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culture diversity

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Please respond to the following prompt. Your analytic memo will be due at 11:59pm on Saturday of this week, meaning on Sunday at midnight it is late, and late work will not be accepted without a valid excuse.

The parameters for your response are as follows:

  1. The response must be between 850-1150 words. Students that fall short of the required word count will receive a 10% deduction.
  2. You must cite a minimum of 3 scholarly sources-- news media articles do not count as scholarly sources, only peer reviewed journals, books, etc.
  3. You must cite all sources clearly and consistently, regardless of the citation style you choose be sure to keep it consistent.
  4. You must include a works cited (not part of the word count) at the end.
  5. You response should include considerable reflection on the pertinent course terms and concepts, failing to reference these consistently throughout will result in a deduction.

Week Three Prompt

This week we examined the concept of 'Microagressions,' which can occur on the basis of race/ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, nationality, and so on. At first blush, microaggressions might be seen as instances of one individual saying something to another that is offensive, to a greater or lessor extent. So in that sense, what separates microagressions from the typical social faux paus in which someone says something we'd consider to be in bad taste? In your response explore what might make microagressions seem something more than just individual infractions.

Please Cite everything, Turnitin will be tested on Paper.

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SOC 350: Cultural Diversity Week Three Course Notes How deeply does difference shape our interactions? Though most of us try not to discriminate and do not think of ourselves as prejudiced against others, are we fully aware of the extent to which differences along categories of identity impact how we encounter others? Understanding Microaggressions Derald Wing Sue (2010) uses the term microaggresions to describe how difference can manifest itself in interactions to hurt or marginalize people on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, religion, and so forth. In his own words, Wing Sue describes an instance in which he, as an Asian American, was the target of a microaggresion: "Not too long ago, I (Asian American) boarded a small plane with an African American colleague in the early hours of the morning. As there were few passengers, the flight attendant told us to sit anywhere, so we choose seats near the front of the plane and across the aisle from one another. At the last minute, three White men entered the plane and took seats in front of us. Just before takeoff, the flight attendant, who is White, asked if we would mind moving to the back of the aircraft to better balance the plane's weight. We grudgingly complied but felt singled out as passengers of color in being told to "move to the back of the bus." When we expressed these feelings to the attendant, she indignantly denied the charge, became defensive, stated that her intent was to ensure the flight's safety, and wanted to give us some privacy. Since we had entered the plane first, I asked why she did not ask the White men to move instead of us. She became indignant, stated that we had misunderstood her intentions, claimed she did not see "color," suggested that we were being "oversensitive," and refused to talk about the matter any further." The argument Wing Sue makes here is that being white privileges one with the ability to not have to reckon with the significance of the symbolism of being moved 'to the back of the bus.' Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Post 9/11 Amir Marvasti, an American Sociologist of Middle-Eastern descent, has also sought to understand how social circumstances shapes peoples' perceptions of one and another, and how we see that in interactions. Marvasti explores how national/international politics and economics shapes the ethnic and religious identities that we embody in our daily lives. Marvasti uses Erving Goffman's term 'Spoiled identity,' which he says refers to stigmatized identities of Middle-Eastern Americans post-911. He says post-911 MEA's have to come up with 'stigma management strategies' in order to deal with the overt or covert racism they encounter routinely. 1 A Newsweek poll conducted shortly after the terrorist attacks, on September 14–15, 2001, indicated that “32% of Americans think Arabs living in this country should be put under special surveillance as Japanese Americans were” (Jones 2001:3–4). Similarly, in June 2002 a Gallup survey of 1,360 American adults showed that “of the five immigrant groups tested [Arabs, Hispanics, Asians, Africans, and Europeans], the public is least accepting of Arab immigrants, as 54% say there are too many entering the United States” (Jones 2002:3). Because stigma has the effect of flattening the complex identities of individuals into a single, spoiled category, those who are categorized as spoiled are often harassed and even subject to violence. An example of this could be seen in the tragic mass shooting at a Sikh temple in Milwaukee in 2012. The Stigma of Charity at the Intersection of Race, Class and Gender Beyond microaggressions in one-on-one interaction, being connected to a stigmatized identity on the basis of race, ethnicity, class, gender and so forth can jeopardize one's standing in their local community, even when that connection comes from circumstances beyond our control. One particularly interesting study was conducted by Sociologist Aliece Fothergill (2003). Fothergill examined the experiences of individuals affected by the Grand Forks flood in North Dakota in 1997. These individuals were predominantly middle class, white and women. When the flood hit, it destroyed the community and many of its members were forced to rely upon government aid as their personal wealth dwindled. The women reported feeling stigmatized, even though the disaster was an act of nature. Fothergill's research tells us how the political and economic context of the nation, and the social construction of the poor and charity recipients impacted these women's experiences. Fothergill says: "According to Georg Simmel (1965), the poor are not united by the interaction of its members but by the collective attitude that society as a whole adopts toward them. The collective attitude, research has shown, is overwhelmingly negative, particularly if the poor receive any public assistance. Politicians and social pundits often maintain that welfare recipients are lazy and unwilling to work and that women on welfare are promiscuous and have more children in order to receive more benefits." 'Welfare recipient' is seen as as a spoiled identity, largely because of its racial and gendered connotations, and being associated with it can put people in the crosshairs for rejection, microaggressions, and so forth. As Fothergill claims: "As a result of these stereotypes and rhetoric, individuals who receive public assistance experience shame, embarrassment, and humiliation (Wyers 1977; Rank 1994). Overall, the stigma of welfare prevents many individuals who need help the most from receiving it (Loewenberg 1981) and ultimately serves to punish poor people for being poor (Sidel 1986). Most social scientists posit that the majority of individuals receiving some form of public assistance do so not because of a flaw in their character or behavior." 2 Please respond to the following prompt. Your analytic memo will be due at 11:59pm on Saturday of this week, meaning on Sunday at midnight it is late, and late work will not be accepted without a valid excuse The parameters for your response are as follows: 1. The response must be between 850-1150 words. Students that fall short of the required word count will receive a 1096 deduction. 2. You must cite a minimum of 3 scholarly sources-- news media articles do not count as scholarly sources, only peer reviewed journals, books, etc. 3. You must cite all sources clearly and consistently, regardless of the citation style you choose be sure to keep it consistent 4. You must include a works cited (not part of the word count) at the end. 5. You response should include considerable reflection on the pertinent course terms and concepts, failing to reference these consistently throughout will result in a deduction. Week Three Prompt This week we examined the concept of 'Microagressions, which can occur on the basis of race/ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, nationality, and so on. At first blush, microaggressions might be seen as instances of one individual saying something to another that is offensive, to a greater or lessor extent. So in that sense, what separates microagressions from the typical social faux paus in which someone says something we'd consider to be in bad taste? In your response explore what might make microagressions seem something more than just individual infractions.
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Attached.

Running head: MICROAGRESSIONS VS. SOCIAL FAUX PAUS

Microagressions vs. Social Faux Paus
Student’s Name
Institution
Date

1

MICROAGRESSIONS VS. SOCIAL FAUX PAUS

2

Microaggressions vs. Social Faux Paus
Introduction
Microaggressions explain the act of people speaking to others to hurt them because they
belong to a different social class such as economic class, race, gender, sexual orientation,
nationality, ethnic group, and others. Microagressions are seen as a way of belittling the other
person. Sometimes they might be used unintentionally, but they still end up producing the same
result of hurting the target. On the other hand, social faux paus define the social blunders that
people make when they are around others. Some of the main social faux paus include burping in
public, overeating in public, drinking carbonated drinks excessively or even vomiting.
Microaggressions and social faux paus are negative social behaviors but are separated by various
factors.
Microaggressions are enhanced through prejudice while social faux paus have no
prejudice enhanced. Microaggressions entail the use of negative statements while talking or
describing another person (Sue 2010). For instance, blacks have faced a t...


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