Synthesis is the process of creating a new idea Annotated Bibliography, Writing Assignment Homework Help (4-5 pages)

Question Description

Max Points: 150Details:

Synthesis is the process of creating a new idea by analyzing multiple disparate concepts or notions to discern the common thematic or connecting principles among them. Synthesis of research is not a single innate skill. Rather, it is a process learned through time and practice. In this assignment, you will engage in the first parts of the synthesis process: annotating and outlining.

General Requirements:

Use the following information to ensure successful completion of the assignment:

  • Read: Lilienfeld, S. O., Waldman, I. D., Landfield, K., Watts, A. L., Rubenzer, S., & Faschingbauer, T. R. (2012). Fearless dominance and the U.S. presidency: Implications of psychopathic personality traits for successful and unsuccessful political leadership. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology103(3), 489-505. Attached below
  • Read: van Eeden, R., Cilliers, F., & van Deventer, V. (2008). Leadership styles and associated personality traits: Support for the conceptualisation of transactional and transformational leadership. South African Journal of Psychology38(2), 253-267. Attached Below
  • Read: Odom, S. F., Boyd, B. L., & Williams, J. (2012). Impact of Personal Growth Projects on Leadership Identity Development. Journal of Leadership Education, 11(1), 49-63. Attached Below
  • This assignment uses a rubric. Please review the rubric prior to beginning the assignment to become familiar with the expectations for successful completion. attached below
  • Doctoral learners are required to use APA style for their writing assignments. The APA Style Guide is located in the Student Success Center. attached below
  • Refer to the resource, "Preparing Annotated Bibliographies," located in the Student Success Center, for additional guidance on completing this assignment in the appropriate style. attached below.
  • You are required to submit this assignment to Turnitin. Refer to the directions in the Student Success Center.


Provide an annotated bibliography (750-1,000 words total) of the articles listed above. Including the following for each article:

  1. The article citation and persistent link. These are provided above for you to paste into the assignment and are not included in the total word count.
  2. A written summary of the key concept(s) of the article. Why was the study done? What was the population studied? What did the researcher(s) conclude? What other information about this study do you believe is unique or important to recall? Are there specific statements made by the author that you wish to retain?

Construct an outline for a paper that will explain and synthesize the articles you read for this assignment. The paper will require identification of themes common to the articles as well as a statement of the conclusions that can be drawn when the articles are taken together as a single entity You will be writing the paper in the next assignment.

Note: please use APA format. Do not forget to list your references and include the in-text citations. Also please use current (meaning within the past 5 years) scholarly, journal articles as references. Thanks

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PERSONALITY PROCESSES AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES Fearless Dominance and the U.S. Presidency: Implications of Psychopathic Personality Traits for Successful and Unsuccessful Political Leadership Scott O. Lilienfeld, Irwin D. Waldman, and Kristin Landfield Ashley L. Watts University of Georgia This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Emory University Steven Rubenzer Thomas R. Faschingbauer Houston, Texas Foundation for the Study of Personality in History, Houston, Texas Although psychopathic personality (psychopathy) is marked largely by maladaptive traits (e.g., poor impulse control, lack of guilt), some authors have conjectured that some features of this condition (e.g., fearlessness, interpersonal dominance) are adaptive in certain occupations, including leadership positions. We tested this hypothesis in the 42 U.S. presidents up to and including George W. Bush using (a) psychopathy trait estimates derived from personality data completed by historical experts on each president, (b) independent historical surveys of presidential leadership, and (c) largely or entirely objective indicators of presidential performance. Fearless Dominance, which reflects the boldness associated with psychopathy, was associated with better rated presidential performance, leadership, persuasiveness, crisis management, Congressional relations, and allied variables; it was also associated with several largely or entirely objective indicators of presidential performance, such as initiating new projects and being viewed as a world figure. Most of these associations survived statistical control for covariates, including intellectual brilliance, five factor model personality traits, and need for power. In contrast, Impulsive Antisociality and related traits of psychopathy were generally unassociated with rated presidential performance, although they were linked to some largely or entirely objective indicators of negative job performance, including Congressional impeachment resolutions, tolerating unethical behavior in subordinates, and negative character. These findings indicate that the boldness associated with psychopathy is an important but heretofore neglected predictor of presidential performance, and suggest that certain features of psychopathy are tied to successful interpersonal behavior. Keywords: psychopathy, antisocial behavior, leadership, politics, personality control (Cleckley, 1941/1988; Hare, 2003), and, according to many authors (Fowles & Dindo, 2009; Lykken, 1995; Patrick, 2006), fearlessness, social dominance, and immunity to anxiety. In contrast to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition, text revision (DSM–IV–TR; American Psychiatric Association, 2000), diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder (ASPD), which is primarily a behavioral condition that emphasizes a long-standing history of antisocial and criminal behavior, psychopathy is primarily a dispositional condition that emphasizes personality traits. Nevertheless, measures of these two conditions tend to be at least moderately correlated (Lilienfeld, 1994). Factor analyses of the most extensively validated measure of psychopathy, the Psychopathy Checklist–Revised (PCL-R; Hare, 2003), have often revealed two broad and moderately correlated dimensions. The first dimension (Factor 1) assesses the core interpersonal and affective features of psychopathy (e.g., guiltlessness, narcissism, glibness), whereas the second dimension (Factor 2) assesses an impulsive and antisocial lifestyle that is closely associated with ASPD (Harpur, Hare, & Hakstian, 1989; but see Cooke & Michie, 2001, and Hare, 2003, for alternative factor Psychopathic personality (psychopathy) is a constellation of personality traits encompassing superficial charm, egocentricity, dishonesty, guiltlessness, callousness, risk taking, poor impulse This article was published Online First July 23, 2012. Scott O. Lilienfeld, Irwin D. Waldman, and Kristin Landfield, Department of Psychology, Emory University; Ashley L. Watts, Department of Psychology, University of Georgia; Steven Rubenzer, Houston, Texas; Thomas R. Faschingbauer, Foundation for the Study of Personality in History, Houston, Texas. We thank Joanna Berg, Rachel Ammirati, David Molho, Gabriella Rich, Zack Babin, Marie King, and Barbara Greenspan for their helpful comments on previous drafts of this manuscript; Joshua Miller for his statistical assistance; Alan Abramowitz for his helpful advice; and Caroline Hennigar and Alyssa Redmon for their valuable assistance with data entry and library research. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Scott O. Lilienfeld, Room 473, Psychology and Interdisciplinary Sciences Building, Emory University, 36 Eagle Row, Atlanta, GA 30322. E-mail: slilien@emory.edu Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2012, Vol. 103, No. 3, 489 –505 © 2012 American Psychological Association 0022-3514/12/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0029392 489 This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 490 LILIENFELD ET AL. solutions). Although the PCL-R is a semistructured interview that incorporates file information, its two major dimensions can be closely approximated by scores on normal range personality dimensions, such as those derived from the five-factor model (FFM) of personality. PCL-R Factor 1 is associated primarily with low scores on FFM Agreeableness, whereas PCL-R Factor 2 is associated primarily with low scores on both FFM Agreeableness and Conscientiousness (Miller, Lynam, Widiger, & Leukefeld, 2001). Most research demonstrates that psychopathy and its constituent traits are underpinned by dimensions rather than taxa (natural categories; see Edens, Marcus, Lilienfeld, & Poythress, 2006), offering empirical support for recent efforts to conceptualize and assess this condition within a general dimensional model of personality structure. Most research on the behavioral manifestations of psychopathy has focused on its relations with antisocial, criminal, and otherwise unsuccessful actions. Studies demonstrate that psychopathy is a risk factor for criminality and violent recidivism among prison inmates (Porter & Woodworth, 2006; Salekin, Rogers, & Sewell, 1996) as well as cheating among college students (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). In addition, some authors have argued that psychopathy is associated with malignant workplace behavior. Babiak and Hare (2006) referred to psychopaths in business settings as “snakes in suits” and suggested that their propensity toward dishonesty and manipulativeness makes them destructive coworkers and bosses (see also Boddy, 2006; Heinze, Allen, Magai, & Ritzler, 2010). Despite the lengthy research tradition linking psychopathy to unsuccessful behavior, a consistent strand of clinical lore has tied psychopathy, or at least certain features of it, to socially successful behavior across a variety of domains, including the business world, politics, and everyday life (Lilienfeld, 1998). In his classic writings, Cleckley (1941/1988) referred to individuals with marked psychopathic traits whose “outward appearance may include business or professional careers that continue in a sense successful, and which are truly successful when measured by financial reward or even by the casual observer’s opinion of real accomplishment” (p. 191). Extending these observations, Lykken (1982) referred to psychopaths and heroes as “twigs from the same branch” (p. 22) and conjectured that the fearlessness associated with psychopathy can predispose to heroic behaviors. Other authors have raised the possibility of “subclinical” (Widom, 1977) or “successful” (Hall & Benning, 2006; Mullins-Sweatt, Glover, Miller, Derefinko, & Widiger, 2010) psychopaths, individuals with pronounced psychopathic traits who function effectively in circumscribed “adaptive niches” of society, such as politics, business, law enforcement, and high-risk sports. In one of the few studies to address this issue empirically, Babiak, Neumann, and Hare (2010) examined a sample of 203 corporate professionals and found that scores on the PCL-R and its component factors were associated not only with a more problematic management style and with being a poor team player but also with superior communication skills, creativity, and strategic thinking. These important results raise the possibility that psychopathy, or at least some features of it, are associated with certain aspects of adaptive functioning in workplace settings, although they may also be associated with certain aspects of maladaptive functioning. Nevertheless, because the PCL-R ratings in this study were conducted by a single individual who was not blind to other information about participants, including information po- tentially relevant to criterion ratings, these results should be viewed as preliminary. Still others have speculated that some psychopathic traits, such as interpersonal dominance, persuasiveness, and venturesomeness, may be conducive to acquiring positions of political power and to successful leadership (Hogan, Raskin, & Fazzini, 1990; Lobacweski, 2007). Indeed, Lykken (1995) speculated that British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and U.S. president Lyndon Baines Johnson possessed certain personality features of psychopathy: They started off life as “daring, adventurous, and unconventional youngsters who began playing by their own rules” (p. 116) but later managed to parlay these traits into political success. Nevertheless, the successful manifestations of psychopathy remain largely in the realm of clinical conjecture. Moreover, with the exception of the study by Babiak et al. (2010), the scattered research in this domain (e.g., Ishakawa, Raine, Lencz, Bihrle, & LaCasse, 2001; Widom, 1977) has focused almost exclusively on psychopathic individuals who have engaged in minimal antisocial behavior or managed to escape detection by the legal system, rather than those who are clearly successful from an interpersonal or societal standpoint (Hall & Benning, 2006). Recent work on a widely used and well-validated self-report psychopathy measure, the Psychopathic Personality Inventory (PPI; Lilienfeld & Andrews, 1996), may shed light on this issue. Exploratory factor analyses of the PPI (Benning, Patrick, Hicks, Blonigen, & Krueger, 2003) in community samples have identified two largely uncorrelated higher order dimensions, Fearless Dominance (FD) and Impulsive Antisociality1 (IA; but see Neumann, Malterer, & Newman, 2008, for an alternative factor structure of the PPI). FD, which assesses what Patrick, Fowles, and Krueger (2009) term “boldness,” comprises such traits as social dominance, charm, physical fearlessness, and immunity to anxiety; IA comprises such traits as egocentricity, manipulativeness, poor impulse control, rebelliousness, and tendency to externalize blame. Although these two factors bear some similarities to the two major PCL-R factors, they are not isomorphic with them empirically or conceptually. In particular, although IA and PCL-R Factor 2 are moderately to highly correlated, FD and PCL-R Factor 1 are only weakly correlated (Malterer, Lilienfeld, Newman, & Neumann, 2010), largely because FD assesses a more psychologically adaptive set of traits than does PCL-R Factor 1 (Patrick, 2006). Several studies have demonstrated that the boldness assessed by FD is associated with healthy psychological adjustment—and may reflect many of the traits commonly attributed to successful psychopathy—whereas IA is associated with psychological maladjustment. Offering provisional corroboration for Lykken’s (1982) conjecture regarding fearlessness and heroism, Patrick, Edens, Poythress, Lilienfeld, and Benning (2006) found that in a sample of 96 prisoners, FD scores derived from the PPI were significantly and positively associated with self-reported heroic behaviors (e.g., breaking up fights in public, helping stranded motorists), whereas IA scores were significantly and negatively associated with these behaviors. In addition, PPI-derived FD is negatively correlated 1 In the revised version of the PPI (Lilienfeld & Widows, 2005), this dimension is termed Self-Centered Impulsivity. Nevertheless, we use the term Impulsive Antisociality here to retain continuity with most of the extant literature (e.g., Benning et al., 2003). This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. PSYCHOPATHY AND U.S. PRESIDENTS with measures of Axis I psychopathology, such as anxiety, depressive, and somatoform symptoms, as well as suicide attempts, whereas IA is positively associated with these indices (Benning et al., 2003; Douglas, Lilienfeld, Skeem, Edens, Poythress, & Patrick, 2008; Patrick et al., 2006). These findings are consistent with a “dual-process model” (Fowles & Dindo, 2009; see also Patrick et al., 2009, for an extended “triarchic model”) that conceptualizes psychopathy as the joint outcome of two separable etiological processes: (a) a bold temperament marked by largely adaptive functioning, assessed by FD and, to a substantially lesser extent, PCL-R Factor 1 and (2) a disposition toward disinhibition and externalizing behavior marked by largely maladaptive functioning, assessed by IA and PCL-R Factor 2. Nevertheless, the differential associations of these two components of psychopathy with both successful and unsuccessful interpersonal functioning, including job performance and leadership, have yet to be examined empirically. Patrick et al. (2009) conjectured that the boldness assessed by FD may be especially helpful in “the identification of individuals with psychopathic tendencies who ascend to positions of leadership and influence in society” (p. 925), but this intriguing hypothesis has yet to be put to an empirical test. In this study, we examined the implications of psychopathic personality traits for job performance and leadership in a remarkable sample of individuals whose successful and unsuccessful behaviors are a matter of well-documented public record: the 42 U.S. presidents up to and including George W. Bush. Inspired by the pioneering research of Simonton (1986, 1987) on presidential personality, Rubenzer, Faschingbauer, and Ones (2000) found that some personality traits, most notably high levels of openness to experience (see also Simonton, 2006), extraversion, conscientiousness, and perhaps low levels of agreeableness, are modestly correlated with independently rated job performance among the U.S. presidents. Nevertheless, no study has examined the relation of psychopathic personality traits to leadership and job performance among the U.S. presidents. We hypothesized that certain features of psychopathy, especially those assessed by FD, would be associated with successful functioning, including overall presidential leadership effectiveness, but that other features of psychopathy, especially those assessed by IA and proxies of PCL-R Factor 2, would be associated with unsuccessful functioning, including poor presidential job performance, negative personal character and integrity, and ethical misbehavior. To test these hypotheses, we drew on an existing data set of personality items obtained from biographers and experts on each president (Rubenzer & Faschingbauer, 2004) and extracted estimates of psychopathy factors based on empirically established equations from the published literature. We then correlated these psychopathy scores with (a) indices from several recent (2008 – 2011) and largely and in some cases entirely independent panels of eminent historians who had rated each president on dimensions relevant to work performance and leadership, including overall job effectiveness, leadership ability, public persuasiveness, crisis management, vision, and domestic and foreign policy accomplishments; (b) an empirically derived composite developed by Simonton (1987) of six largely or entirely objective indices of presidential greatness, including war heroism, number of years served, and assassination; and (c) several other largely or entirely objective indicators of both presidential success and failure, in- 491 cluding reelection, introduction of legislation and programs, Congressional impeachment resolutions, and rated negative presidential character (as assessed by largely objective behaviors indicative of dishonesty and unreliability). By examining largely or entirely objective indicators, we addressed the criticism that any associations between psychopathy traits and rated presidential performance are merely a function of shared subjective impressions of the presidents by different raters. We also evaluated the specificity of these findings to psychopathic personality traits, especially FD, per se. In particular, we examined the incremental validity of a number of theoretically relevant variables above and beyond FD in an effort to rule out rival hypotheses concerning the potential linkages between FD and presidential performance. In this respect, we adopted a “destructive testing” approach (see C. A. Anderson & Anderson, 1996) in an effort to ascertain how well the relations between FD and presidential performance survive covariance adjustments from “competitor” variables that provide alternative explanations. Specifically, because it is unclear whether personality traits contribute to the prediction of presidential performance above and beyond intelligence, which is an established predictor of such performance (Simonton, 2006), we examined the incremental validity of psychopathic personality traits beyond established estimates of each president’s intelligence. In addition, we examined the incremental validity of psychopathic personality traits above and beyond FFM traits, especially extraversion and openness to experience, which are positively associated with FD (Lilienfeld & Widows, 2005) as well as traits of ASPD, which as noted earlier overlap with those of psychopathy. We also examined the incremental validity of FD above and beyond rated need for power, which has clear-cut conceptual relations to interpersonal dominance and perhaps the FD dimension of psychopathy. As Winter (2005) observed, “power-motivated presidents. . .invest a great deal of energy in the job, and they enjoy it” (p. 561). Need for power has been demonstrated to be a robust predictor of presidential success (Winter, 2005). Finally, we examined the incremental validity of FD for presidential performance above and beyond Simonton’s (1987) six-element equation of largely or entirely objective historical indicators. As Simonton (2008) observed, multiple empirical efforts have failed to unearth any consistent indicators that predict presidential greatness above and beyond this equation. This lattermost incremental validity analysis provides an especially stringent test of the unique contribution of psychopathic personality traits to presidential performance. Method Raters Raters of presidents’ personality traits in this study were 121 experts recruited by Rubenzer and Fashingbauer (2004) to evaluate the personality of the 42 U.S. presidents up to and including George W. Bush; Barack Obama was not included because of the unavailability of FFM data on him from presidential experts (although there were 43 presidencies up to and including George W. Bush, there were only 42 presidents, as Grover Cleveland was elected president twice in nonc ...
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Final Answer


Annotated bibliography




Lilienfeld, S. O., Waldman, I. D., Landfield, K., Watts, A. L., Rubenzer, S., & Faschingbauer, T.
R. (2012). Fearless dominance and the U.S. presidency: Implications of psychopathic personality
traits for successful and unsuccessful political leadership. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 103(3), 489-505.
According to this article, psychopathic personality is mainly marked by maladaptive traits
such as lack of guilt and poor impulse control. However, some authors and researchers have
gone on to conjecture some of the features of this personality such as interpersonal dominance
and fearlessness are in some occupations for instance leadership positions adaptive. In order to
prove this, the authors of this article carried out a research on 42 presidents of the United States.
The test was done up to President George W. Bush. However, the current President, Barack
Obama was not included in the research as a result of the unavailability of FFM data about him
from presidential experts. At the same, only 42 presidents were researched on despite their
number being 43. The reason for this situation was that Grover Cleveland was elected as the
American president twice in terms that were non-consecutive.
In order to get the true personalities of the presidents, the presidential experts were
required to rate the personality traits of their targets during pre-office using personality measures
that were well-validated. At the end of the ratings, there were 177 ratings. This is because some
experts were required to complete the ratings on more than one president In order to make the
ratings, the experts used the knowledge of American journalists, scholars and...

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