall. Hindus and Jews are also much more likely than other groups to report high income levels. People not affiliated with any particular religion stand out for their relative youth compared with other religious traditions. Among the unaffiliated, 31% are under age 30 and 71% are under age 50. Comparable numbers for the overall adult population are 20% and 59%, respectively. By contrast, members of mainline Protestant churches and Jews are older, on average, than members of other groups. Roughly half of Jews and members of mainline churches are age 50 and older, compared with approximately four in ten American adults overall. Members of Baptist churches account for one-third of all Protestants and close to one-fifth of the total U.S. adult population. Baptists also account for nearly two-thirds of members of historically black Protestant churches. Source: From U.S. Religious Landscape Survey (2008), Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, http://religions.pewforum.org/reports. 17 V STUDENT VOICES I am involved in many different intercultural relationships. The main benefit of these relationships is that it shows other people that there is no reason to fear intercultural relationships. My generation, while more open to intercultural relationships than previous ones, is still hesitant, and I am often the recipient of dirty looks from strangers who disapprove. It is disheartening that people believe there is a difference in races, but the best way to change people’s minds is to show them firsthand, which is what I hope to do. —Katie largely coexisted amiably for many years. Diversity, therefore, does not necessarily lead to intercultural conflicts. Fortunately, most individuals are able to negotiate day-to-day activities in spite of cultural differences. Diversity can even be a positive force. Demographic diversity in the United States has given us tremendous linguistic richness and culinary variety, varied resources to meet new social challenges, as well as domestic and international business opportunities. THE ECONOMIC IMPERATIVE The idea of globalization—the creation of a world market in goods, services, labor, capital, and technology—is shown dramatically in the account of a journalist who asks a Dell computer manager where his laptop is made. The answer? It was codesigned by engineers in Texas and Taiwan; the microprocessor was made in one of Intel’s factories in the Philippines, Costa Rica, Malaysia, or China; the memory came from factories in Korea, Germany, Taiwan, or Japan. Other components (keyboard, hard drive, batteries, etc.) were made by Japanese, Taiwanese, Irish, Israeli, or British firms with factories mainly in Asia, and finally, the laptop was assembled in Taiwan (Friedman, 2005). What is the ultimate impact of globalization on the average person? Some economists defend it, saying the losses are always offset by the gains in cheaper consumer prices. However, many working people, seeing their jobs outsourced to cheap labor in India, China, and Malaysia, feel threatened. An increasing number of economists agree (Rachman, 2011). What does the current global economy look like, and how does it relate to intercultural communication issues? Currently, U.S. retail sales are growing at 2.4%—faster than Europe and Japan but slower than many other countries. Consumer spending in China, for example, is expanding by 22%, including a big increase in the online sale of luxury goods. Spending in India and Russia is also increasing (The world in figures, 2011). Economies in many of the lesser industrialized countries are also doing well. Brazil, India, and China account for more than 50% of global growth, and countries in Africa (South Africa, Algeria, Botswana) and the Middle East (Turkey and Saudi Arabia) are also showing strong growth (Spread the wealth, 2011). 18 V STUDENT VOICES Americans, including myself, sometimes have this belief that what we do here in the United States is the best and only way to do things. We put these “cultural blinders” on and are oblivious to any other cultures and/or values. Although American tradition has been and can be a big influence on other markets and business sectors, we are failing to realize that the way we do business is not the basis for all businesses. Most of our international business ventures are failing due to our stubbornness. In the past we felt that we could send someone to Mexico or Japan without any intercultural training and still show them how to do business. How wrong were we? Today we realize it takes an understanding of others and their beliefs and values to truly gain respect and further our business and personal relationships. Businesses are taking the time and money to train their employees about the new culture that they will be submerged in. People in the past failed because we did not take into account that companies’ attitudes and beliefs differed from ours. Good relations with other international businesses can produce a lifelong bond that can create great economic wealth for each country. The companies are not only training their employees for this culture shock but are training their families as well, because they know that without family support, this venture will surely fail. The United States has taken strides to correct their errors of the past and are continuing their efforts to produce intercultural employees, and I hope this trend continues. —Luis The point is that, to compete effectively in this global market, Americans must understand how business is conducted in other countries (Varner & Beamer, 2011). American businesspeople should be able to negotiate deals that are advantageous to the U.S. economy. However, they are not always willing to take the time and effort to do this. For example, most U.S. automobile manufacturers do not produce automobiles that have right-hand drive, which prevents them from penetrating markets in nations like Japan. Stories abound of U.S. marketing slogans that were inaccurately translated, like Pepsi’s “Come alive with the Pepsi Generation,” which was translated into Chinese as “Pepsi brings your ancestors back from the grave” or had culturally inappropriate meanings like Ford’s marketing the Pinto in Brazil (slang for “small male genitals”) or General Motors marketing the Nova in South America (no va is Spanish for “no go”) (Branding so much more, 2011). Cross-cultural trainers in the United States report that Asian business personnel often spend years in the United States studying English and learning about the country before they decide to establish operations here or invest money. In contrast, many American companies provide little or no training before sending their workers overseas and expect to close business deals quickly, with little regard for cultural idiosyncrasies. Many management experts have examined other countries’ practices for ways to increase U.S. productivity. One such idea was “quality circles,” borrowed from the Japanese and now popular in the United States. Another strength demonstrated in many Asian (and European) companies is the belief in effort for its 19 20 Part 1 / Foundations of Intercultural Communication own sake. Employees in many Asian countries work longe...
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