COUN 530 CCNY Ethnic Group Membership on Ethnic Identity Stress & Life Quality Disussion



COUN 530

City College of New York


Question Description

The purpose of this project is to develop a scientific attitude toward the study of the analysis of behavior, and acquire the knowledge and sophistication needed to be an intelligent and critical reader of counseling research. Each student is expected to write a review and critique of an empirical article. You should provide an evaluation of the journal article. Using the questions below as a guide, provide an overview of the following: 1. Introduction/review of literature, 2. Methods and Procedures, 3. Results: Statistical procedures and findings, 4. Discussion: How the study results contribute to the extant research, and 5. Critique of the study. The paper should be 5 or more pages and written in accordance with the 7th edition of the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association. Choose one of the two articles to review: Na et al. or Utsey et al. Pillar Research Methods Project includes directives and guidance for writing the review. Also, I have included a sample article review and critique (see Chae article critique) of Markstrom-Adams & Adams (1995

Unformatted Attachment Preview

1 Critique of Markstrom-Adams and Adams (1995)* Introduction The aim of this paper is to present the strengths and weaknesses of an article written by MarkstromAdams and Adams (1995), entitled “Gender, Ethnic group, and Grade differences in Psychosocial Functioning.” This article examines ethnic group differences related to the construct of ego identity, sex roles, and locus of control. The authors sought to assess differences in psychosocial development between African Americans, American Indians, Mexican Americans and White Americans. Over all, the article was well written. Methods In this cross-sectional study, data was drawn from participants who were in the 10 th, 11th, and 12th grades at a high school in a small southwestern community in the United States. Participants (N = 123) included 38 Mexican Americans (20 males and 18 females), 36 African Americans (18 males and 18 females), 19 American Indians (8 males and 11 females), and 30 White Americans (16 males and 14 females). Census information showed that this community was in the lower middle-class strata. For the full strata, less than 15% of the parents had a college education. The three scales measured ego identity, personal attributes related to sex roles and locus of control. All three scales showed acceptable reliability and validity coefficients. Results The researchers conducted a series of ANCOVAs using a 2 (Gender) X 3 (Grade) X 4 (Ethnic group) factorial design. Results showed that the level of education was significantly different among groups and by gender. The post hoc test, Tukey’s Honest Significantly Different (hsd) post-hoc test revealed differences between the variables, ethnic group and year (level of education). In order to control for the variable of education, the researchers conducted an analysis of covariance (ANCOVA). This statistical procedure is similar to an ANOVA. However, by employing this technique, the researcher is able to partial out any extraneous variables that may influence the study. The variable that is controlled for is known as a covariate (Aron & Aron, 1999). The researchers initially planned to employ a Multivariate Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) for this study. However, an initial analysis revealed that the dependent measures (EOM-EIS, PAQ, and Locus of control measure) were not correlated. According to the authors, “ANCOVA, as opposed to multivariate analysis of variance, was used because the correlations between the dependent measures were either not significant or only moderately significant” (p.406). The authors contended that when level of education was controlled for, few differences among ethnic groups were observed. However, results clearly showed that ethnic minorities were significantly more likely to be foreclosed than their White American counterparts. Critique Consistent with prior research, Markstrom-Adams and Adams found that ethnic minority group members were more foreclosed compared to White participants. In the review of literature, the authors stated that, “movement from diffusion to identity achievement is associated with a greater sense of psychological mastery, complexity and psychological internality” (p. 400). Implicit within this statement is the notion that those who have an achieved identity are psychologically healthy while individuals with a diffused or foreclosed identity are psychologically immature. Yet, the authors also admit that the majority of studies on ego identity have been based on White subjects. 2 It is plausible that the construct of ego identity has been based on a Eurocentric conception of self, whereby the individual espouses a value system characterized by beliefs such as individualism, independence and autonomy. Markstrom-Adams and Adams point out the importance of making “meaningful interpretations” of research findings with ethnic minorities. For example, they speculate that cultural factors such as collectivism and interdependence may account for ethnic minority participants scoring higher on foreclosed identity. Echoing this sentiment, Waterman (1988) asserted, "few individuals from...societies outside of the western sphere of influence would be found with an achieved identity" (p. 200). In light of prior research and theory, it is surprising that the authors do not raise the possibility that ego identity, as a construct, may be culturally inappropriate for assessing identity formation among ethnic minorities. An additional concern related to the current study is that sweeping generalizations are made about ethnic minorities based on a small sample (N =123) of high school students drawn from a community in the Southwestern portion of the United States. This is especially surprising given that upon further analysis of the research, some cells in the ANCOVA contained less than 10 participants. Moreover, it is unclear why the authors did not consider employing a MANCOVA. These findings perpetuate the view that majority group participants develop more psychologically sophisticated identity statuses in comparison to their ethnic minority classmates. Given the mounting research that suggests that the role of ethnicity in identity plays a critical role in psychosocial functioning among ethnic minority students and adults, it seems reasonable that ego identity research with participants from diverse ethnic groups be interpreted with caution. While ego identity may be an appropriate construct for White Americans, it may be culturally biased against members of diverse populations. Given the limitations of the ego identity, Phinney’s (1992) measure of ethnic identity (Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure) may be suitable for use in conjunction with the oft-used Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status (EOM-EIS) (Adams, 1986). Writings by feminist and multicultural scholars illumine important insights about the research of the socalled experts of psychology who develop theories purporting to have a “one size fits all” or “top-down” effect. Gilligan (1982), dismayed by the patriarchal nature of Kohlberg’s theory of development, wrote, “implicitly adopting the male life as the norm, [psychology has] tried to fashion women out of masculine cloth” (p. 6). Likewise, multicultural scholars have asserted psychology has often misinterpreted ethnic group differences in research with diverse populations as evidence that minorities are “culturally deprived,” “culturally deficient,” and “culturally disadvantaged.” These words have often been used to explain differences between Whites and non-Whites on psychological measures. ____________________ *Note. This manuscript was originally written in 2001. 3 References Aron, A., & Aron, E. (1999). Statistics for psychology (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton. Gilligan, C. (1982). In a different voice: Psychological theory and women's development. Harvard University Press. Cambridge, MA. Markstrom-Adams, C., & Adams, G. (1995). Gender, ethnic group, and grade differences in psychosocial functioning during middle adolescence? Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 24, 4, 397-417. Phinney, J. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with adolescents and young adults from diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7, 156-176. Waterman, A. S. (1988). Identity status theory and Erikson's theory: Communalities and differences. Developmental Review, 8, 185-208. R E S E A R C H R E P O R T Effect of Ethnic Group Membership on Ethnic Identity, Race-Related Stress, and Quality of Life SHAWN O. UTSEY Howard University MARK H. CHAE CHRISTA F. BROWN DEBORAH KELLY Seton Hall University This study examined the effect of ethnic group membership on ethnic identity, racerelated stress, and quality of life (QOL). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure, the Index of Race Related Stress—Brief Version, and the World Health Organization Quality of Life—Brief Version were administered to 160 male and female participants from 3 ethnic groups (African American, Asian American, and Latino American). Results indicated that African American participants had significantly higher race-related stress, ethnic identity, and psychological QOL scores than did Asian and Latino American participants. A stepwise multiple regression analysis revealed that ethnic identity and cultural racism were significant predictors of QOL and accounted for 16% of the total variance for the entire sample. • ethnic identity • racism • race-related stress • quality of life A fundamental objective in ethnic identity research has been to examine its relationship to indexes of psychological well-being and adjustment among ethnic minority group members (Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997). Ongoing research over the past decade has revealed a relationship between higher scores on measures of ethnic identity and higher levels of self-esteem (Goodstein & Ponterotto, 1997), vocational maturity (Per- • Shawn O. Utsey, Department of Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies, Howard University; Mark H. Chae, Christa F. Brown, and Deborah Kelly, Department of Professional Psychology and Family Therapy, Seton Hall University. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Shawn O. Utsey, School of Education, Department of Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies, Howard University, 2441 Fourth Street, NW, Washington, DC 20059. E-mail: Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Vol. 8, No. 4, 366–377 Copyright 2002 by the Educational Publishing Foundation 1099-9809/02/$5.00 DOI: 10.1037//1099-9809.8.4.366 366 ETHNIC IDENTITY, RACE-RELATED STRESS, ron, Vondracek, Skorikov, Tremblay, & Corbiere, 1998), psychological adjustment (Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997), and spiritual development (Chae, Kelly, Brown, & Bolden, 2001). In addition to these important findings, researchers continue to examine other correlates of ethnic identity to positive psychological functioning. Quality of life (QOL), as a construct, has yet to be examined as a correlate to ethnic identity. As such, one objective of the present study was to examine the relationship between ethnic identity and QOL. Ethnic group differences have also been found in ethnic identity research whereby African Americans have consistently been shown to score higher on measures of ethnic identity compared with other ethnic minority groups (e.g., Latino and Asian Americans) and majority group members (e.g., European Americans; see Phinney, 1992). Some researchers have suggested that the higher ethnic identity scores among African Americans are the result of chronic exposure to racism and discrimination (Phinney, DuPont, Espinosa, Revill, & Sanders, 1994). Phinney et al. (1994) speculated, “when one’s [ethnic] group faces rejection and discrimination, a common strategy, in order to preserve one’s self-respect, is to reaffirm and strengthen group identity, through movements, which stress ethnic pride” (p. 179). A study by Utsey and Ponterotto (1996) revealed that scores on a measure of racerelated stress were significantly higher for African American participants than they were for Caucasian and Asian American participants. Consequently, a second purpose of this study was to examine the effect of ethnic group membership on race-related stress and ethnic identity. The term ethnicity is most often used to refer to a group of people who have a distinct culture, shared historical identity, or a national or religious identity (Carter, 1995). Helms and Cook (1999) defined ethnicity as “the national, regional, or tribal origins of one’s oldest remembered ancestors and the customs, traditions, and rituals (i.e., subjective culture) handed down by these ances- AND QOL 367 tors, which among the ethnic group members, are assumed to be their culture” (p. 19). According to Yancey, Aneshensel, and Driscoll (2001), ethnicity distinguishes individuals based on their membership in groups with common social, cultural, and historical heritage. On the basis of these definitions and for the purpose of this study, we use ethnicity to refer to individuals who identify as African American, Asian American, and Latino/Latina. The use of the term ethnicity in this context is appropriate because each of these groups, among themselves, have shared customs, traditions, rituals, and a common historical heritage. Ethnic Identity Development According to Bernal, Knight, Ocampo, Garza, and Cota (1990), ethnic identity is the set of ideals, values, behaviors, and attitudes one holds regarding one’s identity as a member of a distinguishable social group. Conceptually, ethnic identity serves as a means to understand whether and to what degree a person has explored the meaning of his or her ethnicity (e.g., cultural values) and developed a sense of commitment to his or her ethnic heritage (Fischer & Moradi, 2001; Phinney, 1992). This process is a complex task of integrating values and beliefs of the larger culture with the beliefs and traditions of one’s ethnic group. Smith (1991) developed a model of ethnic identity based on the premise that race, religion, and national origin are all potentially salient parts of an individual’s ethnicity. She further posited that ethnic identity development is influenced by an individual’s majority or minority group membership, but more importantly as a function of both positive and negative contact with members of outgroups. In an effort to provide a coherent system for conceptualizing the phenomena of ethnic identity development, Phinney (1993) developed a three-stage (or phase) model of ethnic identity formation. The first phase of Phinney’s (1993) UTSEY, CHAE, BROWN, 368 model is unexamined ethnic identity, which is characterized by the absence of exploration of one’s ethnicity and an unequivocal acceptance of the values and beliefs of the majority society. Individuals at this phase show a preference for White culture and, in turn, a depreciation or rejection of their own culture. The next phase, ethnic identity search, takes place when there is a “shocking personal or social event that temporarily dislodges the person from his or her worldview, making the person receptive to a new interpretation of his or her identity” (Phinney, 1993, p. 69). This encounter may be initiated by experiences such as name-calling, racial slurs, or other acts of discrimination. As a result, an individual becomes committed to gaining a deeper understanding and increasing his or her knowledge about his or her cultural heritage, beliefs, and history. The final phase, achieved ethnic identity, is characterized by a clear and confident sense of one’s own ethnicity. At this phase, individuals not only hold positive attitudes regarding their own ethnic group but typically also feel a deep sense of belonging (Phinney, 1990). Race-Related Stress Race-related stress occurs as the result of both acute and chronic encounters with racism and discrimination (Utsey & Ponterotto, 1996). Harrell (2000) provided a more elaborate definition of race-related stress; she described it as “The race-related transactions between individuals or groups and their environment that emerge from the dynamics of racism, and that tax or exceed existing individual and collective resources or threaten well-being” (p. 45). Clark, Anderson, Clark, and Williams (1999) noted that the stress response associated with racism and discrimination, like general stress responses, is inextricably linked to an individual’s coping mechanisms (e.g., strategies, resources, cognitive ability, and personality traits). There are both psychological and AND KELLY physiological consequences associated with the stress response. A number of scholars have elucidated the exact physiological and psychological mechanisms associated with the stress response in relation to racism and discrimination (see Clark et al., 1999; Harrell, 2000; Outlaw, 1993). At the psychological level, perceptions of a stressful situation that taxes or exceeds one’s ability to cope may result in feelings of anger, anxiety, paranoia, helplessness-hopelessness, frustration, resentment, and fear. Physiological responses to psychological stress occur as a result of unsuccessful coping responses. The primary physiological stress response involves immune, neuroendocrine, and cardiovascular system functioning. The conceptualization and assessment of race-related stress require careful attention to the multidimensional and ubiquitous nature of racism (Harrell, 1995; Utsey, 1999). To this end, Jones’s (1997) tripartite model of racism has served, in part, as the theoretical premise for racism’s multidimensionality. According to Jones, racism can occur at three levels: individual, institutional, and cultural racism. Individual racism refers to racial prejudice that occurs in the context of face-to-face interactions. This may include personal acts intended to denigrate or humiliate an individual because of his or her racial group membership. Institutional racism refers to racial prejudice embedded within social institutions that manifest in social policies, norms, and practices. Cultural racism refers to a patterned way of thinking or a worldview that perpetuates the belief that the cultural values, traditions, and beliefs of one’s own cultural/ethnic group (usually the dominant group) are superior to those of other cultures. This type of racism limits, pathologizes, or devalues cultural values and practices that differ from the majority group. Several researchers have noted that the chronic exposure to racial stressors has a deleterious effect on African Americans (Broman, 1997; Harrell, 1995; Jones, 1997; Utsey, 1999). Indeed, some have found a ETHNIC IDENTITY, RACE-RELATED STRESS, connection between race-related stress and medical ailments such as hypertension, high blood pressure, and cardiovascular disease (Fray, 1993; Krieger & Sidney, 1996). In addition, indexes of psychological well-being have been found to be negatively correlated with stress due to racial discrimination among African Americans (Broman, 1997; Clark et al., 1999). Likewise, Simpson and Yinger (1985) found that African Americans who were exposed to chronic race-related stressors reported low levels of self-esteem. In another study with African American participants, Philipp (1998) found that experiences of racial discrimination were ostensibly related to low levels of life satisfaction. Last, a study by Holder and Vaux (1998) demonstrated that job satisfaction among African Americans decreased with the increased perceptions of race-related stressors in the workplace. It is noteworthy to point out that the majority of research on race-related stress has focused on African Americans. This study seeks to add to the literature by assessing race-related stress as experienced by African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans. Quality of Life QOL, as a construct, is becoming increasingly recognized in the medical and psychological literature as an important indicator of physical and psychological well-being (Utsey, Bolden, Brown, & Chae, 2001). The World Health Organization (WHO) Group (1994) defined quality of life as “an individual’s perception of their position in life in the context of the culture and value system in which they live and in relation to their goals, expectations, standards, and concerns” (p. 28). The WHO Group (1998) proposed four distinct domains of quality of life: physical, psychological, social relationships, and environment. The physical domain is concerned with the unpleasant sensations that may cause distress and interfere with the routines AND QOL 369 of daily life. The psychological domain considers the degree in which an individual feels contentment, a sense of well-being, and balance. In the ...
Purchase answer to see full attachment
Student has agreed that all tutoring, explanations, and answers provided by the tutor will be used to help in the learning process and in accordance with Studypool's honor code & terms of service.

Final Answer

Hello. I am through with the paper, I passed it through grammarly to ensure that grammar is perfect and also turnitin for plagiarism. The paper is good now. However, you can contact me in case you want anything more. pleasure working with you. goodbye

Running head: Effect of Ethnic Group Membership on Ethnic Identity, Race-Related Stress, and
Quality of Life 1

Effect of Ethnic Group Membership on Ethnic Identity, Race-Related Stress, and Quality of Life
Student Name:

Effect of Ethnic Group Membership on Ethnic Identity, Race-Related Stress, and Quality of Life

Introduction/Literature review
The word ethnicity refers to people who share the same culture, a group of people who
share the same historical, religious or national identity (Utsey & Chae, 2002). For instance,
African Americans belong to the same ethnic group since they share a common origin; they
originated from Africa whereas there is Asian American whose origin is Asia. Therefore, each
ethnic group has shared customs, traditions, rituals and a common historical heritage. There are
ethnic groups whose number is less than the others, this forms the minority groups whereas the
other forms the majority. In many cases, the minority group may face some hardships living with
the majority groups. Taking America as an example, the minority comprises African Americans
while the majority is Caucasian. The minority groups face rejection, racism and chronic
discrimination and studies show that this affects their quality of life. In this line of thinking,
therefore, ethnicity can affect the quality of life. There is consequently a relationship between
quality of life and ethnicity. Due to the hardships the minority group face including rejection,
racism, and discrimination, they come together as a strategy to preserve their self-respect, this
coming together through movements, they create a strong bond that holds that particular ethnic
group together (Utsey & Chae, 2002).
Due to the aforementioned adversities that the minority groups face including racism,
rejection, and discrimination, the group is likely to be stressed. Stress is the coping strategy that
the minority group adopts while living under stressful situations like high taxes, low wage...

yvaqfnlfzvgu (9989)
Rice University

Really great stuff, couldn't ask for more.

Similar Questions
Related Tags