Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Children and Youth Services Review
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/childyouth
Community needs of minority male youth living in inner-city Chicago
a,⁎
b
b
c
T
b
Khary K. Rigg , Roxann McNeish , Daniel Schadrac , Alejandra Gonzalez , Quynh Tran
a
b
c
Department of Mental Health Law & Policy, University of South Florida, United States
Department of Child & Family Studies, University of South Florida, United States
Under the Rainbow, Sinai Health System, United States
A B S T R A C T
Youth living in low income, urban inner-city environments are exposed to a variety of risk factors for poor psychosocial outcomes. Some of these factors include
poverty, inadequate housing, and exposure to gang activity and violence. Despite the well-documented risks of inner-city living, questions still remain regarding how
best to improve the wellbeing of minority youth living in these communities and additional research is still needed. The goal of the current study, therefore, was to
assess Black and Hispanic inner-city male youth's perceptions of the most pressing needs facing their community. As existing research disproportionately relies on
surveys and existing databases to identify the needs of inner-city communities, this study provides a unique contribution to the literature in the utilization of a
qualitative methodology. Focus groups were conducted with minority boys living in inner-city Chicago. Audiotapes of these focus groups were transcribed, coded,
and thematically analyzed using the NVivo software program. Youth reported community violence prevention, organized recreational activities, and safe parks as
their most salient community needs. These data support the need for alternatives-based interventions and additional funding for violence prevention initiatives. This
study improves our understanding of what inner-city minority boys view as their most pressing neighborhood needs and should lead to more relevant community
programming and tailored interventions.
1. Introduction
Youth living in low income, urban inner-city environments are exposed to a variety of risk factors for poor psychosocial outcomes (Jones,
2017; Post et al., 2014). The concentration of these risk factors in these
communities can cause a variety of challenges for residents. One of the
most powerful risk factors within most inner cities is poverty. Poverty is
a known predictor of mental fatigue, hopelessness, and despair (Flèche
& Layard, 2017), and is a barrier to accessing both health and social
services (Harrison, McKay, & Bannon Jr., 2004). Research also shows
that poor inner-city areas tend to have high levels of crime, violence
and homicide (Busey, Kinyoun-Webb, Martin-McKay, & Mao, 2006;
Kliewer et al., 2004). Exposure to violence is another risk factor that
contributes to adverse health and psychosocial consequences in youth
(Dill & Ozer, 2016). Youth who are exposed to violence are more likely
to exhibit aggressive behaviors, anxiety, PTSD symptoms, and a sense of
hopelessness, among other problems (Bolland, Lian, & Formichella,
2005; Paxton, Robinson, Shah, & Schoeny, 2004; Spano, Rivera, &
Bolland, 2006; Thompson Jr & Massat, 2005).
Poverty also has implications for inner-city schools. Because public
schools rely heavily on property taxes for funding, inner-city schools
tend to be under-resourced, often lacking educational resources commonly found in most schools (Blanchett, Mumford, & Beachum, 2005).
Additionally, low-income inner-city youth are more likely to experience
⁎
poor academic achievement and low attendance than their suburban
counterparts (Anderson et al., 2003). These deficits are usually accompanied by few accelerated educational opportunities (e.g., gifted
programs), limited extracurricular programs, and a high number of
uncertified or provisionally licensed teachers (Blanchett et al., 2005).
Exacerbating these challenges even further, inner-city schools are often
forced to accommodate more students than they can handle, leading to
overcrowding which is associated with school violence and poor academic performance among youth (Goux & Maurin, 2005; Smith &
Smith, 2006).
Poor academic performance is associated with many negative outcomes for youth, including smoking, drinking, drug use, suicidal ideations, risky sexual behaviors, and violent acts (Byrd, 2005). Academic
failure also has psychological and social implications beyond the poor
physical health outcomes, including feeling sad and anxious, and experiencing social isolation (Al-Zoubi & Younes, 2015). Grade retention
can worsen youth's self-esteem and impact the development of peer
groups as it becomes challenging and embarrassing for youth to form
new friendships with younger children (Byrd, 2005). In addition, failing
students who have to repeat a grade are more likely to drop out of
school and this risk increases as the students' age increases (Byrd,
2005).
Collectively, the above factors create conditions whereby inner-city
youth become susceptible to street gangs (Howell & Griffiths, 2015).
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: rigg@usf.edu (K.K. Rigg).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2019.01.011
Received 6 November 2018; Received in revised form 8 January 2019; Accepted 9 January 2019
Available online 10 January 2019
0190-7409/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289
K.K. Rigg et al.
Gang involvement can become an attractive option because it can be
accompanied by newfound income and social recognition (Bolland,
2003; Estrada Jr, Gilreath, Astor, & Benbenishty, 2016). Gang involvement also becomes attractive to youth because membership can
provide teenagers with a sense of belonging and protection from victimization (Spano, Freilich, & Bolland, 2008). Gang membership,
however, is associated with a much higher risk of arrest and increase in
violent behavior, as well as many other illegal activities (Vowell & May,
2000; Wood & Dennard, 2017).
It is worth noting that Blacks and Hispanics are disproportionately
exposed to these risk factors because of their higher concentration in
inner-city communities (Krivo, Vélez, Lyons, Phillips, & Sabbath, 2018).
One of the reasons for this is that over the last few decades millions of
African-Americans have moved out of the rural south to urban cities in
search of jobs (Massey, 2008; Quillian, 1999). Blacks are also concentrated in the inner cities because of policies like “redlining” that
prevented Blacks from buying homes in higher income neighborhoods
outside urban cores (Hillier, 2003; Zenou & Boccard, 2000). Additionally, ethnic enclaves tend to be in urban areas, resulting in a high
number of Hispanics residing in the inner-city (Portes & Puhrmann,
2015). These trends, paired with the fact that whites over the past
several decades have been moving to more suburban areas to escape the
so-called influx of minorities, have resulted in Blacks and Hispanics
being overrepresented in urban cores (Harris, 2001). This means that
Black and Hispanic youth are disproportionately affected by the negative influences of low-income inner-city living.
Despite the well-documented risks of inner-city living (Annunziata,
Hogue, Faw, & Liddle, 2006), additional research is still needed on the
specific needs of minority youth living in these communities. Some
efforts to improve psychosocial outcomes among urban minority youth
have been unsuccessful and questions still remain regarding how best to
improve their wellbeing. Research on inner-city problems are most
commonly done through the use of quantitative assessments that rely
on databases from law enforcement, school systems, and government
(Serafini, Donovan, Wendt, Matsumiya, & McCarty, 2017; Teach et al.,
2015). Because quantitative indicators seem straightforward and
manageable as a starting point, policymakers often rely on such studies
to inform interventions. Although, these types of studies have been
useful in identifying risk factors within inner city neighborhoods, they
often do not capture the voices of minority youth living in these communities. As a result, interventions have the potential to be irrelevant
and, in some cases, harmful when people's everyday experiences and
perspectives are not seriously considered. There has, however, been a
recent push to include the input of minority youth in research studies
(Hills, 2000; Murphy & Rigg, 2014).
health crisis” (Alexander & West, 2012; Chicago Police Department,
2011; Cook County Government, 2016; Stevens & Morash, 2015). Not
only are violent crimes high in Chicago, but recent data suggest that the
problem is worsening with 496 murders occurring in Chicago in 2015,
compared with 762 in 2016 (Rapid City Journal, 2017). Accordingly,
studies based in Chicago are especially timely because additional data
are urgently needed to inform interventions for this and other urban
areas struggling with violent crime (Brown & Kiersz, 2018).
The current study responds to the need for additional research on
issues affecting the wellbeing of urban minority youth (Carter, Walker,
Cutrona, Simons, & Beach, 2016; Myers et al., 2015). This study attempts to fill this gap by presenting data collected directly from innercity Black and Hispanic male youth. Engaging the voice of minority
youth can help create better understanding of their most pressing
psychosocial needs and should lead to more relevant community programming. Specifically, the purpose of this study was to assess minority
youth's perceptions on what programs or supports would best promote
their wellbeing in their communities.
1.1. The current study
Focus group participants were recruited with the collaboration of
community partner organizations that worked directly with these
youth. These community partners included local chapters of national
organizations that provide youth mentoring and other positive youth
development activities, as well as local organizations that provide social
services to youth and families. Partners were told about the purpose of
the needs assessment and were asked to recommend youth who would
be willing to participate. Recruitment was done with youth who were
already participating in the various programs offered by these community partners. To be included in the study, youth had to be AfricanAmerican or Hispanic, and residing in one of the three focus communities. All focus group were conducted in English, but one included a
translator who translated the questions into Spanish and the answers
from Spanish to English. Informed consents were obtained prior to the
start of the groups by a facilitator. Participants were compensated with
a $10 gift card for their time and food was also provided to the participants. Staff (project coordinators) facilitated all eight focus groups.
Each groups was audiotaped with the consent of participants and
transcribed by staff. There was also a note taker present at each of the
groups to provide supplemental information to the transcribed data.
2. Methods
To gain the perspective of the youth, eight focus groups were conducted with 6–10 participants in each group; total participants for all
focus groups were about 65. All participants in the focus groups conducted in schools were either Black or Hispanic male youth who were
residents of one of three low-income, gang-exposed focus communities.
The youth ranged in age from 10 to 18, with a mean age of 14 years old.
Most of the students (~60%) were Hispanic, primarily of Mexican
descent. The focus groups were conducted in collaboration with community partners located in the focus neighborhoods where the project
was being implemented. All focus groups were conducted between
November 2015 and February 2016 at local public schools, and also at a
partner agency's location in the three neighborhoods. Close to 70% of
the youth participants were high school students. A topical guide with
probes was used to help facilitate the focus group discussions. Probes
included asking the participants how they viewed their neighborhood,
how others viewed their neighborhood, and what was needed to improve the neighborhood for youth. Prior to the groups, reviews of the
literature, as well as other reports on community conditions and data
were conducted to assess information gaps and potential areas of emphasis.
2.1. Recruitment and procedures
This study provides a unique contribution to the literature in the
utilization of a qualitative methodology. Focus groups are an effective
method to collect data from people with shared experiences and are
commonly used to explore the viewpoints of marginalized groups,
which has the potential to reveal insider perspectives about community
needs (Dognin, Sedlander, Jay, & Ades, 2017). Furthermore, focus
group data are better able than survey instruments to represent the
complex issues that contribute to psychosocial problems among youth
and might also give a fuller understanding than a standard questionnaire regarding the pressures, influences, and lived experiences that
are a day-to-day reality for urban minority youth (Rigg & Murphy,
2013). As such, studies that analyze their narratives have the potential
to shed new light on inner-city living through a more contextual understanding of risk factors which can help identify points of intervention.
This study is particularly relevant because it was based in inner-city
Chicago, a region impacted by crime and infrastructure decay (Berman,
2016), and where city officials have deemed gun violence a “public
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youth as aversive and often traumatic. Violence was a major barrier to
youth being able to fully enjoy their community and the people in it.
This participant describes how the threat of violence was not only a
significant source of stress, but caused him to question his family's
decision to live there entirely:
2.2. Data analysis
All interview transcripts were subsequently imported into NVivo, a
qualitative data analysis computer software program. The use of this
software package's search engine and query functions enhanced the
ability to identify patterns and search for salient themes in the data.
Although the topic guide covered several subjects, the analysis presented here focuses on the needs that youth saw as being most important in their neighborhood. There were no a priori coding categories
identified and themes were allowed to emerge from the data. The focus
groups transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis (Braun &
Clarke, 2006). This is a widely used method for identifying and reporting patterns and themes within text data. It was chosen because it is
a flexible technique that is relatively accessible and can be used to
analyze data obtained under a number of qualitative theoretical frameworks (Douglas, Hamilton, & Grubs, 2009). The use of thematic
analysis is appropriate in cases such as this, where the research question
is broad and the goal is to identify and richly describe participants'
perspectives.
Analysis was theoretically informed by a subtle realist paradigm,
which assumes that we can only understand a phenomenon from our
own perspective of it (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). Subtle realists state that
even though all research involves subjective perceptions and observations, this subjectivity does not preclude the existence of independent
phenomena. Furthermore, the experiences of individuals can be studied
by systematically examining the narratives that people use (Rigg &
Murphy, 2013). This study, therefore, analyzed the narrative accounts
of participants' experiences to gain a contextual understanding of their
perceptions of their community's needs.
Braun and Clarke's (2006) six-step process for conducting thematic
analysis was followed. During the first phase, the researcher became
familiar with the data by reading each transcript twice. On the second
reading, initial ideas for coding were noted in the memo feature of the
software program (analogous to writing observations in the margins).
The second phase is where initial codes were generated. The researcher
systematically coded each community need identified by participants
across the entire data set and collated data relevant to each code. Once
all data had been initially coded and collated, step three began. This
involved sorting the codes into potential themes and gathering all the
text data relevant to community needs. Phase four consisted of reviewing and refining the devised set of initial themes by checking if the
data cohered together meaningfully within each theme. Phase five is
where the specifics of each theme were decided upon and the overall
story of the data emerged. In the sixth and final phase, the report was
written, and compelling excerpts from participants were chosen to illustrate each theme. Two members of the research team independently
reviewed and coded the transcripts, which enabled the researchers to
compare and contrast codes, eventually agreeing on a final set of
themes. These themes are further discussed in the following sections.
“They're always coming around starting problems, looking for
trouble. You've got to keep your head on your shoulders. I'd like to
live somewhere where we don't have to do that. People are always
stopping me and asking me where I'm from. I never know what to
say to it because I might say the wrong thing and they might do
something.”
Much of the violence was perpetrated by street gangs and violating
gang boundaries was commonly cited as a reason for being attacked.
We found that youth were very knowledgeable regarding gang “rules”
(e.g., territorial boundaries) and that this heavily restricted their behavior such as where they could walk, play, and who they could talk to.
Many of these unwritten rules pertained to certain streets that were “off
limits” to people who were not from a certain gang. According to youth,
violating such rules would likely result in being punched, kicked,
stabbed, or shot. This participant describes how he first learned about
some of these gang imposed community rules:
“I moved here from Florida, they told me you're not supposed to go
down that street because I'll be mistaken for one of the gangs from
that side or something like that. Basically, no person of color is allowed to move to that street.”
Although simply living under the threat of violence was described as
stressful, it was not uncommon to hear reports of youth and their loved
ones actually being victimized. Stories about either themselves or loved
ones being shot or “jumped” were quite common. Youth expressed
anger and frustration when retelling these stories that usually involved
a friend or family member being victimized. The following victimization story was typical:
“One day I was being dropped off. My coworker mistakenly took [a
certain street] trying to take a shortcut, we got shot at twice. One of
them busted the back window. We made it…but I got really upset.
How can I be in a country that says land of the free and I can't even
walk down the street? It's really sad to know that this is what
Chicago is.”
3.2. Scarcity of organized recreational activities
Another reoccurring issue for youth was the paucity of organized
recreational activities such as neighborhood sports teams and schoolbased extracurricular activities. Youth expressed a desire to have more
“things to do” after school and on the weekends. This lack of options
was offered as a reason that youth in their neighborhoods get into
“trouble.” In fact, not having recreational options was a contributing
factor for why some of their peers decided to join gangs or became
mixed up with the “wrong crowd.” There was an appreciation among
participants that criminal activity and gang involvement become more
attractive in the absence of recreational alternatives. This participant
articulates the negative affect of having no community center in his
neighborhood where youth can socialize and play:
3. Findings
The analysis of the focus group transcripts revealed three themes
related to community needs: 1) community violence, 2) scarcity of organized recreational activities, and 3) a lack of safe parks. Excerpts
from transcripts are presented to help illustrate each theme. There were
no differences in the results by age group.
“We do not have one community center in the neighborhood to get
kids off the streets. Where do we go now? A lot of kids don't want to
go home…But they don't have anywhere to go so that is an issue.
Kids need activity.”
3.1. Community violence
Neighborhood violence was consistently mentioned as a community
problem and a reason for feeling scared and frustrated, as well as
staying indoors. The threat of violence was acknowledged by the vast
majority of the sample and described as an everyday reality of living in
their neighborhood. Although living under the constant threat of violence was an accepted part of their life, it was universally viewed by
Although youth expressed a desire for having more organized recreational options, including yoga and other special interest clubs, there
was a particular interest in having more athletic and sports activities in
their community. Youth expressed a strong yearning for getting more
involved in sports such as basketball and football, but were consistently
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in inner-city Chicago, a region famously impacted by crime and violence.
Our findings highlight the need for community-based violence
prevention programs in the inner city. Several programs have proven
successful in this regard (Ellsberg et al., 2015; Tappis, Freeman, Glass,
& Doocy, 2016). One such intervention is the Becoming a Man Program
(Lopez, 2016). This intervention targets youth who are at risk of getting
into violent encounters because of the neighborhood they live in or the
school they attend. The program uses a weekly intervention, based on
cognitive behavioral principles, to teach youth how to react in encounters that can turn violent (Lopez, 2016). Becoming a Man requires
youth to complete exercises that provide them with opportunities to
practice self-regulation, communication skills, and how to safely negotiate potentially dangerous situations. When implemented in other
low-income urban areas, Becoming a Man reduced arrests and violent
crimes by 30–50% in randomized control trials (WBEZ's Morning Shift,
2015). This program does exist in Chicago, but has not been implemented widely due to a lack of funding. Wider implementation of
this and other evidence-based crime prevention interventions such as
hot-spots and focused deterrence policing are also needed in Chicago
and other urban areas (Engel, Tillyer, & Corsaro, 2013; Rosenfeld,
Deckard, & Blackburn, 2014; Weisburd & Telep, 2014). And because
much of the violence is driven by social disadvantages, structural interventions such as affordable housing and job programs are likely to be
effective (Cordova & Wilson, 2017).
Another issue raised by the youth was a lack of organized recreational activities. These findings support alternatives programming as an
approach to curb violence and improve the well-being of youth in inner
city communities by providing them with a greater number of viable
options for engaging with peers for social and recreational purposes.
The idea behind alternatives programming is to provide teenagers with
activities that can serve as viable alternatives to illegal behaviors such
as crime, gang involvement, or drug use (Botvin & Griffin, 2006). The
original model for alternatives programming included the development
of youth centers that provided a range of activities (e.g., sports, hobbies, community service, academic tutoring). This model is based on the
premise that youth are far less likely to engage in deviant behaviors if
they are provided with real-life opportunities that are as appealing.
Outward Bound type programs that provide experiential and outdoor
programs for youth represent another type of alternatives approach
(Scheinfeld, Rochlen, & Russell, 2017). These programs were developed
with the hope that they would alter the affective–cognitive state of
teenagers and improve the way they feel about themselves, others, and
the world (Botvin & Griffin, 2006).
There was a particularly strong desire to have more opportunities to
engage in sports (e.g., football, basketball, boxing), however their desire for recreational alternatives also extended to extra-curricular activities such as martial arts, yoga, and other special interests.
Alternatives programming has been shown to be effective at promoting
mental health and well-being among youth in a variety of settings (Ang,
Farihah, & Lau, 2014; Scheinfeld et al., 2017). Moreover, our finding
suggests that providing more recreational options in these neighborhoods would be an impactful intervention for youth living in low-income inner city areas.
Youth also identified a lack of safe parks as a significant community
need. Over the last several decades, much has been written about the
benefits and liabilities of urban parks (Svendsen, Campbell, &
McMillen, 2016; Ulmer et al., 2016). On one hand, parks are sometimes
viewed as a neighborhood risk factor because they can become dangerous places and be easily taken over for undesirable activities (e.g.,
markets for drug dealers, venues for delinquent behavior) (Marcus &
Francis, 1997; Troy & Grove, 2008). On the other hand, considerable
research shows that parks can provide many community benefits, including increased property values and access to green spaces and relaxation, as well as improve neighborhood bonds, civic pride, and
mental health among community members (Chiesura, 2004; Middle
frustrated that so few opportunities existed. Participants fondly mentioned one small sports-based youth and community development organization, located on the West Side of Chicago, that provided much
needed sports opportunities for kids, but the prevailing sentiment was
that one organization was inadequate and more of these opportunities
were clearly needed. In the following excerpt, this participant not only
describes his frustration with having so few organized recreational
options, but also articulates the difficulty with implementing these
programs in his community:
“No martial arts classes, no boxing classes, no gyms are here. It is big
to be able to use a gym…Years ago, we asked about turning the
firehouse into a new rec center, but even if you build a multi-billion
dollar youth center right here, you're still going to have problems
getting the community from that side to come down here and feel
comfortable.”
3.3. Lack of safe parks
A lack of safe parks was also an important community problem
mentioned by youth. Indeed, parks existed in their neighborhoods, but
they were few in number and largely viewed as unsafe due to gun
violence and gang activity and although some youth reported visiting
their local parks, playing there was recognized as a significant safety
risk. However, because of their strong desire to play sports at these
parks, typically basketball, some youth were willing to take the risk. An
equal amount of youth, however, reported avoiding local parks altogether for fear of being the object of gang violence or being an innocent
bystander in a gun altercation. The following participant discusses the
high number of fights that occur at his local park and laments that he
spends most of his time not being able to relax, worrying about being
shot:
“In my community there are so many things going on. People like to
go try [start fights] people there [parks]…Kids go because they like
to play sports though. I end up spending my time walking around
the park seeing that there are no problems and that everything is
safe. That's mostly what you do at my park.”
In addition to there being too few parks and existing parks being
unsafe, youth also reported being harassed by police for “hanging out.”
This harassment was described by youth as asking them unnecessary
questions, requesting their identification, verbally antagonizing them,
and sometimes becoming physically aggressive with them. Unwanted
attention from the police was one of the reasons why some youth
tended to avoid parks and contributed to their view of parks as unsafe.
This participant describes this unwanted attention and implies that it
may be due to his status as a young Hispanic male:
“Whereas for me a lot of the fun I have doesn't happen in this
community. Me being a younger Latino male, sometimes I attract
the wrong attention and you'll have days where police want to stop
you, and fish for no reason because I look some type of way and they
know my connections and the people I deal with…Me, being honest,
as far as it goes with parks, I'd rather hit up the bowling alley.”
4. Discussion
Although inner-city communities have been extensively studied
over the last few decades, first person accounts from minority youth
living in these neighborhoods are not often the focus of investigation.
This research used qualitative methods of data collection and analysis
to gain a fuller understanding of what minority male youth view as the
most important issues facing their community. Given that most studies
in this area rely on surveys or large databases, this study uniquely
contributes to the literature by qualitatively capturing the voices of
minority youth. This study is particularly relevant because it was based
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K.K. Rigg et al.
et al., 2014; Nicholls & Crompton, 2005; Rigolon, 2016).
While our findings suggest more parks are needed in urban inner
cities, it should also be noted that some focus neighborhoods for this
study already have a number of parks. Our data caution against simply
increasing the amount of parks in these neighborhoods as youth pointed
out that many existing parks were already unsafe to visit. Steps should
be taken to improve the safety of existing parks or to build parks in
these areas that will buffer against crime and not become magnets for it.
Previous research suggests that parks that are most likely to protect
against crime are those with more recreational options that will attract
a greater number of families and generate activity (Groff & McCord,
2012; Troy & Grove, 2008). Such parks tend to be larger in size and
have significant urban vegetation (Kuo & Sullivan, 2001; Nicholls &
Crompton, 2005). These prevention considerations are particularly relevant for inner city community planning and development.
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4.1. Study limitations
Our findings should be interpreted within the context of the study
limitations. As this was a non-probability sample, generalizations
should be made with caution. Because focus groups were used as a
means of data collection, social desirability and interviewer bias may
have been a possibility. The inherent limitations of self-report data (e.g.
recall bias) also apply to this research. Finally, because this research
was conducted in Chicago, a high incidence area for crime and gang
activity, the authors recognize that the data presented here may not be
representative of all urban areas across the United States; however it is
reasonable to assume that Chicago's violence and gang landscape is
similar to that of other metropolitan areas, even if somewhat more
robust. These limitations notwithstanding, the data presented here
provide unique insights into what may help improve the wellbeing of
minority youth residing in low-income urban neighborhoods. Overall,
the data presented here support the need for alternatives-based interventions and additional funding for innovative violence prevention
initiatives. This study improves our understanding of what inner-city
minority boys view as their most salient neighborhood needs and
should lead to more relevant community programming and tailored
interventions.
Conflict of interest
The authors of this manuscript have no conflicts of interest to disclose.
Acknowledgements
This research was conducted as part of the Making Connections
Initiative, a national community-based, multi-site program based in the
US funded by the Movember Foundation, coordinated by the
Prevention Institute, and evaluated by the University of South Florida
that intends to improve the mental health and wellbeing of men and
boys in the US.
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