PSY 638 SNHU Childhood Disorders Cultural Impact Journal

psy 638

Southern New Hampshire University


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Review Cultural, Historical, and Subcultural Contexts of Adolescence: Implications for Health and Development and Children from Poor Families Lag in Cognitive Development and Other Areas, Report Says, which cover cultural impacts on development and health.

Pick a childhood disorder of your choosing and assess the cultural implications of the severity and/or treatment options for this specific disorder. Focus your response on how cultural influences child and adolescent development.

For additional details, please refer to the Journal Guidelines and Rubric document.

Guidelines for Submission: Submit assignment as a Word document with double spacing, 12-point Times New Roman font, and one-inch margins. Your journal must be 750–800 words with at least three sources cited in APA format.

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PSY 638 Journal Guidelines and Rubric Overview: Journal activities in this course are private between you and the instructor. Each journal assignment will be graded individually. Journal activities are designed to help you make meaningful connections between the course content and the larger goals of this course. These journals are meant to offer you a more real-world glimpse into developmental psychology as well as the opportunity to put your critical-thinking skills to work by expressing your thoughts in response to the journal prompts. Approach these activities as (a) an opportunity to reflect upon and apply what you learn each week based on the assigned readings, discussions, and activities, and (b) an opportunity to share your knowledge and expertise based on your educational and professional experiences in the past. As a successful professional, you will need good reflective and writing skills. Journal activities offer you the opportunity to further develop these skills. Guidelines for Submission: Submit assignment as a Word document with double spacing, 12-point Times New Roman font, and one-inch margins. Your journal must be 750–800 words with at least three sources cited in APA format. Critical Elements Developmental Psychology Concepts Exemplary (100%) Meets “Proficient” criteria and uses scholarly research to support ideas Reflection Meets “Proficient” criteria and uses concrete examples to make connections Articulation of Response Journal is free of errors in organization and grammar Proficient (90%) Discusses the developmental psychology concept and includes an accurate and detailed explanation of the key aspects of the topic Journal includes a personal reflection that makes connections to current or future practice Journal is mostly free of errors of organization and grammar; any errors are marginal and rarely interrupt the flow Needs Improvement (70%) Discusses the developmental psychology concept but lacks details pertaining to the key aspects of the topic Not Evident (0%) Does not discuss the developmental psychology concept Value 40 Journal includes a reflection but lacks details or connections to current/future practice Journal contain errors of organization and grammar but are limited enough so that journal can be understood Does not include reflection 40 Journal contains errors of organization and grammar that make the journal difficult to understand 20 Earned Total 100% The Washington Post Education Children from poor families lag in cognitive development and other areas, report says By Michael Alison Chandler November 4, 2013 Less than one in five third-graders from low-income families score at or above the national average in math, reading and science assessments, and only about half maintain a healthy weight and are in “excellent” or “very good” health. That compares with about half of children from higher-income families who are scoring above average on standardized tests and 62 percent of children from wealthier families who are in very good health. Such disparities in early achievement and health are illustrated in a report by the Annie E. Casey Foundation called “The First Eight Years: Giving Kids a Foundation for Lifetime Success.” The report, which is being released Monday, tracks children’s well-being across multiple areas and in every state. The report argues that for all children to have a strong foundation, they need better access to quality early care and education, and coordinated health care and support services for their families. Policy recommendations include stronger parental leave policies, mental-health services for new mothers and broader access to quality, affordable day care and preschool . “All children need nurturing and plentiful opportunities to develop during their crucial first eight years,” said Patrick McCarthy, president and chief executive of the foundation. “Today’s complicated world can strain families’ ability to ensure their children are receiving all the stimulation and care they need to develop to their full potential,” he said. The report shows that children from low-income families are less likely to perform well in social and emotional skills, such as exhibiting self-control (63 percent compared with 75 percent of children from wealthier families) and are less likely to show interest and participate in learning activities (66 percent compared with 80 percent). The study draws on data from the government-funded Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, which tracks children over time. Nearly half of children 8 years old and younger are living in low-income households, according to the report. The poverty marker is defined as those with incomes below 200 percent of the 2012 federal poverty threshold, or $46,566 for a family of two adults and two children. Access The Post’s coronavirus coverage for free through our newsletter. / That includes 42 percent of children in the District, 34 percent of those in Maryland and 38 percent in Virginia. Mississippi has the highest proportion of children 8 and younger considered low-income — 63 percent.  39 Comments Michael Alison Chandler Michael Alison Chandler wrote about families and gender issues for The Washington Post. She left The Post in April 2018. In recent years, she also covered education. Follow  Get a year of access for $29. Cancel at any time. Get this offer now Send me this offer Already a subscriber? Sign in / University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications, Department of Psychology Psychology, Department of June 1997 Cultural, Historical, and Subcultural Contexts of Adolescence: Implications for Health and Development Lisa J. Crockett University of Nebraska-Lincoln, ecrockett1@unl.edu Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/psychfacpub Part of the Psychiatry and Psychology Commons Crockett, Lisa J., "Cultural, Historical, and Subcultural Contexts of Adolescence: Implications for Health and Development" (1997). Faculty Publications, Department of Psychology. 244. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/psychfacpub/244 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Psychology, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications, Department of Psychology by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Health Risks and Developmental Transitions During Adolescence Edited by J O H N SCHULENBERG University of Michigan J E N N I F E R L. MAGGS University of Arizona KLAUS HURRELMANN University of Bielefeld CAMBRID GE g .....g. ?A .... :.:k UNIVERSITY PRESS 1997 2 Cultural, Historical, and Subcultural Contexts of Adolescence: Implications for Health and Development Lisa J. Crockett Although clearly influenced by biological and psychological growth, adolescent development is also molded by the social and cultural context in which it occurs. As the transition from childhood to adulthood, adolescence is closely tied to the structure of adult society, and the expectations for youth during this period reflect, in important ways, the skills and qualities deemed important for success in adult roles (Benedict, 1937; Havighurst, 194811972). Furthermore, prevailing demographic, economic, and political conditions determine the adult occupational and social roles to which young people can aspire, as well as the access to and competition for those roles (Elder, 1975). The integral connection between adolescence and the societal context means that, despite universals such as puberty and cognitive development, adolescents' experiences will vary across cultures and over history. The settings in which young people develop, the skills they are expected to acquire, and the ways in which their progress toward adulthood is marked and celebrated depend on the cultural and historical contexts. Within stratified, heterogeneous societies, the experience of adolescence also differs among subgroups of youth. Economic and social resources, as well as access to valued adult roles, may differ for youth from distinct racial-ethnic groups, social classes, and geographic regions. Lack of resources and opportunities in some settings may profoundly shape the course of adolescent development by influencing the timing of key developmental transitions and the supports available for coping with these transitions. Moreover, to the extent that anticipated adult lives differ for youth from distinct social subgroups, differences in socialization patterns and goals would be expected (Ogbu, 1985). In heterogeneous societies, therefore, local ecological conditions may alter considerably the normative template of adolescent development, with important implications for adolescents' current health and future life course. Thus, both macrolevel, societal arrangements and local conditions help shape adolescents' experiences and the course of their development. Both kinds of influences may also have consequences for adolescent health. In particular, they affect the health risks to which young people are exposed before and during adolescence, as well as the protective factors that may shield them from these risks. In this chapter, I examine the impact of both societal and local contexts, highlighting some of their implications for adolescent health. Essentially, the chapter addresses two questions: First, how has adolescent health and development been affected by changing social and economic conditions in the United States? Second, how does the health and development of adolescents in the contemporary United States vary as a function of the local ecology? Before turning to these issues, however, an overview of sociocultural influences on adolescent development will be presented. The Cultural Context of Adolescent Development Whether or not adolescence is formally recognized as a distinct stage of life, virtually all cultures distinguish between young people and adults. Furthermore, most cultures institutionalize a period of preparation for adulthood that may be analogous to adolescence as we know it. Despite some uniformities, however, the structure and content of the adolescent period varies markedly from culture to culture in ways that reflect broader social and institutional patterns (Benedict, 1937). In other words, the "cultural structuring" of adolescence differs among societies. Although a comprehensive review of crosscultural differences is beyond the scope of this chapter, a few examples will serve to illustrate the ways in which cultural arrangements shape the adolescent period and the course of adolescent development. These include the selection of developmental milestones, practices affecting the clarity of adolescence as a phase of life, and the provision of social roles, settings, and activities that shape the "content" of adolescence. Critical Developmental Markers Worthman (1986) suggests that cultures structure the adolescent experience in part by ascribing social significance to particular developmental cues such as menarche, physical size, or acquired skills. These perceptible cues serve as "index" variables or social markers to which the acquisition of privileges and responsibilities is attached. The selected markers have social significance and, consequently, become psychologically meaningful as well. In a sense, cultures co-opt developmental cues, imbue them with social significance, and in this way create social milestones around which young people's activities and expectations are organized. These milestones serve as landmarks along the path to adulthood, defining the normative course of adolescent development. They become developmental goals to be attained and celebrated. The developmental markers selected for cultural emphasis vary crossculturally and appear to be linked to the social and economic organization of society. Biological markers of maturation such as menarche are more fre- Contexts of Adolescence 25 quently celebrated in settings where puberty is linked to marriage and where marriage, in turn, has important political and economic functions (BrooksGunn & Reiter, 1990). For example, in some societies, marriage is used politically to cement interfamilial ties. Further, in labor-intensive agrarian economies, in which large numbers of children are desirable, menarche, which is associated with fertility, may increase a daughter's value in the marriage market. Paige (1983) suggests that practices such as chaperonage, seclusion, and residence with the bridegroom's family prior to puberty are all ways of ensuring a daughter's economic value to her family. Thus, puberty is celebrated where it constitutes a political or economic asset. Puberty may also receive greater emphasis in societies with simple technology and less differentiated economies. In such societies, young people learn adult skills and tasks gradually over the course of childhood and, by the time of puberty, have acquired many of the competencies needed to function successfully as adults. In contrast, in industrialized societies with complex occupational structures and a focus on achieved rather than ascribed social status, puberty occurs long before the requisite level of social and technical competence is reached. Hence, the emphasis on puberty is replaced by a focus on other events (e.g., school completion) that more accurately index readiness for adulthood. Puberty is not celebrated by the community and, in fact, is viewed as a private issue (Brooks-Gunn & Reiter, 1990). Other events reflecting social maturation may also receive differential cultural emphasis. In most societies, marriage marks the end of adolescence and the beginning of adulthood (Schlegel & Barry, 1991). In industrialized societies, the completion of formal schooling, entry into full-time employment, moving out of the parental household, and becoming financially independent also may serve as markers of entry into adulthood (Elliott & Feldman, 1990). A recent study of American college students indicated that living apart from parents and financial independence were particularly salient milestones for these youth (Arnett, 1994). The choice of key developmental markers and the age at which particular milestones can be attained affect the temporal boundaries of adolescence. Thus, the social transition from childhood to adolescence may be initiated at different ages in different cultures (Cohen, 1964), and the formal phase of preparation for adulthood may last several months, as in some traditional societies, or many years, as is common in modern industrialized societies. The interdependence of particular milestones may also affect the length and timing of adolescence: For example, the right to marry may be tied to biological maturity; similarly, in Western industrialized societies, entry into full-time employment may depend on the completion of formal schooling. Importantly, the timing and contingency of developmental milestones are determined by institutional arrangements. In industrialized societies, the transition from school to work is shaped by the educational system and the labor market. The nature and timing of the school-to-work transition differs, even among modern industrialized societies, due to differences in the degree of alignment between these key institutions (Hamilton, 1994; Petersen, Hurrelmann, & Leffert, 1993). In summary, both the choice of developmental markers and the timing of these markers are embedded in cultural arrangements. One example of this embeddedness comes from cross-cultural data on the regulation of maidenhood, defined as the period between menarche and marriage. Examining data from contemporary nations as well as from ethnographic cross-cultural files, Whiting, Burbank, and Ratner (1986) show that societies differ in both the length of maidenhood and the degree of permissiveness concerning premarital sex. One strategy involves extended maidenhood ( 5 years or more) combined with restrictive rules governing premarital sex: this approach is common among modern European and Asian societies. It can be contrasted with strategies that involve a shorter maidenhood (combined with either encouragement of or restrictions on premarital sex) or with arrangements in which maidenhood is virtually nonexistent because marriage occurs before or immediately after menarche. The type of arrangement depends, in part, on what characteristics are desired in a bride (e.g., virginity or sexual competence), but it is also related to cultural values concerning family size, which, in turn, depend on population density, the social class system, and the type of economic activity (agricultural, herding, foraging, industrial) (Whiting et al., 1986). In this example, both the length of the maidenhood period and the treatment of female adolescents during this period appear to depend on broader social and economic patterns. Clarity of Adolescence Cultures also differ in the clarity of adolescence as a stage of life. Clarity is enhanced by culturally shared milestones that mark the entrance into and exit from adolescence, as well as by consistency in the treatment of young people during that phase of life. In some traditional societies, public ceremonies and physical alteration (e.g., through the use of particular clothing or scarification) accompany the change from child to adult (or preadult) social status (Ford & Beach, 1951). In small communities, and in larger ones in which the physical alterations are commonly recognized, the change in social status is followed by consistent social treatment confirming the young person's new status. In contrast, modern industrialized societies have few publicly celebrated or consistently recognized indicators of the status transition; typically, there are multiple milestones (e.g., completion of secondary schooling, age of legal majority, entry into the labor force, marriage, and parenthood) that are reached at different ages. The abundance of social markers and their spread in timing are thought to increase the ambiguity of the transition to adulthood because Contexts of Adolescence 27 young people are treated inconsistently: on some occasions as adults, on other occasions as juveniles (Steinberg, 1993). In support of this perspective, a recent study of college students in a midwestern university revealed that less than one-quarter of the sample felt they had reached adulthood, whereas almost two-thirds felt they had attained adulthood in some respects but not in others (Arnett, 1994). The clarity of adolescence may derive in part from institutional arrangements. Hurrelmann (1989) links the ambiguity of adolescence in Western industrialized societies to the ongoing process of institutional differentiation within these societies. Increasingly, social functions related to economics, social control, education, and religion, which were initially carried out within the family unit, have been relegated to specialized institutions (e.g., schools, churches, courts). These institutions have distinct rules, procedures, and reward structures; thus they may place inconsistent demands on young people and permit differing degrees of participation and autonomy. Such inconsistency may lead to confusion among youth about their social status and expected behavior; it may also produce frustration because autonomy is supported in some settings but denied in others. Moreover, inconsistent expectations are thought to impede the formation of a healthy identity (Ianni, 1989) and may also lead young people to engage in "adult" behaviors such as sex and drinking as a way of affirming adult status (Jessor, 1984). Social Roles and Settings Institutional arrangements within a society also shape the content of adolescence - the social roles and prescribed activities of youth. First, instituti ...
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Cultural Impact
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There is a great diversity of childhood disorders with different causes and effects in society.
Some of the childhood disorders have a well-designed treatment process while the rest have no
known treatment and may only be maintained just like chronic diseases. Those without a known
cure usually portray themselves as chronic problems that resist interventions and progress
throughout a person’s lifespan from childhood (Prinstein et. al., 2019). The clutters we will talk
about likewise change as far as commonness and seriousness. Predominance alludes to a
proportion, or rate, of how regularly an illness or confusion happens inside a gathering of
individuals in a populace at a given time. As of late, the American Mental Affiliation has noticed
an expansion in the commonness of youth psychological instabilities all in all. Appraisals of the
present commonness propose that somewhere in the range of 17.6% and 22% of youngsters have
indications of at least one youth issue; and that 15% of American kids experience the ill effects of
dysfunctional behavior that is sufficiently serious to cause some degree...

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