7
Purestock/SuperStock
Cognitive and Emotional Outcomes:
School-Aged Children
Learning Objectives
By the end of the chapter, you will be able to:
• Describe the development of attitudes as well as the influence that family,
peers, mass media, and school have on them.
• Identify and define a school-aged child’s attributions and motives.
• Understand a school-aged child’s development of self-esteem.
• Understand the role of values with regard to beliefs and behaviors of a schoolaged child.
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Pre-Test
CHAPTER 7
Introduction
H
ave you ever wondered why school-aged children favor one set of attitudes and
beliefs over others? Some children may favor academics over sports, while other
children prefer to spend their time playing sports and ignore their schoolwork. In
this chapter, we will discuss how school-aged children form and alter these attitudes and
beliefs based on different influences in their lives. At this age, children are readily influenced, and the messages they receive can and will impact their adult lives.
Can you remember a time when you were motivated to achieve something that was very
important to you? Was it related to school? Sports? Or something else? This chapter covers
the various ways in which achievement motivation can be seen in school-aged children.
As we have seen in previous chapters, children’s microsystems play an integral role in
influencing children’s beliefs. Family members, peers, and the school community have
the ability to affect children’s motivation levels, self-esteem levels, and overall outlook on
others. Other forces also come into play as children grow. The media and other cultural
influences begin to take more of a role in shaping children’s attitudes and beliefs. We will
explore this as well as the role of self-esteem in school-aged children and the different
influences on it.
Pre-Test
1. Spatial thinking is characterized by a child’s ability to understand the sequences
of events as they pertain to a logical order.
True
False
2. Family, peers, mass media, and the school system do not play a significant role in
the development of attitudes and beliefs in school-aged children.
True
False
3. School-aged children who have high expectations of themselves have a tendency
to stay with a task longer and end up performing better on that task than children
who have low expectations of themselves.
True
False
4. Family plays a small role in the development of a school-aged child’s self-esteem.
True
False
5. Within the school-aged child’s exosystem reside the parental, peer, and teacher
influences on value acquisition.
True
False
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Section 7.1 Attitudes and Beliefs
CHAPTER 7
Answers
1. False
The answer can be found in Section 7.1.
2. False
The answer can be found in Section 7.2.
3. True
The answer can be found in Section 7.3.
4. False
The answer can be found in Section 7.4.
5. False
The answer can be found in Section 7.5.
7.1 Attitudes and Beliefs
M
iddle childhood (school-aged children), frequently defined as the period between
ages 6 and 11 or 12 years, is filled with transitions in many domains, particularly
in children’s cognitive abilities. They make a great deal of progress in this area,
which in turn affects their attitudes and beliefs. The ways in which children’s attitudes
and beliefs change as they grow have much to do with their microsystems, in addition to
their mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem.
However, before discussing the influences on school-aged children’s attitudes and beliefs,
we must examine their cognitive development.
Cognitive Development
According to Piaget’s stages of cognitive development (1952, 1964), children enter the
stage of concrete operations around the age of 6 or 7 (see Section 2.3). Concrete operations
is the stage in which children can use mental operations to solve concrete or actual problems. Children in the midst of concrete operations function at a much higher level in terms
of their cognition than they did during the stage of preoperational thinking. As the name
of this stage suggests, concrete operational thinking suffers from one important limitation.
School-aged children are able to think in an organized and logical fashion only when dealing with concrete information that they have seen for themselves. Their thinking process
works poorly with abstract ideas. This important limitation has profound implications
with regard to their development of various attitudes and beliefs. The advances typically
seen during this stage include spatial thinking, cause-and-effect, categorizing, inductive
and deductive reasoning, and conservation (Piaget, 1952, 1964). (See Figure 7.1.)
Spatial Thinking
Spatial thinking is a child’s ability to analyze, engage in problem solving, and use pattern
recognition involving objects and their spatial relationships (Pruden, Levine, & Huttenlocher, 2011). For example, at 7 years old, Hector is able to find his way home from school
and can give his friend Lisa’s mom detailed instructions on how to get to his house. Hector has the spatial thinking ability to recognize the streets and landmarks that would bring
him to his house. Hector’s parents (members of his microsystem) were able to cultivate
Hector’s abilities in spatial thinking and ultimately increased his self-efficacy by allowing
him to demonstrate his abilities to Lisa’s mom. By encouraging and teaching children to
hone their skills in analyzing problems and recognizing spatial relationships, parents and
others can help them develop more positive, confident attitudes.
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Section 7.1 Attitudes and Beliefs
CHAPTER 7
Cause-and-Effect Thinking
The next advancement in cognitive abilities during concrete operations occurs within the
realm of cause-and-effect thinking, which is characterized by a child’s ability to understand the sequences of events as they pertain to a logical order. Having the ability to
think problems through in a logical progression is important in influencing attitudes and
beliefs. Children must be able to internally process the consequences of their actions based
on what they perceive to be “right” or “wrong” and act accordingly. When children are
working through this stage, members of their microsystems can talk them through this
way of thinking in order to better prepare them for the future.
Categorization
Categorization is an ability that helps a child to think logically and is another advancement in this stage. As you may recall from Chapter 5, when children are younger, they are
able to categorize objects using simple logic (see Section 5.1). However, a school-aged child
is now able to group or categorize objects using higher-order thinking, such as through
transitive inference, class inclusion, and seriation. Transitive inference is the ability to
infer a relationship between two objects from the relationship between each of them and a
third object, while class inclusion is defined as the ability to see the relationship between a
whole and its individual parts. Seriation is the ability to order objects in a series according
to one or more characteristics or dimensions such as length or color (Piaget, 1952, 1964). For
example, 9-year-old Judy is playing with her 4-year-old sister, Molly. Judy wants to line up
all of the crayons from lightest to darkest. Molly just wants to put the crayons into piles of
the same colors. Judy says to her, “You are doing it wrong,” and Molly replies, “All of the
oranges are together.” Judy has the ability to classify the orange crayons from lightest to
darkest whereas Molly does not
because she sees all of the orange
crayons as being the same.
Seriation is an important ability in terms of Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological model. In the same
way that Judy classified crayons
in terms of their shades, children
can learn that people can be classified in more ways than simply
the color of their skin, gender,
or a disability. This is where the
attitudes and beliefs of members
of children’s microsystems shape
the way that children classify
others, and in turn, shape their
beliefs about these people.
Hemera/Thinkstock
The ability to categorize crayons by color will differ depending
upon the age of the child.
Reasoning
Another developmental milestone reached during concrete operations is the use of reasoning, both inductive and deductive, as mentioned in Chapter 2 (see Section 2.3). For
example, Tara, an 8-year-old, has a new Asian American classmate, Michio. Tara sees
that Michio always gets good grades on his homework and tests, and can answer all
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CHAPTER 7
Section 7.2 Development of Attitudes and Belief Systems
the teacher’s questions, which she believes makes him very smart. One night before
bedtime, Tara is watching Jeopardy with her parents and sees that an Asian American
woman is answering almost all of the questions correctly. She and her parents agree that
this woman is very smart. Tara uses inductive reasoning and now believes that all Asian
Americans are smart. Tara then uses deductive reasoning to conclude that her neighbor
Jeni, who is also Asian American, must be good at school, though Tara has never seen
any of Jeni’s schoolwork.
Parents and other members of children’s microsystems must be aware that this new cognitive development has the potential to cause children to generalize their attitudes and
beliefs in ways that may be untrue. This is where racial and gender stereotypes can come
into play, particularly because the cultural messages from children’s macrosystems may
be persuading the children that these generalizations are true.
Conservation
Another advancement seen during concrete operations is conservation, which is the
awareness that two objects that are equal according to a certain measure remain equal in
the face of perceptual alteration so long as nothing has been added or taken away from
either object (Piaget, 1952, 1964). For example, Liam (6 years old) and Andy (14 years old)
are sitting at a table and Andy makes 2 rows of 5 pennies each. The top row has the pennies spread out along the table, whereas in the second row, the five pennies are touching
each other. Andy asks Liam, “Which row has more pennies?” Liam replies, “They are the
same.” Liam understands that even though the pennies are spread out differently and that
the top row takes up more space, there is still the same number of pennies in each row.
Liam has mastered conservation.
Figure 7.1: Advances in cognitive development in Piaget’s concrete development stage
Spatial
Thinking
Causeand-Effect
Thinking
Categorization
Reasoning
Conservation
As children experience these stages of cognitive development, their attitudes and beliefs begin to
take shape.
7.2 Development of Attitudes and Belief Systems
V
arious factors influence the development of attitudes and beliefs in school-aged
children, including their family, peers, mass media, and their school community. Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, 1986) ecological model can be seen in various ways
when examining where a school-aged child’s development of attitudes and beliefs
stem from. The concepts of the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem can be explored to learn what influences children. The most obvious influence to
examine is a child’s family, because they spend the most time with the child as he or
she is growing up.
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Section 7.2 Development of Attitudes and Belief Systems
CHAPTER 7
The development of attitudes is influenced by a child’s age, cognitive development, and
social experience (Van Ausdale & Feagin, 2001). Attitudes about diverse cultural groups
sequentially develop in three stages (see Section 5.1). The last stage is especially pertinent
in discussing attitude and belief
development because it is during
middle childhood that this phase
occurs. Children during this
third stage of cultural awareness
become cognizant of the various
ways in which people within
their family’s microsystem interact with others throughout their
community. That is, they begin
to notice things such as discrimination, violence, and prejudice.
Prejudice is defined as an attitude involving prejudgment
and refers to the application of a
BananaStock/Thinkstock
previously formed judgment to
some person, object, or situation.
Culture and society tend to influence children’s prejudices,
It can be either favorable or unfawhich can lead to ambivalent cultural identity.
vorable and usually comes from
categorizing or stereotyping.
Did You Know?
Did you know that there is a typical developmental sequence in how children become prejudiced?
There are five steps in the process:
1. Awareness. The child notices and begins to understand differences.
2. Identification. The child labels and classifies people based upon physical characteristics.
3. Attitudes. The child develops feelings and thoughts regarding another person and the way he or
she lives in society.
4. Preference. The child values or gives priority to a physical attribute, person, or lifestyle over others.
5. Prejudice. The child holds a preconceived and often hostile attitude toward another person,
ethnic group, or lifestyle without knowing anything about it (York, 1992).
Influences on Attitude and Belief Development
Family members, peers, mass media, and the school system all play significant roles in
the development of attitudes and beliefs in school-aged children. Members of children’s
microsystems spend the most time with these children and therefore have the most influence on their socialization and development. The role parents play within the microsystem with regards to the attitudes of their children has been well documented. In fact,
school-aged children’s attitudes toward academic achievement (Parsons, Adler, & Kaczala, 1982), obesity and food advertising (Yu, 2011), physical activity (Zecevic, Tremblay,
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Section 7.2 Development of Attitudes and Belief Systems
CHAPTER 7
Lovsin, & Michel, 2010), physical risk taking during outdoor play (Little, Wyver, & Gibson, 2011), and even organ donation (Siebelink, Geerts, Albers, Roodbol, & van de Wiel,
2011) are influenced by their parents. Furthermore, a study by Sinclair, Dunn, and Lowery
(2005) documented the extent to which school-aged children ultimately identified with
their parents’ attitudes and beliefs about race.
As an exemplar, Parsons, Adler, and Kaczala (1982) studied parental influence on children’s attitudes and beliefs regarding math achievement. Their study found that parents
of sons rated their child higher in math achievement, and parents of daughters rated their
child lower in math achievement. In addition, the boys rated themselves higher in math
achievement than the girls even though there was no difference in math scores across gender. Parents of boys also thought it was more important for boys to learn advanced math
than parents of girls, and parents of girls also rated that girls need to work harder at math,
compared to the parents of boys who thought that math came more naturally.
Peers have a tremendous influence on school-aged children’s attitudes and beliefs. Children
spend hours together every day, and the attitudes and beliefs they have about each other and
other groups significantly impact each other’s attitudes and beliefs. School-aged children
have a tendency to compare their behavior with the behavior of their peers (Brown, 2010).
They understand the differences between classmates within the in-group and the out-group
and have a greater tendency to exhibit prejudicial opinions toward members of the outgroup. Because school-aged children are particularly sensitive to the influence of their peers,
anyone who is seen as being “different” (for example, an individual from a culture other
than the norm or an individual with a disability) is often excluded from the group (Brown,
2010; Gollnick & Chinn, 2008). Since peer influence increases over time, it is important for
children to be part of a group that accepts them as equals (Kropej, Videmsek, & Pisot, 2008).
Mass media is another outlet that affects a school-aged child’s attitudes and beliefs. In
fact, the statistics show that the average school-age child spends nearly 45 hours a week
engaged in some type of media. This is almost three times the amount of time spent with
parents. The Internet and other types of media have been found to have adverse effects
on children (National Institutes of Health [NIH], 2008). Eighty percent of 173 studies
exploring the effects of media consumption on children agree that heavy media exposure
increases the risk of harm, including obesity, smoking, sex, drug and alcohol use, attention problems, and poor grades. In addition, 93% of those studies found that children with
greater media exposure have sexual relations earlier (NIH, 2008). Because children are
inundated with the same messages daily, for hours on end, it may not be a surprise that
they would begin to change their attitudes and beliefs to reflect these messages that they
see and hear on television, radio, and in print.
Another type of media that affects a school-aged child’s attitudes and beliefs is video
games. Video games are uniquely different from watching television or movies because
they allow the child to become an active participant in the game’s script. Players benefit
from engaging in acts of violence by beating an enemy and moving to the next level of the
game. This inadvertently teaches children that the more aggressive they are, the more they
will achieve. Video games have been found to increase aggressive behavior, because violent
acts are continually repeated throughout the game (Gentile & Anderson, 2003). In addition,
video games encourage players to identify with their favorite characters, which is referred
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Section 7.2 Development of Attitudes and Belief Systems
CHAPTER 7
to as a “first person” game (Anderson & Dill, 2000). In this sense, a school-aged child is able
to make decisions that ultimately affect the actions of the character he or she is “playing.”
This first-person game playing can have a profound impact, because a player can exhibit
“prime aggressive thoughts” after a limited amount of time playing the game (Bushman
& Anderson, 2002). Players with previous experience playing aggressive video games are
more likely to respond with increased levels of aggression when faced with confrontation.
Although the influence of these various forms of media is particularly relevant given their
prevalence in today’s society, one of the most influential factors associated with schoolaged children’s attitudes and beliefs is the school community itself.
Think About It
Have you ever been at a restaurant and noticed that a school-aged child is playing a handheld video
game while the rest of his family is eating a meal and talking to each other? How do you think this
affects his ability to socialize? If a parent constantly checked his or her phone at the table, would it be
considered acceptable behavior?
The influence of the school community on school-aged children can be
seen in a variety of ways. For example, gender role stereotyping is perpetuated in schools. Schools that
separate male and female activities (such as boys being required to
take math and science classes and
girls being required to take English
classes) are inadvertently teaching
children which activities are gender
appropriate (Sadker & Sadker, 1994;
Sadker & Zittleman, 2009). Further,
teachers who project their gendertype expectations onto the boys and
girls in their classrooms reinforce
Blend Images/Corbis
traditional gender role behaviors
(Good & Brophy, 2007). This means Video games are different from watching television or
that the boys in those classrooms movies because they allow children to become active
acted in ways that demonstrated participants in the game’s script.
more activity and aggression than
the girls in those classrooms. In addition, a teacher who expected the girls to be passive and
quiet had girls in their classroom who exhibited those types of behaviors as well.
One of the most profound examples of how a teacher (and subsequently the school community itself) can influence a school-aged student’s attitudes and beliefs can be seen in
Case Study 7.1, which is a true story.
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Section 7.2 Development of Attitudes and Belief Systems
CHAPTER 7
Case Study 7.1: A Class Divided
Jane Elliot was a 3rd-grade teacher during the 1960s and 1970s. After days of watching news commentary in the aftermath of Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination, she listened to White men sit around
and discuss “those people” and “those communities.” It was then that Jane knew that she needed to
try a new approach to teaching her young students about discrimination and its effects. She began her
experiment in 1967. The following is an account of her 1970 experiment, which lasted 2 days.
Day 1
Jane began by asking her class about National Brotherhood Week, what it means and whether there
are people in America who aren’t treated like brothers. She then proposed an experiment to help
the students understand what discrimination means. She suggested that over 2 days, the class would
be split into blue-eyed and brown-eyed students and that on the first day, blue-eyed people would
be better than brown-eyed people. She went on to tell the students that those who were better (the
blue-eyed for day 1) would get extra recess, be able to drink right from the fountain, have seconds
at lunch, and could play on the playground equipment. The other children had to use paper cups to
drink from the fountain, couldn’t play with the better children, had to stay off the playground equipment, and had to wear collars around their necks to be easily identifiable.
Throughout the rest of the day, both in and out of class, Jane pointed out how long brown-eyed students took to complete tasks, how ill-prepared they were, how they didn’t take things seriously, and
how they were generally disruptive and ill-behaved. She enlisted the blue-eyed children to back her
up and provide examples of these supposed behavior deficiencies.
It was shocking to see how quickly and easily the blue-eyed children slipped into the roles of bully,
informer, and bigot. One child suggested that Jane keep the yardstick close by so that she could deal
with unruly brown-eyed kids. Some children called others “brown eyes” in a way that one child compared to the use of the n-word against African Americans.
Day 2
On day 2, it was the brown-eyed children’s turn to become better than the blue-eyed children. All the
privileges that accrued to the blue-eyed kids the day before were now the prerogative of the browneyed ones. Despite having been on the receiving end of discriminatory and nasty behavior because of
their eye color only the day before, the brown-eyed children took to their roles as bigots and tormentors easily and cheerfully. When it was time for the brown-eyed children to do the daily flashcards
with Jane, they improved their time by almost a minute over the day before. When Jane asked why
the brown-eyed children were able to get through the flashcards so much faster, they told her it was
because they didn’t have the collars on.
On the afternoon of day 2, Jane explicitly led the students to the lesson of the experiment by asking
whether eye or skin color should be a factor in how to decide whether someone is good or bad or
if those things make a good or bad person. All of the children answered “no.” In fact, one blue-eyed
child described his experience on day 2 like being a dog on a leash.
Reflection Questions
1. Imagine that you were a child in that classroom. How would you have felt if the teacher turned
against you because of the color of your eyes?
2. Have you ever been in a situation where you felt you were being discriminated against based
upon a physical characteristic? How did that make you feel?
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Section 7.3 Attributions and Motives
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Changing Attitudes About Diversity
School-aged children’s attitudes toward diversity have received a great deal of attention
within the scientific community. In fact, several studies have documented the ways in
which a child’s attitude can be changed through the use of educational techniques. This can
be particularly important because children spend a great deal of time in classroom settings,
and teachers and their peers are important members of their micro- and mesosystems.
One study found that the process of imagining an interaction with a physically disabled
child can change the child’s attitude toward the other child (Cameron, Cameron, Turner,
Holman-Nicolas, & Powell, 2011). Children who engaged in this “imagined contact” subsequently showed reduced bias and increased ratings of warmth and competence toward
the disabled child. In addition, the imagined contact led to more positive intended friendship behavior toward the disabled child. If teachers are able to cultivate situations such
as these, they can influence children’s reactions to students with disabilities. This type of
interactional exercise can be used in other situations with students who are considered
“different” to promote more acceptance and friendliness toward them.
Additionally, short-term, quality intergenerational contact can impact a child’s attitude
toward older adults (Hannon & Gueldner, 2008). Children who participated in a treatment
(that changed attitudes through discussion, direct exposure, and increased knowledge
regarding the elderly) had a more positive attitude toward older adults. Both inclusion in
the intergenerational activities and time spent with related older adults are significant in
explaining changes in the children’s attitudes toward older adults.
The more exposure children have to others with disabilities, who are different ethnicities, or anyone else who is different from them, the more accepting they seem to be. This
is important for members of children’s microsystems to know and to utilize while these
school-aged children are developing attitudes and beliefs. If parents and teachers can promote more accepting attitudes toward others, children are more likely to adopt their attitudes and beliefs as well. As a result, they will become tolerant of differences and learn to
celebrate diversity.
7.3 Attributions and Motives
M
otivation becomes much more of a self-centered activity—it becomes more individually tailored—when children become school-aged. By examining attribution
and motivation in school-aged children, we will take a closer look at different
types of motivation (intrinsic and extrinsic), locus of control, learned helplessness, and
self-efficacy to help understand why school-aged children act the way they do.
Achievement Motivation
Achievement motivation is often related to actual achievement behavior (Bandura, 1997;
Wigfield, Eccles, Schiefele, Rosser, & Davis-Kean, 2006). However, it is important to note
that a school-aged child’s motives to achieve may only be seen in one aspect of life, meaning that a boy may be motivated to do well in baseball and eventually make the all-star
team, and at the same time fail many courses in school. Members of a child’s microsystem
have the ability to influence achievement motivation.
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Section 7.3 Attributions and Motives
CHAPTER 7
Parenting practices influence achievement motivation. If parents set standards that are
unrealistic (either too high or too low), it will affect their child’s motivation (Pomerantz,
Grolnick, & Price, 2007). Low motivation can be caused by standards that are too easy or
expectations that are too high. Both of these cause children to adopt a “why try?” type
of attitude. Children with parents who set standards that are developmentally appropriate (not too high and not too low) tend to have high motivation to accomplish the
task (Pomerantz et al., 2007). Additionally, children who show high achievement usually
come from homes that include the developmentally appropriate timing of achievement
demands (Wigfield et al., 2006). Further, high-achieving children come from homes where
parents have high confidence in their child’s abilities, a supportive family environment,
and highly motivated role models.
School-aged children who have high expectations of themselves have a tendency to stay
with a task longer and end up performing better on that task than children who have low
expectations. In fact, children with high IQs and higher expectations of themselves in
school receive higher grades compared to those children with high IQs but low expectations of themselves (Wigfield et al., 2006).
It is important to realize that it is not only parents or home environment that affects
children’s motivation but also other members of the microsystem. School environment is
another important microsystem to study. Teachers play a big role in a school-aged child’s
achievement motivation. When
teachers are caring and supportive,
and emphasize the learning process over performance outcomes,
as well as provide feedback,
children tend to be motivated to
achieve and expect success (Daniels, Kalkman, & McCombs, 2001).
For example, Nolan (age 9) has
consistently been praised by his
teachers, extended family, and
parents for his intellect and curiosity. He earns the highest marks
in school. As such, in his spare
iStockphoto/Thinkstock
time, Nolan can be found reading books that are above his grade
Teachers play a big role in a school-aged child’s achievelevel, solving math problems in a
ment motivation.
workbook designed for older children, and working on scientific
experiments that he has read about on the Internet. Nolan’s internal motivation, his parents,
and his teachers play a large role in Nolan’s achievement motivation, which is evidenced by
his spare-time activity.
Locus of Control
Research has found that those who have mostly been successful in their past experiences
have a tendency to expect to succeed in the present and future as well. Likewise, those
who have mostly failed in the past expect to fail in the future and the present (Skinner &
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Section 7.3 Attributions and Motives
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Greene, 2008). This idea that individuals are responsible for their own fate leads us right
into our discussion on locus of control.
School-aged children who attribute their performance or behavior to an internal locus
of control attribute the responsibility for behavior to themselves. For example, Katie, an
11-year-old, studies hard for her math test and earns an A. When her teacher asks how she
did so well, Katie says, “I felt good the last time I got an A on my math test, so I wanted to
study really hard to get another A. It feels just as good this time too.” In contrast, children
who attribute their behavior to an external locus of control attribute responsibility for
the behavior to something outside themselves. In the same situation, if Katie responds to
her teacher and says, “I got lucky—the test was pretty easy,” she is exhibiting an external
locus of control.
Children’s orientation toward either an internal or external locus of control is related to a
number of factors (Wigfield et al., 2006). In particular, having an internal locus of control
is shown to be related to age, gender, and socioeconomic status. There appears to be an
increase of school-aged children’s perceived internal locus of control around the age of 9.
In addition, girls (as opposed to boys) and middle- and upper-class (as opposed lowerclass) children exhibit more of an internal locus of control orientation. School-aged children with an orientation toward an internal locus of control tend to do better academically
than children who tend to attribute their performance to an external force (Patrick, Skinner, & Connell, 1993; Skinner & Greene, 2008). These factors are important for parents and
teachers to know, since they have a direct influence on children’s beliefs in themselves.
They must help students to become self-motivating and to see that their hard work has
good affects rather than simply basing their successes on luck or fate.
Learned Helplessness
Gender differences in school-aged children’s learned helplessness have been well documented (Dweck & Bush, 1976; Dweck & Gillard, 1975). Girls are more likely to attribute
a lack of ability in themselves when compared to boys even when both boys and girls
displayed learned helplessness orientations (Dweck & Bush, 1976; Dweck & Gillard,
1975). On the other hand, boys attribute poor performance to not working hard enough.
Teachers can play a role in their students’ perceptions due to the types of feedback they
offer to their students. Boys who submit work that is not up to the teacher’s standards
are often told that they did not put forth enough effort, whereas girls who submit poor
work are told that they did not do it right even though they had tried (Dweck & Bush,
1976; Dweck & Gillard, 1975). Teachers must be fair in their critiques and comments to
students, as they have the ability to influence how children feel about their present and
future performance.
Similar findings have been reported in more recent studies. When faced with failure (after
success), school-aged girls are more likely to attribute a subsequent poor performance to
their ability than school-aged boys are, even when both sexes are given the same previous
praise based upon their ability (Corpus & Lepper, 2007). For example, Judy (a 9-yearold), is struggling with science, and her teacher asks her if she would like to stay after
school and get some help from the science tutor. Judy tells her teacher that there is no
use in wasting the tutor’s time and that she is just no good in science and never will be.
Here, Judy is displaying signs of learned helplessness with regard to science achievement.
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Section 7.3 Attributions and Motives
CHAPTER 7
Due to previous attempts and subsequent failures to earn good grades in her science class,
Judy now believes that she is incapable of achieving good grades and that no matter what
she does, she will always be bad in science. The way that Judy’s teacher responds to her
comments will affect whether Judy will continue to display signs of learned helplessness
or if she can be empowered to try harder and improve her belief in her abilities.
Self-Efficacy
Self-efficacy (see Section 5.2) has been linked in school-aged children to the choice of tasks,
effort and persistence, and achievement.
Children’s conception of their
own abilities tends to be more
predictive of their achievement
than their conceptions of what
others believe their abilities
are (Pomerantz & Saxon, 2001).
Further, school-aged children’s
conceptions about their own competence are based on whether the
ability is considered stable over
time. School-aged children who
have high self-efficacy set challenging goals and use appropriate
strategies to achieve them; they
Exactostock/SuperStock
try hard, persist despite difficulties, and seek help when necessary. Also, these children have a Self-efficacy has been linked to a variety of outcomes,
tendency to embrace challenging including achievement.
goals and are better at monitoring their time. For example, Rob (an 11-year-old) spends the majority of his free time perfecting his figure skating routines. Rob’s goal is to make the junior Olympic team in the
coming year. He knows that he must sacrifice time with friends, going to church camp,
and sleeping in on the weekends in order to achieve his goal. When asked why he makes
these sacrifices, Rob replies, “Because I am really good at ice skating. I have won several
state competitions, and I know that with my training, my parents’ constant encouragement, and my dedication, I will be the next Olympic-gold athlete.” Rob has positive
self-efficacy with regard to his figure skating ability because of his performance record,
vicarious learning through his trainer, verbal encouragement by his parents, and his
emotional reaction that he is good at ice skating.
On the other hand, students who have low self-efficacy tend to become frustrated and
depressed, which can make the idea of success even more intangible (Maddux & Volkmann, 2010). In these situations, members of children’s microsystems, such as peers, can
help. It was found that a solutions-focused approach group can help children with low
self-efficacy to reach their goals, because they learn from each other and have the opportunity to share their feelings and support one another (Kvarme, Helseth, Sørum, LuthHansen, Haugland, & Natvig, 2010).
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Section 7.4 Self-Esteem
CHAPTER 7
7.4 Self-Esteem
A
major determinate of self-esteem in school-aged children is the child’s view of his
or her capacity to do productive work (Erikson, 1982). Erikson’s fourth stage of
psychosocial development is industry vs. inferiority. In this stage, children must
learn the productive skills that are important to their culture, or they will face feelings
of inferiority (Erikson, 1982). This stage of psychosocial development directly relates to
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, 1989, 1993, 1995, 2005) macrosystem and the beliefs that are held
to be important in children’s culture and society.
Self-Esteem and the Microsystem
Children’s microsystems have a great impact on their development as their family
and peers directly influence children’s self-esteem (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1989, 1993,
1995, 2005).
Each child’s microsystem will dictate the skills and competency level he or she must reach
in order to feel industrious. For example, some cultures expect school-aged children to
learn to hunt, fish, or farm rather than go to school to learn reading, writing, and arithmetic. However, each child’s microsystem tells him or her something different. Children
whose microsystems emphasize the importance of schoolwork will work hard at getting good grades in school. For example, 11-year-old Jeanne’s school emphasizes a wellrounded education. The school dictates that students do well in academics, but they must
also participate in sports. Jeanne is currently in fifth grade. Although Jeanne is very good
in school, she is not very good at playing sports. On most days, Jeanne enjoys going to
school. However, on gym class days, Jeanne knows that teams will be picked. She pleads
with her mother to allow her to stay home from school to avoid gym. She is always picked
last, and as a result, her self-esteem plummets on those days.
Children’s self-esteem can also be based on their peer microsystem. Children will measure
their feelings of competence with regard to how well they engage in the behaviors that
are looked on highly by peers. For example, if Jeanne’s friends are all good at sports, this
would also affect her low self-esteem on gym days at school.
The virtue or the strength that develops out of this stage of Erikson’s theory is competence. If a child feels inadequate in comparison to his or her peers, the child may
retreat to the protective embrace that is shown by his or her family. The flip side of this
is that if children become too industrial, they can begin to neglect social relationships
and turn into workaholics as adults. For example, Justin, a 4th grader, is only 7 years
old. He is exceptionally smart, as he has skipped two grades, loves school, and has
high self-esteem. His parents have taught him that having a good education and being
smart are important to succeed in life. However, Justin does not want to socialize with
members of his class. He wants to go to school, learn all of the information, and then go
home after school to his computer where he can surf the Internet and learn even more
information. Though Justin’s parents value hard work, Justin’s teacher, Mr. Wilson,
wants to promote balance in Justin’s life. As a member of the microsystem, Mr. Wilson
wants to positively influence Justin, so he holds a conference with his parents, demonstrating the mesosystem influence. He tries to promote more balance and socialization
in Justin’s life by discussing ways that Justin’s parents can help influence Justin to form
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Section 7.4 Self-Esteem
CHAPTER 7
relationships with his peers who also value education by joining intellectually based
clubs. This is an example of how parents and teachers have the ability to work together
for a child’s best interest.
A school-aged child’s family can play a significant role in developing and influencing
self-esteem. Parents who are warm and accepting, provide reasonable expectations for
mature behavior, and engage in positive problem solving with their child have children
with higher self-esteem (Rudy & Grusec, 2006). Further, controlling parents, meaning
those parents who help too often or make decisions for their child, communicate a sense
of inadequacy to their child. Having parents who are repeatedly disproving or insulting is
also linked to school-aged children’s low self-esteem (Kernis, 2002).
Think About It
Can you remember a time when you were in elementary school and you earned a good grade on a
test or assignment? How did members of your microsystem react to this achievement? How did this
affect your self-esteem?
Peers become more important
during this time, and schoolaged children whose peers like
them are more likely to be welladjusted adolescents and are
less likely to drop out of school
or become delinquent (Cillessen
& Mayeux, 2004). Children who
participate in team sports are
more likely to have higher selfesteem than children who participate in individual sports
(Slutzky & Simpkins, 2009). It
can be inferred that team sports
Blend Images/SuperStock provide more opportunities to
bond and to strengthen friendDuring the school-aged years, peers become an important
ships than individual sports do,
part of a child’s self-esteem.
thereby increasing children’s selfesteem. Further, children’s ability
to make friends during middle childhood has an effect on their self-esteem. One study
showed that fifth graders who have no friends are more likely than their classmates to
have lower self-esteem both in middle childhood and in young adulthood (Bagwell, Newcomb, & Bukowski, 1998).
Self-esteem can be promoted within classrooms. Classrooms with more personalized
displays (where teachers display children’s work or information about them) cultivate
higher self-esteem in first graders (Maxwell & Chmielewski, 2008). Teacher and student
interactions are important as well. Teachers who are actively involved with their students
and who provide them with support increase students’ self-esteem both socially and
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Section 7.4 Self-Esteem
CHAPTER 7
academically (Leflot, Onghena, & Colpin, 2010). These vital members of children’s microsystems have the ability to help students succeed simply by being supportive. This holds
true for boys and girls.
Another factor in children’s self-esteem is the media. Internet use, such as email and
instant messaging, has been found to increase self-esteem in children around the age of
12 years old (Jackson, von Eye, Fitzgerald, Zhao, & Witt, 2010). Children now have the
opportunity to stay in contact with their friends and family at almost all times due to the
evolution of the Internet. This can be an important factor in self-esteem. However, it has
also been found that video game playing is a negative influence on self-esteem (Jackson
et al., 2010). Additionally, the cultural (macrosystem) messages that the media convey to
children have the ability to increase or decrease their self-esteem. The media often shows
children (and adults) what they should consider to be ideal—such as what qualities are
considered beautiful, the possible careers that will show they are “successful,” and the
appropriate ways to behave in different situations. If children do not live up to these
ideas, their self-esteem may decrease.
Self-Esteem and the Macrosystem
In Chapter 1 we discussed how the macrosystem in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model
shapes the socialization process (see Section 1.2). The macrosystem includes cultural
beliefs and values. With the macrosystem, it is important to look at the influence of both
gender and socioeconomic status on a child’s self-esteem.
Parents play a role in shaping children’s emotion regulation even during middle childhood. The strategies that parents use are influenced by their cultural context. If parents
are stressed themselves, they may have fewer resources available to devote to children’s
problems. There are differences in cultural responses to school-aged girls’ and boys’
emotions. Analysis of questionnaires and observational methods to examine middleincome parents’ behaviors has suggested no differences in parents’ responses to boys’
versus girls’ general emotions (Lunkenheimer, Shields, & Cortina, 2007; Suveg, Zeman,
Flannery-Schroeder, & Cassano, 2005; Wong, Diener, & Isabella, 2008). However, middleincome parents’ responses to specific emotions with questionnaires and observational
methods reveal that parents are more likely to encourage girls’ emotions of fear and sadness and boys’ anger (Cassano, Perry-Parrish, & Zeman, 2007; Chaplin, Cole, & ZahnWaxler, 2005). This means that differences have been found when a specific emotion
such as fear is targeted—which can influence a child’s self-esteem. Parents may have
particular goals in mind for promoting a specific emotion more heavily with girls than
boys and vice versa. For example, parents may be more likely to encourage girls to cry
when they are upset whereas they would discourage that specific emotion in boys. Not
only is it important to look at potential gender differences in the socialization of emotion
in middle-income families; low-income families experience different stressors that have
the potential to impact emotion socialization.
It is imperative to consider the role of poverty in influencing self-esteem and to determine
whether the gender differences found for mostly European American middle-income families also are found in families living in low-income environments (O’Neal & Magai, 2005).
Families living in poverty are likely to experience considerable and enduring economic
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Section 7.4 Self-Esteem
CHAPTER 7
and social stressors, such as inability to pay bills and adversity in meeting the family’s
physical needs. Perhaps due to this increased stress, low-income parents are less responsive and more likely to punish than middle-income parents (Pinderhughes, Dodge, Bates,
Pettit, & Zelli, 2000). For example, low-income parents may be more likely to ignore a
child who is angry about something that happened at school because they are so focused
on an immediate problem in the family system, such as unemployment. Similarly, lowincome parents may exhibit unique types of emotion socialization behaviors. For example, low-income parents may be too overwhelmed by stressors to focus on encouraging or
supporting a child’s self-esteem. However, minimizing sadness may be adaptive for coping in inner-city environments (Chaplin, Casey, Sinha, & Mayes, 2010). Because children
in these contexts are more likely to be exposed to anxiety-provoking conditions such as
noise and violence, it works to their advantage to be less sensitive to these environmental
stressors because they can tune
out these distractions more easily
and function despite the adverse
conditions. Some evidence even
suggests that youth living in
aggressive environments even
compensate biologically by producing less cortisol, which is the
hormone produced in the body
to help in responding to stressful situations (Saxbe, Margolin,
Spies Shapiro, & Baucom, 2012).
Despite the predominant patterns of parent socialization
Corbis/SuperStock
reported in low-income families,
it is important to note that there is Socializing children to minimize sadness may be adaptive in
considerable variation in parent- promoting resilience, especially for youth living in stressful
ing quality and emotion social- environments.
ization in low-income families
(Chaplin et al., 2010). Supportive
emotion socialization behaviors may contribute to resilience and high self-esteem in lowincome children. This means that when parents talk about children’s emotions openly,
it promotes adaptive outcomes for the child. Discussion of emotion involves helping a
child associate a label such as “anger” with specific behavioral and situational cues and
talking about what it feels like to be angry. In other words, parents can assist children in
understanding emotion by giving them a label for what they are feeling and learning the
signs of that emotion.
Did You Know?
Did you know that gender roles for emotion also may differ depending on socioeconomic context?
For example, females in low-income environments may be socialized to appear “tough” to protect
themselves and may be less likely than females in middle-income environments to experience socialization pressure to express gentler emotions and to avoid anger (Eisenberg, 1999). Thus, socialization
practices reflect adaptation depending on the child’s environment.
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CHAPTER 7
Section 7.5 Values
7.5 Values
V
alues—particularly for school-aged children—are influenced by various factors
and are often reflective of the values held by their parents, teachers, religion,
culture, and with increasingly more importance, their friends. Bronfenbrenner’s
(1979, 1989, 1993, 1995, 2005) ecological model can be seen in multiple ways when examining how a school-aged child’s values develop. One can examine the different systems
of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, specifically the child’s microsystem, exosystem,
and macrosystem, to learn what influences the child’s values. In addition, the age, experiences, and cognitive development of the school-aged children ultimately impact the
values that they come to hold. For example, as children undergo advancements in cognitive development, they are able to better interpret the behaviors and social interactions
of others. By doing so, they are able to personally construct their own values for social
interactions and behavior.
Within the school-aged child’s microsystem reside the parental, peer, and teacher influences on value acquisition. For example, if a teacher stresses the importance of diligence,
hard work, and persistence, her students may come to value these important character
traits. In fact, this may actually be the school motto created by the school board—diligence,
hard work, and persistence—which illustrates how the exosystem (referring to the settings
in which children are not the active participants) ultimately impacts children’s microsystems, which in this case would be their teacher’s values in the classroom.
When examining the macrosystem and its impact on a school-aged child’s values, we
need to recall that the macrosystem refers to the society or subculture to which the schoolaged child belongs. On a basic level, this could be gender. It also can include particular
reference to the belief system held by the culture in which the child lives. For example,
Judy (a 7-year-old) has just started first grade at St. Cecilia’s Catholic School. Her friend
Mindy has just started school at the Worth Public Elementary School. Judy is confused
because she must go to church during the school day, but Mindy does not. Judy asks her
teacher, Sister Mary Terese, why
she has to go to church when it
isn’t Sunday. Sister Mary Terese
replies that because she is going
to a Catholic school, she must
subscribe to Catholic values,
which means that she must
attend church every day.
Corbis/SuperStock
The Pledge of Allegiance symbolizes America’s values as
a country.
boj80120_07_c07_135-158.indd 18
There are values that entire
societies are based upon. For
example, the United States has
the Constitution and the Bill of
Rights, which form the basis of
our democratic society. These
documents spell out the basic
principles valued by Americans that dictate how a person
should act and be treated. These
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Section 7.5 Values
CHAPTER 7
values are passed on to school-aged children by their parents, within the public school
systems, and through society. In fact, in some public schools, children recite the Pledge
of Allegiance to the flag, a symbol of this country and its values.
Voices: The Value of Education Versus the Value of Sports
Scott, age 11: Hi! My name is Scott, and I am in the 6th grade at Benjamin Franklin Middle School. I
really love school! My favorite part of school is during math and sciences classes. I love them! I think
it is so amazing all of the things that you can create when you are good at math and science. When
I am not at school learning about math and science, I come home and read books about math and
science. Everyone in my family loves math and science: my mom, my dad, and even my brother Erik
loves it. Both my mom and dad are biochemists, and they get to do math and science all day long.
They are so lucky. Right now my dad and I and my older brother are working on two different projects: a solar powered car and a real-life erupting volcano! During the last three summers, I went to
a math camp for 2 weeks and then science camp for 2 weeks. I loved it. It was so cool being around
other kids who like math and science as much as I do.
This summer my mom and dad are bringing me and my brother to the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, or as my dad calls it, MIT. We are going to visit because my dad earned his Ph.D. there,
and my brother was accepted there, and he is going to start in August. My mom does not want me to
go to MIT. She says the best place to earn a degree in biochemistry is from Princeton. That is where
she went, and she really wants me to go to that school, but I told her that I want to go to MIT just like
Dad and Erik. My dad told me that if I work really hard at school and keep earning straight A’s I will be
able to grow up and be a biochemist and earn my Ph.D. from MIT just like he did. I cannot wait!
Joe, age 11: Hi! My name is Joe, and I am in the 6th grade at Benjamin Franklin Middle School. I like
school sometimes, but I would rather be playing baseball than going to school every day. Baseball is
not only a big part of my life; it is a big part of my family’s life. My two older brothers also play baseball, and my mom just signed my little brother up for baseball this year too.
We play baseball in the summer and can play baseball all year long because we play for traveling
teams too. The last 3 years after our regular season, I have made the all-star team, so that is even
more time I get to play. I spend most of my time at baseball practice or at one of my baseball games,
and if I am not at one of my games, I am at one of my brothers’ games or practices. My dad is the
coach of my team, and he coaches one of my brothers’ teams too. We all love baseball in our house!
Sometimes we don’t get home until really late, and I don’t do my homework. I used to feel bad about
not being able to turn in my homework, but my dad said not to worry. He told me that major league
baseball players don’t need to know how to use long division; they can just hire an accountant. I
totally agree with my dad. I am going to be a major league baseball player one day and play for the
Chicago White Sox!
Reflection Questions
1. What values did your family pass down to you when you were in middle school?
2. What values did you gain from your peers when you were in middle school?
3. Are any of the values that were important to you when you were in middle school still important
to you today?
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Post-Test
CHAPTER 7
Conclusion
C
hildren’s thinking during their school-aged years is marked by advances in spatial
thinking, cause-and-effect thinking, transitive inference, and class inclusion. These
advances allow school-aged children to think logically and in concrete terms, both
of which contribute to their acquisition of various attitudes and beliefs. It is important
to note that children at this age begin to show signs of prejudice; therefore, it is vital that
communication and modeling be established in an effort to overcome this type of thinking. School-aged children’s attitudes and beliefs are influenced by their microsystems,
which include their family, peers, mass media, and the school community.
It is important for parents and teachers to be aware of the changes in school-aged children’s attributions, motives, and self-esteem. Collectively, this is the period of time in
children’s lives when they begin to form the foundation for their beliefs regarding their
abilities, talents, and pursuits. A child’s microsystem influences each of these components.
Finally, it is important to note that school-aged children’s values are developed in concert
with the values of their parents, peers, and school community. When children are young,
families play the biggest role in children’s socialization and acquisition of attitudes and
beliefs. However, as children age, their peers and school community become very important in shaping their outlooks on life. Each of these avenues offers the opportunity to provide appropriate guidance and support in a positively developing child.
Post-Test
1. What term did Piaget use to describe the ability to see the relationship between a
whole and its individual parts?
a. class inclusion
b. transitive inference
c. understanding cause-and-effect
d. seriation
2. Mr. Mose is teaching his first graders to treat all people equally by having them
act out scenarios in class. This is an example of _____________.
a. educational techniques
b. orchestrated dialogues
c. systematic inquiry
d. technical listings
3. An individual’s perceived self-efficacy is related to ___________. (More than one
answer can be correct.)
a. effort
b. choice of tasks
c. persistence
d. achievement
4. Children’s self-esteem can be impacted by which of the following elements in
their microsystem? (More than one answer can be correct.)
a. their peers
b. the values of their culture
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Key Ideas
CHAPTER 7
c. their family
d. their siblings
5. Marcie is in kindergarten. Her values are unlikely to reflect the values of
_____________.
a. her parents
b. her teacher
c. her friends
d. her neighbors
Answers
1. a. class inclusion
The answer can be found in Section 7.1.
2. a. educational techniques
The answer can be found in Section 7.2.
3. a. effort, b. choice of task, c. persistence, d. achievement
The answer can be found in Section 7.3.
4. a. their peers, c. their family, d. their siblings
The answer can be found in Section 7.4.
5. d. her neighbors
The answer can be found in Section 7.5.
Key Ideas
• According to Piaget, children around the age of 6 enter the stage of concrete operations where they can use mental operations to solve concrete or actual problems.
• Five advances are seen during the stage of concrete operations: spatial thinking,
cause-and-effect, categorizing, inductive and deductive reasoning, and conservation. Two developmental milestones reached during concrete operations are the
use of inductive reasoning and deductive reasoning.
• A child’s age, cognitive development, and social experiences influence development of attitudes.
• When examining the familial, peer, mass media, and school’s influence on
school-aged children’s attitudes and beliefs, remembering the different layers in
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model is important.
• Several studies have documented the ways in which the use of educational techniques can change a child’s attitude.
• What motivates one person to do something may not motivate someone else.
• School-aged children who have high expectations of themselves tend to stay with
a task longer and end up performing better on that task than children who have
low expectations of themselves.
• School-aged children who attribute their performance or behavior to an internal locus of control credit the responsibility for the behavior to themselves,
whereas school-aged children who attribute their behavior to an external locus
of control give responsibility for the behavior to something outside themselves—external forces.
• A major determinate of self-esteem is the child’s view of his or her capacity to do
productive work.
• Values—particularly for school-aged children—are influenced by a variety of factors and are often reflective of the values held by the children’s parents, teachers,
religion, culture, and with increasingly more importance, their friends.
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Key Terms
CHAPTER 7
Critical Thinking Questions
1. Provide an example of a school-aged child using one of the cognitive advances
seen during the third stage of Piaget’s theory of cognitive development, concrete
operations.
2. Think of a time when you have witnessed a child in elementary school being
prejudiced against another child. What did it look like? What was happening?
3. Using Bronfenbrenner’s concept of the microsystem, determine who had the biggest impact on your attitude development during your school-aged years. Was it
your parents, a peer, a teacher, or someone else? Why did this particular person
stand out?
4. Think back to when you were in elementary school and remember how much
time you spent in front of the TV or video games. Did either of these have an
impact on your attitudes or beliefs? How?
5. When it comes to the concept of achievement motivation, what was something
that you were focused on? Was this motivation influenced by members of your
microsystem? If so, how?
6. Taking Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model into account, who or what within
your microsystem had the most influence on your self-esteem?
7. Give an example of when you displayed characteristics of being in Erikson’s
fourth stage of psychosocial development (industry vs. inferiority).
8. Recall from your school-aged years a value that was important in your community (your macrosystem) that trickled down and had an impact within your
microsystem.
Key Terms
categorization A stage in cognitive development where a child has the ability to categorize items using higher-order thinking.
cause-and-effect thinking A child’s ability to understand the sequences of events
as they pertain to a logical order.
class inclusion The ability to see the
relationship between a whole and its individual parts.
concrete operations The third stage in
Piaget’s cognitive development in which
children (typically between ages 7 and 12)
can use mental operations to solve concrete or actual problems.
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conservation A child’s awareness that two
objects that are equal according to a certain
measure remain equal in the face of perceptual alteration so long as nothing has been
added to or taken away from either object.
industry vs. inferiority Erikson’s fourth
stage of psychosocial development where
children must learn the productive skills
that are important to their culture or else
face feelings of inferiority.
prejudice An attitude involving prejudgment; refers to the application of a previously formed judgment to some person,
object, or situation.
seriation The ability to order objects
in a series according to one or more
dimensions.
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CHAPTER 7
Web Resources
spatial thinking A child’s ability to analyze, engage in problem solving, and use
pattern recognition involving objects and
their spatial relationships.
transitive inference The ability to infer a
relationship between two objects from the
relationship between each of them and a
third object.
Web Resources
This is a website that examines the extent to which media impacts a child’s self-image
and how the same child sees others:
http://www.childrennow.org/index.php/learn/media_messages_about_race_class_gender
This program documents an exercise in discrimination based on eye color:
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/divided/etc/view.html
This website discusses how media impact children in multiple facets of their life:
http://kidshealth.org/parent/positive/family/tv_affects_child.html
This is a website dedicated to school-aged children’s well-being:
http://raisingchildren.net.au/articles/connecting_with_your_school-age_child_
introductio.html
This video asks teachers how they will contribute to a student’s sense of industry
vs. inferiority:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GAbuj5kZufo
This website examines ways to influence a school-aged child’s self-esteem:
http://www.healthychildren.org/English/ages-stages/gradeschool/pages/HelpingYour-Child-Develop-A-Healthy-Sense-of-Self-Esteem.aspx
This video takes a school-aged child through some of Piaget’s cognitive tasks from
concrete operations:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j4lvQfhuNmg
This website from the Anti-Defamation League gives ideas on how to talk with children
about hatred and prejudice:
http://www.adl.org/issue_education/hateprejudice/print.asp
This website offers a quiz to learn about language and its effect on learned helplessness:
http://www.chickmoorman.com/PAhelplessness.html
This website and video examines a school-aged child’s social and emotional skills:
http://www.healthyfuturesva.com/detail.aspx?id=347
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8
Comstock/Thinkstock
Social and Behavioral Outcomes:
School-Aged Children
Learning Objectives
By the end of the chapter, you will be able to:
• Explain advances in self-regulation skills in school-aged children.
• Describe milestones in moral development during the middle childhood period
that affect children’s prosocial and antisocial behavior.
• Explain gender stereotypes, especially as they relate to layers in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model.
• Explore childhood peer groups and how the microsystem, macrosystem, mesosystem, and chronosystem influence them.
• Explain peer interactions in elementary school, especially as they relate to
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model.
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Pre-Test
CHAPTER 8
Introduction
I
n Chapter 7, we discussed that the elementary school years are filled with cognitive
and emotional transitions. In this chapter, we will explore the social and behavioral
transitions in school-aged children. How do children deal with stress reactively and
proactively and learn how to navigate diverse social contexts? More on this subject will be
covered as we consider the nuances of emerging friendships.
Once children enter elementary school, they are opened up to a new world of social contexts as they build their friendship networks and become involved in a variety of structured activities at school and in their communities. Why do children of this age tend to
congregate in gender-segregated groups, and why do they become more selective in
choosing friends? We also will apply Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model as it relates to
shaping children’s peer groups. It is important to explore peer relations in middle childhood, because having a best friend in childhood is predictive of social competence later
in adolescence.
Not all peer relations in middle childhood are positive, however, and bullying is pervasive during this age. Bullying can take many forms, and we will discuss examples of the
types of bullying that occur among school-aged children. We will also explore warnings
signs of bullying and intervention programs to demonstrate what parents and teachers
can do to identify bullying and help both bullies and their victims.
Pre-Test
1. Collaboration has little impact on a child’s ability to solve problems.
True
False
2. Early antisocial behavior is often associated with deviant peer relations.
True
False
3. Children generally describe females in action-related terms and males in
appearance-related terms.
True
False
4. Children who have secure relationships with their parents are likely to make
friends more easily at school.
True
False
5. Babak is 10 years old, and most of his friends are girls. Babak’s choice of friends
would tend to make him less popular with his male peers.
True
False
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Section 8.1 Self-Regulation in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
Answers
1. False
The answer can be found in Section 8.1.
2. True
The answer can be found in Section 8.2.
3. False
The answer can be found in Section 8.3.
4. True
The answer can be found in Section 8.4.
5. True
The answer can be found in Section 8.5.
8.1 Self-Regulation in Middle Childhood
S
elf-regulation is an important concept because it relates to how school-aged children
solve problems. As we saw in Chapter 7 (Section 7.1), during this stage of childhood
children have moved into a stage where they are able to solve problems logically.
Children who are able to think through problems and the consequences of their actions
are more likely to consider the feelings of others.
Proactive Coping
Self-regulation skills in school-aged children are critical because they are the root of proactive coping skills. Proactive coping is a mechanism that involves anticipating potential stressors, evaluating how to prevent them or reduce their impact, and planning a
course of action to deal with a potential problem (Buckner, Mezzacappa, & Beardslee,
2009). Through proactive coping, children are able to reduce the number of stressors that
they experience, which leads to better psychosocial adjustment. Let’s look at an example
of proactive coping.
Malachi was invited to a birthday party the same weekend his dad was planning to take
him camping. On the one hand, he is excited about the party and seeing his friends. On
the other hand, he knows his dad was really looking forward to spending time with him,
which hasn’t happened a lot lately because his dad frequently travels for work. Malachi is
experiencing stress because he wants to do both things. Although he understands he can’t
be in two places at once, he doesn’t know which invitation to accept, so he turns to his
mother for advice. Proactive coping in this situation involves thinking through the options
and the consequences of his decision, and his mother provides scaffolding for him to sort
through his options. She tells him to consider his alternatives: First, he could go ahead
with his plans to camp with his dad but buy a gift for his friend and give it to him the day
before the party. This way he can spend time with his dad without hurting his friend’s feelings. Next, she explains that he could go to the party and talk with his dad about choosing
another weekend to go camping. This option would allow him to celebrate with his friend
yet not hurt his dad’s feelings by making plans to spend time another weekend when he is
free. If Malachi had accepted the birthday party invitation right away before talking with
his parents about the situation, he would have experienced a greater dilemma. However,
because he hasn’t made a commitment yet, he still has time to weigh his options before
hurting anyone’s feelings. Malachi’s proactive coping skills are helping him come up with
a solution before the situation becomes an unmanageable problem.
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CHAPTER 8
Section 8.1 Self-Regulation in Middle Childhood
Focused Coping
Self-regulation skills may also be critical in effectively dealing with stressors after they
have occurred. Two types of strategies for coping with stressful situations in a reactive
manner are emotion-focused coping and problem-focused coping (Eisenberg, Fabes, &
Guthrie, 1997). Emotion-focused coping is a strategy that involves the regulation or
management of negative emotions such as fear and anger. In contrast, problem-focused
coping is a strategy that involves goal-directed efforts that include behavioral and attention-regulation strategies that resolve the stressful situation.
Michael Blann/Thinkstock
Problem-focused coping is an effective strategy that entails
identifying a solution to a problem, such as asking one’s
grandfather for help, before it results in a potential conflict.
For example, Helen broke her
mother’s favorite vase in two
pieces when she accidentally
knocked it off the table. As an
emotion-focused coping strategy,
Helen counts to 10 to help her
calm down before responding to
the situation. Problem-focused
coping in this situation involves
coming up with the plan to fix or
replace the vase. Helen decides
to recruit her grandfather to help
glue the vase back together. In
this situation, Helen’s problemfocused coping motivates her to
gather the resources necessary
to resolve the problem before it
escalates even further.
Roles of Parents and Peers in Self-Regulation
As is the case with self-regulation of toddlers (see Section 6.1), a child’s microsystem plays
a pivotal role in helping the child continually develop self-regulation. Parents continue to
be a major microsytem influence, but during this stage, peer relationships grow and begin
to have more influence on a child.
The period of transition from preschool to middle childhood is a point of change in the
relations between positive and negative social behaviors (Hastings, Utendale, & Sullivan, 2007). These changes affect how children solve problems. In Chapter 7, we showed
how Piaget believed that peer interaction helped lead to cognitive change (see Section 7.1).
School-aged children who work collaboratively have been shown to have a greater ability
to solve problems. Moreover, working collaboratively with their peers has been shown to
facilitate lower-ability children’s problem-solving abilities—at times working with peers
has greater results than working with a teacher or parent (Fawcett & Garton, 2005).
The United States places a strong emphasis on competition. As a result, children in middle
childhood in particular are encouraged by their parents and peers to participate in activities that enable them to gain confidence through competing in sports or other situations.
These activities help children to learn how to perform under pressure and how to work
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Section 8.2 Moral Development in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
together to achieve success. Children are positively reinforced when they win competitions, which in turn encourages them to continue in these pursuits throughout elementary
school. If children are not successful in a particular activity, they may choose another
domain or may be encouraged by peers in other groups to which they belong to participate in some other activity.
8.2 Moral Development in Middle Childhood
C
hildren who show signs of aggression at an early age are likely to continue these
aggressive behaviors once they reach elementary school. Thus, early prosocial
behavior protects against later antisocial behavior. Moral development is an important concept because it relates to the quality of relationships with peers.
What factors are related to development of prosocial and antisocial behavior in schoolaged children? What can parents and teachers do to promote prosocial behaviors in middle childhood? These are some questions we will answer in the following sections.
Prosocial Behavior
The socialization of prosocial development progresses through the ongoing and dynamic
interactions between children and their parents, siblings, peers, teachers, and culture. The
give-and-take nature of social influence motivates the complex processes shaping social
and emotional development in
childhood (Kuczynski, 2003).
Recall in Chapter 2 (see Section
2.3) we discussed various methods of socialization including
the observation method. Parents,
siblings, peers, and teachers foster children’s prosocial development in middle childhood by
modeling concern for the needs
of others through activities such
as being caring, helping others
in distress, and engaging in volunteer work. Children witness
Jupiterimages/Thinkstock
these prosocial activities, and
they provide an example of how Interacting with peers who participate in charitable acts
to interact with others in a kind models key prosocial behaviors such as sharing.
manner. There is a strong cultural
value placed on helping others in need, which also illustrates the role of the macrosystem
in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model in shaping children’s prosocial behavior.
The cognitive method of social development (see Section 2.3) is also important when
shaping prosocial behavior because it can help children who may get “stuck” in one
way of looking at a situation to consider other possibilities. The mesosystem of both
parents and teachers can use inductive reasoning to inform children of norms and
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Section 8.2 Moral Development in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
principles, to explain why rules are necessary, to highlight the needs of other children
and adults, and to explain the effects of children’s actions. For example, classroom
teachers frequently explain to children the rules of the classroom and why these rules
are important for the safety and well-being of the entire class. Explaining the consequences of one’s actions also promotes children’s reasoning skills. When children misbehave, parents should explain why these actions are hurtful to others so children can
understand the consequences of their behaviors.
Antisocial Behavior
Recent theoretical viewpoints about the development of antisocial behavior emphasize the importance of the age of onset of antisocial behavior
(Kokko, Tremblay, Lacourse, Nagin, & Vitaro,
2006). Some children will manifest antisocial
behavior early in life and are likely to follow a
pathway of deviance, whereas other children will
first show signs of deviance at a later age, such
as during adolescence. A common example of
deviant behavior in adolescence is shoplifting.
Sometimes adolescents steal clothing or desirable
objects to try to impress their friends even if they
have the means to buy the item they are stealing.
Also, some may try to steal just to see if they can
get away with it.
Factors for childhood-onset antisocial behavior
may be intensified by a high-risk social environment (van Lier, Wanner, & Vitaro, 2007). These
David Young-Wolff/Getty Images high-risk social environments reflect the role
of different layers in Bronfenbrenner’s ecologiChildren with later onset of deviance are
cal model. For example, having a parent who
likely to manifest antisocial behaviors such
has poor skills for coping with stress associated
as shoplifting during adolescence.
with child-rearing and affiliating with other deviant peers at school and in the neighborhood are
examples of microsystems and mesosystems that shape pathways of antisocial behavior.
Let’s look at an example of early-onset antisocial behavior.
Ever since he was a baby, Austin had a difficult temperament. No matter what his mother
or father tried to do to comfort him, he was fussy and didn’t like to be held. As a toddler
he was hyperactive. He always tried to get into closets and cupboards, and noises in the
environment easily distracted him. In preschool, Austin was diagnosed with attentiondeficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). He had a difficult time making friends, but the
children he did associate with were very aggressive and often got into trouble for biting
and hitting their peers. In elementary school, Austin continued his aggressive behavior.
Austin was teased by other children because he was tutored after school, and he retaliated
by hitting and stealing their belongings. Austin’s parents used harsh discipline strategies
to control him. Even though his parents thought these techniques were calming him down,
they actually were modeling the kind of behaviors they wanted Austin to stop at school.
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Section 8.3 Gender Role Development in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
It is important to note that although ADHD may be associated with a higher risk of
antisocial behavior, this does not imply that all children with ADHD will demonstrate
aggressive behavior.
Austin’s story highlights the importance of parents in modeling ways to handle conflict.
Although parents may think a particular strategy is effective, they actually may be promoting the behavior they are trying to eliminate. Girls are more likely to display adolescent-onset antisocial behavior as they begin to question authority and rebel, whereas boys
are more likely to follow a childhood-onset pathway (Fergusson & Horwood, 2002). Why
do these differences in genders exist? We will explore next this next.
Think About It
Stop and think back to your classroom experiences in elementary school or any experiences you have
with children in the middle-childhood period. What examples of early aggressive behavior and deviance do you recall observing in your peers? How do these behaviors reflect the different layers in
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model?
8.3 Gender Role Development in Middle Childhood
I
n Chapter 6, we discussed gender consistency (see Section 6.3), which is part of the
final stage in Kohlberg’s theory (see Section 2.4). Only boys and girls in middle childhood can explain their answers in a way that demonstrates an understanding of constancy, such as boys always remain boys even if they grow long hair or wear jewelry.
The belief that girls should have
long hair and like to wear jewelry and boys should have short
hair and play sports are examples
of common gender stereotypes,
and themes of masculine and
feminine stereotypes have been
discovered in children’s spontaneous descriptions of boys and
girls (Miller, Lurye, Zosulus, &
Ruble, 2009). For example, when
asked what girls are like, children
describe girls predominantly in
appearance-related terms, such
as dresses, jewelry, long hair,
and makeup. In contrast, when
asked what boys are like, children
describe boys mostly in activityor behavior-related terms, including wrestling, rough-and-tumble
play, and action fantasy play.
boj80120_08_c08_159-182.indd 7
iStockphoto/Thinkstock
When spontaneously asked to describe what boys are like,
both boys’ and girls’ stereotypes reflect a portrayal of boys
in terms of physical activity.
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Section 8.3 Gender Role Development in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
Gender stereotyping illustrates the role of three systems in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, the microsystem, exosystem, and macrosystem, in the socialization process.
Almost all children become aware of gender stereotypes regardless of family (microsystem) attitudes or values, because the mass media (exosystem) exposes children to messages about gender. Further, the child’s cultural setting (macrosystem) contains implicit
and explicit message about values. We will discuss each of these layers individually.
Microsystem Influences on Gender Stereotypes
Although different groups of the microsystem can influence a child’s gender stereotyping, it is the microsystem of the parents that seems to affect a child’s beliefs the most.
How do parents communicate gender stereotype content to their children? Narratives,
or the way parents talk to their children about personal experiences, can influence what
children learn about gender. For example, analysis of low-income immigrant families
showed that conversations with sons contained more action-based activities than conversations with daughters (Cristofaro & Tamis-LeMonda, 2008). In contrast, conversations
with daughters included references to physical appearance more frequently than conversations with sons. Parents also may communicate gender differences between men and
women in subtle ways such as how expectations of appropriate emotions are expressed.
For example, parents may subtly hint that it’s acceptable for girls to be scared, but boys
should not be scared.
Others suggest that mothers and fathers differ in the types of activities they do with children, which may promote gender stereotypes such as caregiving for females and physical
strength for males. Whereas fathers spend more time playing games and participating in
sports with their children, especially boys, mothers spend time teaching their children
and having conversations with them about their feelings (McHale, Crouter, & Whiteman,
2003). Differential parenting roles are also influenced by cultural values and expectations
about what males and females are supposed to do while raising their children, which
reflects the impact of the exosystem.
Exosystem Influences on Gender Stereotypes
Society at large also can influence children’s knowledge of and use of gender stereotypes,
such as television and the media in general (Halim & Ruble, 2010). The mass media is
part of the exosystem in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model (1979, 1989, 2005). Despite
attempts at change over the past few decades, television programming still reflects stereotypic messages that teach and reinforce traditional gender roles. The media seldom portrays boys with feminine traits. For example, an analysis of school-aged children’s reading
textbooks revealed that boys were depicted with stereotypically masculine traits (Evans
& Davies, 2000). Further, examination of commercials directed at school-aged children
demonstrated that boys and men were more likely than girls and women to be depicted
in a major role, have active movement in an individual activity, and be in an occupational
setting (Davis, 2003). For example, men were more likely to be depicted as participants in
sporting activities or doing activities at work.
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Section 8.3 Gender Role Development in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
Think About It
Stop and think about the content of some commercials you have seen recently on television. Describe
the main characters of the commercial and the portrayals of men and women or boys and girls. How
did the portrayals compare to gender stereotypes? In what ways were the attributes or actions of the
characters consistent or inconsistent with gender stereotypes?
Macrosystem Influences on Gender Stereotypes
Another area that reflects macrosystem influences on gender stereotypes is children’s perceptions of gender status. Public regard refers to the awareness that other people may
evaluate one’s group and hold it in high or low esteem, which reflects cultural values.
The experience of being a member of a low-status group motivates changes in one’s identity that involve distancing oneself from the low-status group and/or associating more
strongly with the high-status group. The “pink frilly dress” (PFD) phenomenon has been
described as a striking trend in 3- and 4-year-old girls (Halim, Ruble, & Amodio, 2011).
The PFD phenomenon reflects the observation that preschool-aged girls love to wear pink
clothes and demand to wear a dress even when inconvenient and inappropriate, such as
when the weather is cold. Despite its prevalence in early childhood, there is shift away
from PFD and an emergence of tomboy behavior in middle childhood. Compared to preschoolers, school-aged girls show
increasing interest in masculine
activities and behaviors and may
actively shun pink objects and
female-typed activities. They
may like to play more sports,
wear pants, and play with maletyped toys (Paechter & Clark,
2007). For example, Terry is an
8-year-old girl. She used to play
with dolls and wanted to wear
pink outfits to school. When she
was 6, she started to play soccer
and became more interested in
sports. Now she prefers to wear
Barry Austin/Thinkstock jeans and shorts instead of pink
dresses. In fact, she finds it awkward to wear dresses and skirts
School-aged girls’ choice of activities and clothing may end
up being in sharp contrast to behaviors of preschool girls who
at all because it would interfere
might prefer to wear frilly dresses.
with the activities she wants to
do at recess.
The shift away from PFD and the emergence of “tomboyism” in middle childhood may
be triggered by an emerging sense of public regard (Halim et al., 2011). School-aged girls
may embrace masculine-typed behavior in order to improve their social standing as they
become more aware of the differential status ascribed to males and females. Interestingly,
boys in middle childhood tend to be more rigid in their stereotypic toy and activity preferences than girls (Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006).
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Section 8.4 Peer Group as Socialization Agent in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
Voices: Thoughts From the Playground: Children’s Gender Roles in Elementary School
Mallory, age 8, student: I am a 3rd-grade student at Jefferson Elementary School and just celebrated
my 8th birthday. I want to be the first female president someday. My favorite color is blue. I love to
play sports at recess and have two best friends on the softball team. I used to wear dresses and skirts
all the time when in preschool, but I told my mom not to buy them for me anymore. All of my friends
wear jeans and pants to school now, and I wouldn’t be able to run around as easily while wearing a
dress. Girls can do anything that boys can, and playing outside is more fun than playing with girls’ toys.
There is no reason for me to play with dolls anymore. I would rather practice my swing so that I can
move up in the line-up and maybe even be the leader-off batter one day. If I want to be in charge of the
country one day, it is important for me to be strong and be a good role model for my teammates. Even
when I get upset, I try to keep my cool on the field. A good leader must be able to deal with pressure.
Brandon, age 9, student: I am a fourth-grade student at Washington Elementary School. My favorite
color is red, and I want to be a pro football player someday. I love to watch Drew Brees, the quarterback of the New Orleans Saints, on television. My dad was a good athlete when he was young and
even won a football scholarship in college, but he didn’t make it to the NFL. However, he plays football with me and my brothers every day after school so we can practice. My dad tells me that I am
fast and coordinated, which is a good skill to have if you want to be a quarterback like me. I play in
the Pop Warner League just like my brother. The teachers at school don’t allow tackling on the playground, so we can’t do any scrimmaging at school. My friends and I practice running drills instead at
recess so we can improve our speed. I always have been interested in sports and doing physical activities like climbing trees and wrestling. My mom is worried that I am going to get hurt playing football,
just like my dad, but I am not afraid. When I get tackled, I always get back up and shake it off just like
my heroes in the NFL.
Reflection Questions
Compare and contrast Mallory and Brandon’s behavior. Explain how their activities support or refute
gender stereotypes.
1. What themes did you notice that relate to concept of public regard?
2. How do their behaviors reflect the influence of the different layers of Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological model?
8.4 Peer Group as Socialization Agent in Middle Childhood
P
eer relations in childhood, particularly during the elementary school years, are critical because being rejected during middle childhood is a precursor to other problems
such as bullying and depression. Friendships take on a new level of complexity during middle childhood compared to friendships in preschool. For example, school-aged
children become more selective in choosing friends and are more likely to be friends with
peers who share common interests and values. Further, close friendships occur almost
exclusively with peers of the same sex (Parker, Rubin, Erath, Wojslawowicz, & Buskirk,
2006). What factors influence the nature of school-aged children’s friendships? Application of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model as it relates to children’s peer groups in middle
childhood, namely the microsystem, macrosystem, mesosystem, and chronosystem, provides key insights into the bioecological influences on the peer group.
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Section 8.4 Peer Group as Socialization Agent in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
Microsystem Influences on the Peer Group
Parents are one example of microsystem influences on the peer group in middle childhood. Children who have positive and close relationships with their parents are more
likely to engage in prosocial activities (Anderson, Sabatelli, & Kosutic, 2007), and children
who are prosocial have an easier time making friends at school. Further, parents who are
supportive of their children are also more likely to get them involved in activities at school
(Wang & Eccles, 2012).
Parents are not the only influences that expose children to new people and activities. Siblings are another example of microsystem influences. Depending on how close the children are in age, they may share some of the same friends. Older siblings may provide a
gateway to peer interaction by introducing the younger children to other children in the
neighborhood or at school who are similar in age. Siblings also introduce children to social
norms and values by teaching them what behaviors are appropriate in particular settings.
Macrosystem Influences on the Peer Group
Peer interactions in middle childhood are likely to be shaped by cultural norms and values
in their community and society at large, reflecting macrosystem influences as outlined in
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model. For example, Western societies like the United States
place a strong value on social initiative, assertiveness, expressiveness, and competitiveness. Therefore, children who are
shy or inhibited are likely to be
viewed as lacking social competence, and the negative feedback
that shy children may receive
may create pressure to modify
their behaviors (Chen, 2012).
This example demonstrates the
regulatory function of peers in
shaping the process through
which cultural values influence
individual development.
Children also play an active role
through their participation in
Digital Vision/Getty Images
adopting existing cultures and
constructing new cultures for In Western societies like the United States that place a high
social evaluations and other activ- value on extroversion, peer groups are more likely to shun
ities in the group. For example, shy children.
children routinely form informal
peer groups based on common
interests such as academics, sports, or hobbies. These peer cultures formed by children
provide an opportunity for group functioning along with guidance for children on how to
evaluate their behavior and act in accordance with group norms (Chen, Chang, He, & Liu,
2005). The extent to which culture encourages children to maintain, adopt, and transform
existing values in the society either promotes or weakens the active role of children in
development. By emphasizing particular features of peer relationships, cultural beliefs and
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Section 8.4 Peer Group as Socialization Agent in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
values heighten children’s sensitivity to socially valued characteristics and influence peer
interactions. Societal norms and values can shape the types of activities that children are
encouraged to pursue in middle childhood.
Mesosystem Influences on the Peer Group
As children enter elementary school, they spend a significant amount of time in structured settings such as classrooms. They may also be part of youth organizations such as
sports leagues and teams, or the Scouts. Structured youth activities are associated with
positive youth development. Children living in communities with more opportunities
to participate in structured activities have multiple contexts for building peer relations
and developing social skills. These programs provide the context for children to build
their strengths and competencies, and the encouragement to learn and explore, and the
codes and rules associated with the organization convey expectations for caring, character
building, and moral identity (Damon, 2004).
Youth organizations illustrate
the impact of the mesosystem
in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
model because of the linkage
of multiple systems including
home, school, neighborhood, and
larger community. These programs illustrate the bidirectional
influence on children’s development and the peer group. These
organizations provide a venue for
youth to interact and build friendships while working toward a
common goal while also providScience Faction/SuperStock
ing the opportunity for youth
to influence their own developYouth organizations such as the Boy Scouts of America
ment through building leaderpromote team-building skills as well as individual
ship skills and even shaping their
development, including respect and honesty.
own communities through social
change—for example, cleaning
up neighborhood parks. The attributes of organizations that are highly predictive of positive outcomes for children include opportunities for planning and taking initiative and the
availability of positive peer and adult role models (Ramey & Rose-Krasnor, 2012).
Chronosystem Influences on the Peer Group
Normative and non-normative life events reflect the role of the chronosystem in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model (see Section 1.4). An example of a normative life event would
be going to school, while an example of a non-normative life would be an unexpected life
event, such as a child’s parents divorcing.
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Section 8.5 Peer Group Interactions in Middle Childhood
CHAPTER 8
Other non-normative events of the chronosystem that probably have the greatest impact
on peer groups are sudden poverty or homelessness. The National Center on Family
Homelessness reports that over 1.6 million children, or 1 in 45 children, were homeless
each year in the United States between 2006 and 2010 (Bassuk, Murphy, Coupe, Kenney, &
Beach, 2011). Some homeless families live in shelters for short periods, while others live in
cars, public spaces, or remain doubled up with family or friends in an apartment or home.
Chronic homelessness has numerous impacts on children in middle childhood, including school performance and peer relations. For example, children who are homeless may
have to move frequently, so they are separated from their friends. Further, if they participated in an a...
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