GSU Community Needs of Minority Male Youth Living in Chicago Article Analysis

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Short Draft of a Literature Review, regarding these two articles. What the main problems are in the articles? What are the findings? Do the articles contradict each other in anyway? Feel free to add anything else.
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Kali N. Gross, & Cheryl D. Hicks. (2015). Introduction—Gendering the Carceral State: African American Women, History, and the Criminal Justice System. The Journal of African American History,100(3), 357-365. doi:10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.3.0357



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Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Children and Youth Services Review journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/childyouth Community needs of minority male youth living in inner-city Chicago a,⁎ b b c T b Khary K. Rigg , Roxann McNeish , Daniel Schadrac , Alejandra Gonzalez , Quynh Tran a b c Department of Mental Health Law & Policy, University of South Florida, United States Department of Child & Family Studies, University of South Florida, United States Under the Rainbow, Sinai Health System, United States A B S T R A C T Youth living in low income, urban inner-city environments are exposed to a variety of risk factors for poor psychosocial outcomes. Some of these factors include poverty, inadequate housing, and exposure to gang activity and violence. Despite the well-documented risks of inner-city living, questions still remain regarding how best to improve the wellbeing of minority youth living in these communities and additional research is still needed. The goal of the current study, therefore, was to assess Black and Hispanic inner-city male youth's perceptions of the most pressing needs facing their community. As existing research disproportionately relies on surveys and existing databases to identify the needs of inner-city communities, this study provides a unique contribution to the literature in the utilization of a qualitative methodology. Focus groups were conducted with minority boys living in inner-city Chicago. Audiotapes of these focus groups were transcribed, coded, and thematically analyzed using the NVivo software program. Youth reported community violence prevention, organized recreational activities, and safe parks as their most salient community needs. These data support the need for alternatives-based interventions and additional funding for violence prevention initiatives. This study improves our understanding of what inner-city minority boys view as their most pressing neighborhood needs and should lead to more relevant community programming and tailored interventions. 1. Introduction Youth living in low income, urban inner-city environments are exposed to a variety of risk factors for poor psychosocial outcomes (Jones, 2017; Post et al., 2014). The concentration of these risk factors in these communities can cause a variety of challenges for residents. One of the most powerful risk factors within most inner cities is poverty. Poverty is a known predictor of mental fatigue, hopelessness, and despair (Flèche & Layard, 2017), and is a barrier to accessing both health and social services (Harrison, McKay, & Bannon Jr., 2004). Research also shows that poor inner-city areas tend to have high levels of crime, violence and homicide (Busey, Kinyoun-Webb, Martin-McKay, & Mao, 2006; Kliewer et al., 2004). Exposure to violence is another risk factor that contributes to adverse health and psychosocial consequences in youth (Dill & Ozer, 2016). Youth who are exposed to violence are more likely to exhibit aggressive behaviors, anxiety, PTSD symptoms, and a sense of hopelessness, among other problems (Bolland, Lian, & Formichella, 2005; Paxton, Robinson, Shah, & Schoeny, 2004; Spano, Rivera, & Bolland, 2006; Thompson Jr & Massat, 2005). Poverty also has implications for inner-city schools. Because public schools rely heavily on property taxes for funding, inner-city schools tend to be under-resourced, often lacking educational resources commonly found in most schools (Blanchett, Mumford, & Beachum, 2005). Additionally, low-income inner-city youth are more likely to experience ⁎ poor academic achievement and low attendance than their suburban counterparts (Anderson et al., 2003). These deficits are usually accompanied by few accelerated educational opportunities (e.g., gifted programs), limited extracurricular programs, and a high number of uncertified or provisionally licensed teachers (Blanchett et al., 2005). Exacerbating these challenges even further, inner-city schools are often forced to accommodate more students than they can handle, leading to overcrowding which is associated with school violence and poor academic performance among youth (Goux & Maurin, 2005; Smith & Smith, 2006). Poor academic performance is associated with many negative outcomes for youth, including smoking, drinking, drug use, suicidal ideations, risky sexual behaviors, and violent acts (Byrd, 2005). Academic failure also has psychological and social implications beyond the poor physical health outcomes, including feeling sad and anxious, and experiencing social isolation (Al-Zoubi & Younes, 2015). Grade retention can worsen youth's self-esteem and impact the development of peer groups as it becomes challenging and embarrassing for youth to form new friendships with younger children (Byrd, 2005). In addition, failing students who have to repeat a grade are more likely to drop out of school and this risk increases as the students' age increases (Byrd, 2005). Collectively, the above factors create conditions whereby inner-city youth become susceptible to street gangs (Howell & Griffiths, 2015). Corresponding author. E-mail address: rigg@usf.edu (K.K. Rigg). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2019.01.011 Received 6 November 2018; Received in revised form 8 January 2019; Accepted 9 January 2019 Available online 10 January 2019 0190-7409/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289 K.K. Rigg et al. Gang involvement can become an attractive option because it can be accompanied by newfound income and social recognition (Bolland, 2003; Estrada Jr, Gilreath, Astor, & Benbenishty, 2016). Gang involvement also becomes attractive to youth because membership can provide teenagers with a sense of belonging and protection from victimization (Spano, Freilich, & Bolland, 2008). Gang membership, however, is associated with a much higher risk of arrest and increase in violent behavior, as well as many other illegal activities (Vowell & May, 2000; Wood & Dennard, 2017). It is worth noting that Blacks and Hispanics are disproportionately exposed to these risk factors because of their higher concentration in inner-city communities (Krivo, Vélez, Lyons, Phillips, & Sabbath, 2018). One of the reasons for this is that over the last few decades millions of African-Americans have moved out of the rural south to urban cities in search of jobs (Massey, 2008; Quillian, 1999). Blacks are also concentrated in the inner cities because of policies like “redlining” that prevented Blacks from buying homes in higher income neighborhoods outside urban cores (Hillier, 2003; Zenou & Boccard, 2000). Additionally, ethnic enclaves tend to be in urban areas, resulting in a high number of Hispanics residing in the inner-city (Portes & Puhrmann, 2015). These trends, paired with the fact that whites over the past several decades have been moving to more suburban areas to escape the so-called influx of minorities, have resulted in Blacks and Hispanics being overrepresented in urban cores (Harris, 2001). This means that Black and Hispanic youth are disproportionately affected by the negative influences of low-income inner-city living. Despite the well-documented risks of inner-city living (Annunziata, Hogue, Faw, & Liddle, 2006), additional research is still needed on the specific needs of minority youth living in these communities. Some efforts to improve psychosocial outcomes among urban minority youth have been unsuccessful and questions still remain regarding how best to improve their wellbeing. Research on inner-city problems are most commonly done through the use of quantitative assessments that rely on databases from law enforcement, school systems, and government (Serafini, Donovan, Wendt, Matsumiya, & McCarty, 2017; Teach et al., 2015). Because quantitative indicators seem straightforward and manageable as a starting point, policymakers often rely on such studies to inform interventions. Although, these types of studies have been useful in identifying risk factors within inner city neighborhoods, they often do not capture the voices of minority youth living in these communities. As a result, interventions have the potential to be irrelevant and, in some cases, harmful when people's everyday experiences and perspectives are not seriously considered. There has, however, been a recent push to include the input of minority youth in research studies (Hills, 2000; Murphy & Rigg, 2014). health crisis” (Alexander & West, 2012; Chicago Police Department, 2011; Cook County Government, 2016; Stevens & Morash, 2015). Not only are violent crimes high in Chicago, but recent data suggest that the problem is worsening with 496 murders occurring in Chicago in 2015, compared with 762 in 2016 (Rapid City Journal, 2017). Accordingly, studies based in Chicago are especially timely because additional data are urgently needed to inform interventions for this and other urban areas struggling with violent crime (Brown & Kiersz, 2018). The current study responds to the need for additional research on issues affecting the wellbeing of urban minority youth (Carter, Walker, Cutrona, Simons, & Beach, 2016; Myers et al., 2015). This study attempts to fill this gap by presenting data collected directly from innercity Black and Hispanic male youth. Engaging the voice of minority youth can help create better understanding of their most pressing psychosocial needs and should lead to more relevant community programming. Specifically, the purpose of this study was to assess minority youth's perceptions on what programs or supports would best promote their wellbeing in their communities. 1.1. The current study Focus group participants were recruited with the collaboration of community partner organizations that worked directly with these youth. These community partners included local chapters of national organizations that provide youth mentoring and other positive youth development activities, as well as local organizations that provide social services to youth and families. Partners were told about the purpose of the needs assessment and were asked to recommend youth who would be willing to participate. Recruitment was done with youth who were already participating in the various programs offered by these community partners. To be included in the study, youth had to be AfricanAmerican or Hispanic, and residing in one of the three focus communities. All focus group were conducted in English, but one included a translator who translated the questions into Spanish and the answers from Spanish to English. Informed consents were obtained prior to the start of the groups by a facilitator. Participants were compensated with a $10 gift card for their time and food was also provided to the participants. Staff (project coordinators) facilitated all eight focus groups. Each groups was audiotaped with the consent of participants and transcribed by staff. There was also a note taker present at each of the groups to provide supplemental information to the transcribed data. 2. Methods To gain the perspective of the youth, eight focus groups were conducted with 6–10 participants in each group; total participants for all focus groups were about 65. All participants in the focus groups conducted in schools were either Black or Hispanic male youth who were residents of one of three low-income, gang-exposed focus communities. The youth ranged in age from 10 to 18, with a mean age of 14 years old. Most of the students (~60%) were Hispanic, primarily of Mexican descent. The focus groups were conducted in collaboration with community partners located in the focus neighborhoods where the project was being implemented. All focus groups were conducted between November 2015 and February 2016 at local public schools, and also at a partner agency's location in the three neighborhoods. Close to 70% of the youth participants were high school students. A topical guide with probes was used to help facilitate the focus group discussions. Probes included asking the participants how they viewed their neighborhood, how others viewed their neighborhood, and what was needed to improve the neighborhood for youth. Prior to the groups, reviews of the literature, as well as other reports on community conditions and data were conducted to assess information gaps and potential areas of emphasis. 2.1. Recruitment and procedures This study provides a unique contribution to the literature in the utilization of a qualitative methodology. Focus groups are an effective method to collect data from people with shared experiences and are commonly used to explore the viewpoints of marginalized groups, which has the potential to reveal insider perspectives about community needs (Dognin, Sedlander, Jay, & Ades, 2017). Furthermore, focus group data are better able than survey instruments to represent the complex issues that contribute to psychosocial problems among youth and might also give a fuller understanding than a standard questionnaire regarding the pressures, influences, and lived experiences that are a day-to-day reality for urban minority youth (Rigg & Murphy, 2013). As such, studies that analyze their narratives have the potential to shed new light on inner-city living through a more contextual understanding of risk factors which can help identify points of intervention. This study is particularly relevant because it was based in inner-city Chicago, a region impacted by crime and infrastructure decay (Berman, 2016), and where city officials have deemed gun violence a “public 285 Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289 K.K. Rigg et al. youth as aversive and often traumatic. Violence was a major barrier to youth being able to fully enjoy their community and the people in it. This participant describes how the threat of violence was not only a significant source of stress, but caused him to question his family's decision to live there entirely: 2.2. Data analysis All interview transcripts were subsequently imported into NVivo, a qualitative data analysis computer software program. The use of this software package's search engine and query functions enhanced the ability to identify patterns and search for salient themes in the data. Although the topic guide covered several subjects, the analysis presented here focuses on the needs that youth saw as being most important in their neighborhood. There were no a priori coding categories identified and themes were allowed to emerge from the data. The focus groups transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This is a widely used method for identifying and reporting patterns and themes within text data. It was chosen because it is a flexible technique that is relatively accessible and can be used to analyze data obtained under a number of qualitative theoretical frameworks (Douglas, Hamilton, & Grubs, 2009). The use of thematic analysis is appropriate in cases such as this, where the research question is broad and the goal is to identify and richly describe participants' perspectives. Analysis was theoretically informed by a subtle realist paradigm, which assumes that we can only understand a phenomenon from our own perspective of it (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). Subtle realists state that even though all research involves subjective perceptions and observations, this subjectivity does not preclude the existence of independent phenomena. Furthermore, the experiences of individuals can be studied by systematically examining the narratives that people use (Rigg & Murphy, 2013). This study, therefore, analyzed the narrative accounts of participants' experiences to gain a contextual understanding of their perceptions of their community's needs. Braun and Clarke's (2006) six-step process for conducting thematic analysis was followed. During the first phase, the researcher became familiar with the data by reading each transcript twice. On the second reading, initial ideas for coding were noted in the memo feature of the software program (analogous to writing observations in the margins). The second phase is where initial codes were generated. The researcher systematically coded each community need identified by participants across the entire data set and collated data relevant to each code. Once all data had been initially coded and collated, step three began. This involved sorting the codes into potential themes and gathering all the text data relevant to community needs. Phase four consisted of reviewing and refining the devised set of initial themes by checking if the data cohered together meaningfully within each theme. Phase five is where the specifics of each theme were decided upon and the overall story of the data emerged. In the sixth and final phase, the report was written, and compelling excerpts from participants were chosen to illustrate each theme. Two members of the research team independently reviewed and coded the transcripts, which enabled the researchers to compare and contrast codes, eventually agreeing on a final set of themes. These themes are further discussed in the following sections. “They're always coming around starting problems, looking for trouble. You've got to keep your head on your shoulders. I'd like to live somewhere where we don't have to do that. People are always stopping me and asking me where I'm from. I never know what to say to it because I might say the wrong thing and they might do something.” Much of the violence was perpetrated by street gangs and violating gang boundaries was commonly cited as a reason for being attacked. We found that youth were very knowledgeable regarding gang “rules” (e.g., territorial boundaries) and that this heavily restricted their behavior such as where they could walk, play, and who they could talk to. Many of these unwritten rules pertained to certain streets that were “off limits” to people who were not from a certain gang. According to youth, violating such rules would likely result in being punched, kicked, stabbed, or shot. This participant describes how he first learned about some of these gang imposed community rules: “I moved here from Florida, they told me you're not supposed to go down that street because I'll be mistaken for one of the gangs from that side or something like that. Basically, no person of color is allowed to move to that street.” Although simply living under the threat of violence was described as stressful, it was not uncommon to hear reports of youth and their loved ones actually being victimized. Stories about either themselves or loved ones being shot or “jumped” were quite common. Youth expressed anger and frustration when retelling these stories that usually involved a friend or family member being victimized. The following victimization story was typical: “One day I was being dropped off. My coworker mistakenly took [a certain street] trying to take a shortcut, we got shot at twice. One of them busted the back window. We made it…but I got really upset. How can I be in a country that says land of the free and I can't even walk down the street? It's really sad to know that this is what Chicago is.” 3.2. Scarcity of organized recreational activities Another reoccurring issue for youth was the paucity of organized recreational activities such as neighborhood sports teams and schoolbased extracurricular activities. Youth expressed a desire to have more “things to do” after school and on the weekends. This lack of options was offered as a reason that youth in their neighborhoods get into “trouble.” In fact, not having recreational options was a contributing factor for why some of their peers decided to join gangs or became mixed up with the “wrong crowd.” There was an appreciation among participants that criminal activity and gang involvement become more attractive in the absence of recreational alternatives. This participant articulates the negative affect of having no community center in his neighborhood where youth can socialize and play: 3. Findings The analysis of the focus group transcripts revealed three themes related to community needs: 1) community violence, 2) scarcity of organized recreational activities, and 3) a lack of safe parks. Excerpts from transcripts are presented to help illustrate each theme. There were no differences in the results by age group. “We do not have one community center in the neighborhood to get kids off the streets. Where do we go now? A lot of kids don't want to go home…But they don't have anywhere to go so that is an issue. Kids need activity.” 3.1. Community violence Neighborhood violence was consistently mentioned as a community problem and a reason for feeling scared and frustrated, as well as staying indoors. The threat of violence was acknowledged by the vast majority of the sample and described as an everyday reality of living in their neighborhood. Although living under the constant threat of violence was an accepted part of their life, it was universally viewed by Although youth expressed a desire for having more organized recreational options, including yoga and other special interest clubs, there was a particular interest in having more athletic and sports activities in their community. Youth expressed a strong yearning for getting more involved in sports such as basketball and football, but were consistently 286 Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289 K.K. Rigg et al. in inner-city Chicago, a region famously impacted by crime and violence. Our findings highlight the need for community-based violence prevention programs in the inner city. Several programs have proven successful in this regard (Ellsberg et al., 2015; Tappis, Freeman, Glass, & Doocy, 2016). One such intervention is the Becoming a Man Program (Lopez, 2016). This intervention targets youth who are at risk of getting into violent encounters because of the neighborhood they live in or the school they attend. The program uses a weekly intervention, based on cognitive behavioral principles, to teach youth how to react in encounters that can turn violent (Lopez, 2016). Becoming a Man requires youth to complete exercises that provide them with opportunities to practice self-regulation, communication skills, and how to safely negotiate potentially dangerous situations. When implemented in other low-income urban areas, Becoming a Man reduced arrests and violent crimes by 30–50% in randomized control trials (WBEZ's Morning Shift, 2015). This program does exist in Chicago, but has not been implemented widely due to a lack of funding. Wider implementation of this and other evidence-based crime prevention interventions such as hot-spots and focused deterrence policing are also needed in Chicago and other urban areas (Engel, Tillyer, & Corsaro, 2013; Rosenfeld, Deckard, & Blackburn, 2014; Weisburd & Telep, 2014). And because much of the violence is driven by social disadvantages, structural interventions such as affordable housing and job programs are likely to be effective (Cordova & Wilson, 2017). Another issue raised by the youth was a lack of organized recreational activities. These findings support alternatives programming as an approach to curb violence and improve the well-being of youth in inner city communities by providing them with a greater number of viable options for engaging with peers for social and recreational purposes. The idea behind alternatives programming is to provide teenagers with activities that can serve as viable alternatives to illegal behaviors such as crime, gang involvement, or drug use (Botvin & Griffin, 2006). The original model for alternatives programming included the development of youth centers that provided a range of activities (e.g., sports, hobbies, community service, academic tutoring). This model is based on the premise that youth are far less likely to engage in deviant behaviors if they are provided with real-life opportunities that are as appealing. Outward Bound type programs that provide experiential and outdoor programs for youth represent another type of alternatives approach (Scheinfeld, Rochlen, & Russell, 2017). These programs were developed with the hope that they would alter the affective–cognitive state of teenagers and improve the way they feel about themselves, others, and the world (Botvin & Griffin, 2006). There was a particularly strong desire to have more opportunities to engage in sports (e.g., football, basketball, boxing), however their desire for recreational alternatives also extended to extra-curricular activities such as martial arts, yoga, and other special interests. Alternatives programming has been shown to be effective at promoting mental health and well-being among youth in a variety of settings (Ang, Farihah, & Lau, 2014; Scheinfeld et al., 2017). Moreover, our finding suggests that providing more recreational options in these neighborhoods would be an impactful intervention for youth living in low-income inner city areas. Youth also identified a lack of safe parks as a significant community need. Over the last several decades, much has been written about the benefits and liabilities of urban parks (Svendsen, Campbell, & McMillen, 2016; Ulmer et al., 2016). On one hand, parks are sometimes viewed as a neighborhood risk factor because they can become dangerous places and be easily taken over for undesirable activities (e.g., markets for drug dealers, venues for delinquent behavior) (Marcus & Francis, 1997; Troy & Grove, 2008). On the other hand, considerable research shows that parks can provide many community benefits, including increased property values and access to green spaces and relaxation, as well as improve neighborhood bonds, civic pride, and mental health among community members (Chiesura, 2004; Middle frustrated that so few opportunities existed. Participants fondly mentioned one small sports-based youth and community development organization, located on the West Side of Chicago, that provided much needed sports opportunities for kids, but the prevailing sentiment was that one organization was inadequate and more of these opportunities were clearly needed. In the following excerpt, this participant not only describes his frustration with having so few organized recreational options, but also articulates the difficulty with implementing these programs in his community: “No martial arts classes, no boxing classes, no gyms are here. It is big to be able to use a gym…Years ago, we asked about turning the firehouse into a new rec center, but even if you build a multi-billion dollar youth center right here, you're still going to have problems getting the community from that side to come down here and feel comfortable.” 3.3. Lack of safe parks A lack of safe parks was also an important community problem mentioned by youth. Indeed, parks existed in their neighborhoods, but they were few in number and largely viewed as unsafe due to gun violence and gang activity and although some youth reported visiting their local parks, playing there was recognized as a significant safety risk. However, because of their strong desire to play sports at these parks, typically basketball, some youth were willing to take the risk. An equal amount of youth, however, reported avoiding local parks altogether for fear of being the object of gang violence or being an innocent bystander in a gun altercation. The following participant discusses the high number of fights that occur at his local park and laments that he spends most of his time not being able to relax, worrying about being shot: “In my community there are so many things going on. People like to go try [start fights] people there [parks]…Kids go because they like to play sports though. I end up spending my time walking around the park seeing that there are no problems and that everything is safe. That's mostly what you do at my park.” In addition to there being too few parks and existing parks being unsafe, youth also reported being harassed by police for “hanging out.” This harassment was described by youth as asking them unnecessary questions, requesting their identification, verbally antagonizing them, and sometimes becoming physically aggressive with them. Unwanted attention from the police was one of the reasons why some youth tended to avoid parks and contributed to their view of parks as unsafe. This participant describes this unwanted attention and implies that it may be due to his status as a young Hispanic male: “Whereas for me a lot of the fun I have doesn't happen in this community. Me being a younger Latino male, sometimes I attract the wrong attention and you'll have days where police want to stop you, and fish for no reason because I look some type of way and they know my connections and the people I deal with…Me, being honest, as far as it goes with parks, I'd rather hit up the bowling alley.” 4. Discussion Although inner-city communities have been extensively studied over the last few decades, first person accounts from minority youth living in these neighborhoods are not often the focus of investigation. This research used qualitative methods of data collection and analysis to gain a fuller understanding of what minority male youth view as the most important issues facing their community. Given that most studies in this area rely on surveys or large databases, this study uniquely contributes to the literature by qualitatively capturing the voices of minority youth. This study is particularly relevant because it was based 287 Children and Youth Services Review 98 (2019) 284–289 K.K. Rigg et al. et al., 2014; Nicholls & Crompton, 2005; Rigolon, 2016). While our findings suggest more parks are needed in urban inner cities, it should also be noted that some focus neighborhoods for this study already have a number of parks. Our data caution against simply increasing the amount of parks in these neighborhoods as youth pointed out that many existing parks were already unsafe to visit. Steps should be taken to improve the safety of existing parks or to build parks in these areas that will buffer against crime and not become magnets for it. 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The role of neighborhood parks as crime generators. Security Journal, 25(1), 1–24. Guba, E. G., & Lincoln, Y. S. (1994). Competing paradigms in qualitative research. In N. K. Denzin, & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.). Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 105–117). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Harris, D. R. (2001). Why are whites and blacks averse to black neighbors? Social Science Research, 30(1), 100–116. Harrison, M. E., McKay, M. M., & Bannon, W. M., Jr. (2004). Inner-city child mental health service use: The real question is why youth and families do not use services. Community Mental Health Journal, 40(2), 119–131. Hillier, A. E. (2003). Redlining and the home owners' loan corporation. Journal of Urban History, 29(4), 394–420. Hills, M. (2000). Human science research in public health: The contribution and assessment of a qualitative approach. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 91(6), 4–7. Howell, J. C., & Griffiths, E. (2015). Gangs in America's communities. SAGE Publications. Jones, C. (2017). Urban deprivation and the inner city. London: Routledge. Kliewer, W., Cunningham, J. N., Diehl, R., Parrish, K. A., Walker, J. M., Atiyeh, C., ... Mejia, R. (2004). Violence exposure and adjustment in inner-city youth: Child and caregiver emotion regulation skill, caregiver–child relationship quality, and neighborhood cohesion as protective factor. Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology, 33(3), 477–487. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15374424jccp3303_5. Krivo, L. J., Vélez, M. B., Lyons, C. J., Phillips, J. B., & Sabbath, E. (2018). Race, crime, 4.1. Study limitations Our findings should be interpreted within the context of the study limitations. As this was a non-probability sample, generalizations should be made with caution. Because focus groups were used as a means of data collection, social desirability and interviewer bias may have been a possibility. The inherent limitations of self-report data (e.g. recall bias) also apply to this research. Finally, because this research was conducted in Chicago, a high incidence area for crime and gang activity, the authors recognize that the data presented here may not be representative of all urban areas across the United States; however it is reasonable to assume that Chicago's violence and gang landscape is similar to that of other metropolitan areas, even if somewhat more robust. These limitations notwithstanding, the data presented here provide unique insights into what may help improve the wellbeing of minority youth residing in low-income urban neighborhoods. Overall, the data presented here support the need for alternatives-based interventions and additional funding for innovative violence prevention initiatives. This study improves our understanding of what inner-city minority boys view as their most salient neighborhood needs and should lead to more relevant community programming and tailored interventions. Conflict of interest The authors of this manuscript have no conflicts of interest to disclose. Acknowledgements This research was conducted as part of the Making Connections Initiative, a national community-based, multi-site program based in the US funded by the Movember Foundation, coordinated by the Prevention Institute, and evaluated by the University of South Florida that intends to improve the mental health and wellbeing of men and boys in the US. References Alexander, M., & West, C. (2012). The New Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. New York, NY: New Press. Al-Zoubi, S. M., & Younes, M. A. B. (2015). Low academic achievement: Causes and results. TPLS, 5(11), 2262–2268. Anderson, L. M., Charles, J. S., Fullilove, M. T., Scrimshaw, S. C., Fielding, J. E., & Normand, J. (2003). Providing affordable family housing and reducing residential segregation by income. A systematic review. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 24(3 Suppl), 47–67. Ang, R. 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Justice Quarterly, 25(2), 381–410. https://doi.org/10.1080/07418820802024911. Spano, R., Rivera, C., & Bolland, J. (2006). The impact of timing of exposure to violence on violent behavior in a high poverty sample of inner city African American youth. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 35(5), 681–692. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964006-9080-3. Stevens, T., & Morash, M. (2015). Racial/ethnic disparities in boys' probability of arrest and court actions in 1980 and 2000: The disproportionate impact of “getting tough” on crime. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 13(1), 77–95. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1541204013515280. Svendsen, E. S., Campbell, L. K., & McMillen, H. L. (2016). Stories, shrines, and symbols: Recognizing psycho-social-spiritual benefits of urban parks and natural areas. Journal of Ethnobiology, 36(4), 881–907. Tappis, H., Freeman, J., Glass, N., & Doocy, S. (2016). Effectiveness of interventions, programs and strategies for gender-based violence prevention in refugee populations: An integrative review. PLoS Currents, 8. Teach, S. J., Gergen, P. J., Szefler, S. J., Mitchell, H. E., Calatroni, A., Wildfire, J., ... Makhija, M. M. (2015). Seasonal risk factors for asthma exacerbations among innercity children. The Journal of Allergy and Clinical Immunology, 135(6), 1465–1473 (e1465). Thompson, T., Jr., & Massat, C. R. (2005). Experiences of violence, post-traumatic stress, academic achievement and behavior problems of urban African-American children. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 22(5–6), 367–393. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s10560-005-0018-5. Troy, A., & Grove, J. M. (2008). Property values, parks, and crime: A hedonic analysis in Baltimore, MD. Landscape and Urban Planning, 87(3), 233–245. Ulmer, J. M., Wolf, K. L., Backman, D. R., Tretheway, R. L., Blain, C. J., O'Neil-Dunne, J. P., & Frank, L. D. (2016). 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Running Head: LITERATURE REVIEW

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Running Head: LITERATURE REVIEW

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In the article “Community needs of minority male youth living in inner-city
Chicago” the author’s focus on the perceptions of inner-city male youths and what they
believe is needed in their community. It is common that urban inner-city communities
have high-risk factors for poor psychosocial outcomes. This is due to issues such as
poverty, barriers to accessing health and social...


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