GSU Community Needs of Minority Male Youth Living in Chicago Article Analysis

Governors State University

Question Description

I’m trying to learn for my Law class and I’m stuck. Can you help?

Short Draft of a Literature Review, regarding these two articles. What the main problems are in the articles? What are the findings? Do the articles contradict each other in anyway? Feel free to add anything else.
2 paragraphs minimum.

Kali N. Gross, & Cheryl D. Hicks. (2015). Introduction—Gendering the Carceral State: African American Women, History, and the Criminal Justice System. The Journal of African American History,100(3), 357-365. doi:10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.3.0357

I attached the other article below

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Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Children and Youth Services Review journal homepage: Community needs of minority male youth living in inner-city Chicago a,⁎ b b c T b Khary K. Rigg , Roxann McNeish , Daniel Schadrac , Alejandra Gonzalez , Quynh Tran a b c Department of Mental Health Law & Policy, University of South Florida, United States Department of Child & Family Studies, University of South Florida, United States Under the Rainbow, Sinai Health System, United States A B S T R A C T Youth living in low income, urban inner-city environments are exposed to a variety of risk factors for poor psychosocial outcomes. Some of these factors include poverty, inadequate housing, and exposure to gang activity and violence. Despite the well-documented risks of inner-city living, questions still remain regarding how best to improve the wellbeing of minority youth living in these communities and additional research is still needed. The goal of the current study, therefore, was to assess Black and Hispanic inner-city male youth's perceptions of the most pressing needs facing their community. As existing research disproportionately relies on surveys and existing databases to identify the needs of inner-city communities, this study provides a unique contribution to the literature in the utilization of a qualitative methodology. Focus groups were conducted with minority boys living in inner-city Chicago. Audiotapes of these focus groups were transcribed, coded, and thematically analyzed using the NVivo software program. Youth reported community violence prevention, organized recreational activities, and safe parks as their most salient community needs. These data support the need for alternatives-based interventions and additional funding for violence prevention initiatives. This study improves our understanding of what inner-city minority boys view as their most pressing neighborhood needs and should lead to more relevant community programming and tailored interventions. 1. Introduction Youth living in low income, urban inner-city environments are exposed to a variety of risk factors for poor psychosocial outcomes (Jones, 2017; Post et al., 2014). The concentration of these risk factors in these communities can cause a variety of challenges for residents. One of the most powerful risk factors within most inner cities is poverty. Poverty is a known predictor of mental fatigue, hopelessness, and despair (Flèche & Layard, 2017), and is a barrier to accessing both health and social services (Harrison, McKay, & Bannon Jr., 2004). Research also shows that poor inner-city areas tend to have high levels of crime, violence and homicide (Busey, Kinyoun-Webb, Martin-McKay, & Mao, 2006; Kliewer et al., 2004). Exposure to violence is another risk factor that contributes to adverse health and psychosocial consequences in youth (Dill & Ozer, 2016). Youth who are exposed to violence are more likely to exhibit aggressive behaviors, anxiety, PTSD symptoms, and a sense of hopelessness, among other problems (Bolland, Lian, & Formichella, 2005; Paxton, Robinson, Shah, & Schoeny, 2004; Spano, Rivera, & Bolland, 2006; Thompson Jr & Massat, 2005). Poverty also has implications for inner-city schools. Because public schools rely heavily on property taxes for funding, inner-city schools tend to be under-resourced, often lacking educational resources commonly found in most schools (Blanchett, Mumford, & Beachum, 2005). Additionally, low-income inner-city youth are more likely to experience ⁎ poor academic achievement and low attendance than their suburban counterparts (Anderson et al., 2003). These deficits are usually accompanied by few accelerated educational opportunities (e.g., gifted programs), limited extracurricular programs, and a high number of uncertified or provisionally licensed teachers (Blanchett et al., 2005). Exacerbating these challenges even further, inner-city schools are often forced to accommodate more students than they can handle, leading to overcrowding which is associated with school violence and poor academic performance among youth (Goux & Maurin, 2005; Smith & Smith, 2006). Poor academic performance is associated with many negative outcomes for youth, including smoking, drinking, drug use, suicidal ideations, risky sexual behaviors, and violent acts (Byrd, 2005). Academic failure also has psychological and social implications beyond the poor physical health outcomes, including feeling sad and anxious, and experiencing social isolation (Al-Zoubi & Younes, 2015). Grade retention can worsen youth's self-esteem and impact the development of peer groups as it becomes challenging and embarrassing for youth to form new friendships with younger children (Byrd, 2005). In addition, failing students who have to repeat a grade are more likely to drop out of school and this risk increases as the students' age increases (Byrd, 2005). Collectively, the above factors create conditions whereby inner-city youth become susceptible to street gangs (Howell & Griffiths, 2015). Corresponding author. E-mail address: (K.K. Rigg). Received 6 November 2018; Received in revised form 8 January 2019; Accepted 9 January 2019 Available online 10 January 2019 0190-7409/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289 K.K. Rigg et al. Gang involvement can become an attractive option because it can be accompanied by newfound income and social recognition (Bolland, 2003; Estrada Jr, Gilreath, Astor, & Benbenishty, 2016). Gang involvement also becomes attractive to youth because membership can provide teenagers with a sense of belonging and protection from victimization (Spano, Freilich, & Bolland, 2008). Gang membership, however, is associated with a much higher risk of arrest and increase in violent behavior, as well as many other illegal activities (Vowell & May, 2000; Wood & Dennard, 2017). It is worth noting that Blacks and Hispanics are disproportionately exposed to these risk factors because of their higher concentration in inner-city communities (Krivo, Vélez, Lyons, Phillips, & Sabbath, 2018). One of the reasons for this is that over the last few decades millions of African-Americans have moved out of the rural south to urban cities in search of jobs (Massey, 2008; Quillian, 1999). Blacks are also concentrated in the inner cities because of policies like “redlining” that prevented Blacks from buying homes in higher income neighborhoods outside urban cores (Hillier, 2003; Zenou & Boccard, 2000). Additionally, ethnic enclaves tend to be in urban areas, resulting in a high number of Hispanics residing in the inner-city (Portes & Puhrmann, 2015). These trends, paired with the fact that whites over the past several decades have been moving to more suburban areas to escape the so-called influx of minorities, have resulted in Blacks and Hispanics being overrepresented in urban cores (Harris, 2001). This means that Black and Hispanic youth are disproportionately affected by the negative influences of low-income inner-city living. Despite the well-documented risks of inner-city living (Annunziata, Hogue, Faw, & Liddle, 2006), additional research is still needed on the specific needs of minority youth living in these communities. Some efforts to improve psychosocial outcomes among urban minority youth have been unsuccessful and questions still remain regarding how best to improve their wellbeing. Research on inner-city problems are most commonly done through the use of quantitative assessments that rely on databases from law enforcement, school systems, and government (Serafini, Donovan, Wendt, Matsumiya, & McCarty, 2017; Teach et al., 2015). Because quantitative indicators seem straightforward and manageable as a starting point, policymakers often rely on such studies to inform interventions. Although, these types of studies have been useful in identifying risk factors within inner city neighborhoods, they often do not capture the voices of minority youth living in these communities. As a result, interventions have the potential to be irrelevant and, in some cases, harmful when people's everyday experiences and perspectives are not seriously considered. There has, however, been a recent push to include the input of minority youth in research studies (Hills, 2000; Murphy & Rigg, 2014). health crisis” (Alexander & West, 2012; Chicago Police Department, 2011; Cook County Government, 2016; Stevens & Morash, 2015). Not only are violent crimes high in Chicago, but recent data suggest that the problem is worsening with 496 murders occurring in Chicago in 2015, compared with 762 in 2016 (Rapid City Journal, 2017). Accordingly, studies based in Chicago are especially timely because additional data are urgently needed to inform interventions for this and other urban areas struggling with violent crime (Brown & Kiersz, 2018). The current study responds to the need for additional research on issues affecting the wellbeing of urban minority youth (Carter, Walker, Cutrona, Simons, & Beach, 2016; Myers et al., 2015). This study attempts to fill this gap by presenting data collected directly from innercity Black and Hispanic male youth. Engaging the voice of minority youth can help create better understanding of their most pressing psychosocial needs and should lead to more relevant community programming. Specifically, the purpose of this study was to assess minority youth's perceptions on what programs or supports would best promote their wellbeing in their communities. 1.1. The current study Focus group participants were recruited with the collaboration of community partner organizations that worked directly with these youth. These community partners included local chapters of national organizations that provide youth mentoring and other positive youth development activities, as well as local organizations that provide social services to youth and families. Partners were told about the purpose of the needs assessment and were asked to recommend youth who would be willing to participate. Recruitment was done with youth who were already participating in the various programs offered by these community partners. To be included in the study, youth had to be AfricanAmerican or Hispanic, and residing in one of the three focus communities. All focus group were conducted in English, but one included a translator who translated the questions into Spanish and the answers from Spanish to English. Informed consents were obtained prior to the start of the groups by a facilitator. Participants were compensated with a $10 gift card for their time and food was also provided to the participants. Staff (project coordinators) facilitated all eight focus groups. Each groups was audiotaped with the consent of participants and transcribed by staff. There was also a note taker present at each of the groups to provide supplemental information to the transcribed data. 2. Methods To gain the perspective of the youth, eight focus groups were conducted with 6–10 participants in each group; total participants for all focus groups were about 65. All participants in the focus groups conducted in schools were either Black or Hispanic male youth who were residents of one of three low-income, gang-exposed focus communities. The youth ranged in age from 10 to 18, with a mean age of 14 years old. Most of the students (~60%) were Hispanic, primarily of Mexican descent. The focus groups were conducted in collaboration with community partners located in the focus neighborhoods where the project was being implemented. All focus groups were conducted between November 2015 and February 2016 at local public schools, and also at a partner agency's location in the three neighborhoods. Close to 70% of the youth participants were high school students. A topical guide with probes was used to help facilitate the focus group discussions. Probes included asking the participants how they viewed their neighborhood, how others viewed their neighborhood, and what was needed to improve the neighborhood for youth. Prior to the groups, reviews of the literature, as well as other reports on community conditions and data were conducted to assess information gaps and potential areas of emphasis. 2.1. Recruitment and procedures This study provides a unique contribution to the literature in the utilization of a qualitative methodology. Focus groups are an effective method to collect data from people with shared experiences and are commonly used to explore the viewpoints of marginalized groups, which has the potential to reveal insider perspectives about community needs (Dognin, Sedlander, Jay, & Ades, 2017). Furthermore, focus group data are better able than survey instruments to represent the complex issues that contribute to psychosocial problems among youth and might also give a fuller understanding than a standard questionnaire regarding the pressures, influences, and lived experiences that are a day-to-day reality for urban minority youth (Rigg & Murphy, 2013). As such, studies that analyze their narratives have the potential to shed new light on inner-city living through a more contextual understanding of risk factors which can help identify points of intervention. This study is particularly relevant because it was based in inner-city Chicago, a region impacted by crime and infrastructure decay (Berman, 2016), and where city officials have deemed gun violence a “public 285 Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289 K.K. Rigg et al. youth as aversive and often traumatic. Violence was a major barrier to youth being able to fully enjoy their community and the people in it. This participant describes how the threat of violence was not only a significant source of stress, but caused him to question his family's decision to live there entirely: 2.2. Data analysis All interview transcripts were subsequently imported into NVivo, a qualitative data analysis computer software program. The use of this software package's search engine and query functions enhanced the ability to identify patterns and search for salient themes in the data. Although the topic guide covered several subjects, the analysis presented here focuses on the needs that youth saw as being most important in their neighborhood. There were no a priori coding categories identified and themes were allowed to emerge from the data. The focus groups transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This is a widely used method for identifying and reporting patterns and themes within text data. It was chosen because it is a flexible technique that is relatively accessible and can be used to analyze data obtained under a number of qualitative theoretical frameworks (Douglas, Hamilton, & Grubs, 2009). The use of thematic analysis is appropriate in cases such as this, where the research question is broad and the goal is to identify and richly describe participants' perspectives. Analysis was theoretically informed by a subtle realist paradigm, which assumes that we can only understand a phenomenon from our own perspective of it (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). Subtle realists state that even though all research involves subjective perceptions and observations, this subjectivity does not preclude the existence of independent phenomena. Furthermore, the experiences of individuals can be studied by systematically examining the narratives that people use (Rigg & Murphy, 2013). This study, therefore, analyzed the narrative accounts of participants' experiences to gain a contextual understanding of their perceptions of their community's needs. Braun and Clarke's (2006) six-step process for conducting thematic analysis was followed. During the first phase, the researcher became familiar with the data by reading each transcript twice. On the second reading, initial ideas for coding were noted in the memo feature of the software program (analogous to writing observations in the margins). The second phase is where initial codes were generated. The researcher systematically coded each community need identified by participants across the entire data set and collated data relevant to each code. Once all data had been initially coded and collated, step three began. This involved sorting the codes into potential themes and gathering all the text data relevant to community needs. Phase four consisted of reviewing and refining the devised set of initial themes by checking if the data cohered together meaningfully within each theme. Phase five is where the specifics of each theme were decided upon and the overall story of the data emerged. In the sixth and final phase, the report was written, and compelling excerpts from participants were chosen to illustrate each theme. Two members of the research team independently reviewed and coded the transcripts, which enabled the researchers to compare and contrast codes, eventually agreeing on a final set of themes. These themes are further discussed in the following sections. “They're always coming around starting problems, looking for trouble. You've got to keep your head on your shoulders. I'd like to live somewhere where we don't have to do that. People are always stopping me and asking me where I'm from. I never know what to say to it because I might say the wrong thing and they might do something.” Much of the violence was perpetrated by street gangs and violating gang boundaries was commonly cited as a reason for being attacked. We found that youth were very knowledgeable regarding gang “rules” (e.g., territorial boundaries) and that this heavily restricted their behavior such as where they could walk, play, and who they could talk to. Many of these unwritten rules pertained to certain streets that were “off limits” to people who were not from a certain gang. According to youth, violating such rules would likely result in being punched, kicked, stabbed, or shot. This participant describes how he first learned about some of these gang imposed community rules: “I moved here from Florida, they told me you're not supposed to go down that street because I'll be mistaken for one of the gangs from that side or something like that. Basically, no person of color is allowed to move to that street.” Although simply living under the threat of violence was described as stressful, it was not uncommon to hear reports of youth and their loved ones actually being victimized. Stories about either themselves or loved ones being shot or “jumped” were quite common. Youth expressed anger and frustration when retelling these stories that usually involved a friend or family member being victimized. The following victimization story was typical: “One day I was being dropped off. My coworker mistakenly took [a certain street] trying to take a shortcut, we got shot at twice. One of them busted the back window. We made it…but I got really upset. How can I be in a country that says land of the free and I can't even walk down the street? It's really sad to know that this is what Chicago is.” 3.2. Scarcity of organized recreational activities Another reoccurring issue for youth was the paucity of organized recreational activities such as neighborhood sports teams and schoolbased extracurricular activities. Youth expressed a desire to have more “things to do” after school and on the weekends. This lack of options was offered as a reason that youth in their neighborhoods get into “trouble.” In fact, not having recreational options was a contributing factor for why some of their peers decided to join gangs or became mixed up with the “wrong crowd.” There was an appreciation among participants that criminal activity and gang involvement be ...
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Final Answer

attached is the assignment please review and let me know if you need edits.



Article Summaries
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In the article “Community needs of minority male youth living in inner-city
Chicago” the author’s focus on the perceptions of inner-city male youths and what they
believe is needed in their community. It is common that urban inner-city communities
have high-risk factors for poor psychosocial outcomes. This is due to issues such as
poverty, barriers to accessing health and social...

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