Humanities
ASB 202 Arizona State University Human Rights and Immigrants Analysis Paper

ASB 202

Arizona State University

ASB

Question Description

I need support with this Social Science question so I can learn better.

Part 1 of the midterm exam consists of two short essays.

Choose two of the following four questions and write essays based on them. Each short essay should not be more than two/three pages (doubled-spaced). Each essay is worth 35 points (the entire exam is worth 100 points).

The due date is Wednesday, March 25 at 11:59pm. Please submit each of your essays by clicking on the “Submit Your Second Midterm Exam Part 1 Short Essay #1 and #2” links on the “Assignments” page.

1) Describe the differences and similarities between assimilation, ethnic pluralism, and transnationalism for immigrants. Which do you think is the best way for immigrants to adapt to the host society and why?

2) Do the benefits of migration outweigh the costs of migration for women? In other words, do women have more to gain or more to lose from migration (for instance, compared to men)? You can think about this issue in terms of the causes of migration, the relative difficulty/ease of migrating for women, the occupational and economic status of women migrants in the host society, or the impact of migration on women’s gender and social status within the family/household.

3) Discuss how either refugees or diasporic migrants are different from or similar to the “ordinary” labor/economic migrants that we have examined for most of the course so far (your essay should analyze either refugees or diasporas, but not both). How might refugees or diasporic migrants face transnationalism and identity issues or settlement/citizenship rights differently (or similarly) to economic immigrants? (you don’t have to cover all these issues—choose a couple of them to discuss)

4) Human Rights Watch, a global NGO (Non-Government Organization), has concluded that the human rights situation for immigrant workers in many countries is not very good. You have been asked to therefore write a brief report recommending ways in which immigrant rights can be better protected. What sorts of immigration and citizenship policies do you recommend that governments adopt to improve the human rights situation for immigrants? Should action be taken at the national or international level?

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Economics of Immigration Economic Consequences for Immigrants Wages of immigrants Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Immigration has economic benefits for U.S., but also have economic costs Economic benefits of immigrants Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Other economic benefits of immigrants beyond labor Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Economic cost of immigrants: Consensus of economic studies=immigrants don’t hurt American workers Reasons: Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society What about immigrants who do jobs that Americans also want to do? (i.e., highskilled, professionals immigrants?) Are they taking away jobs away from Americans? Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Immigrants and use of public services and social welfare Public education for immigrant children is a significant cost, but this allows them to earn higher wages, which greatly increases tax revenue in the future Immigrants use health care less than Americans, but they are less likely to have health insurance, so much of the cost is funded by taxpayers Immigrants are in general poorer, so they use social welfare more than average Americans Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Economists find that immigrants pay more in taxes annually than they take away in terms of social welfare/public services at the federal level Long-Term Socioeconomic Mobility Among Immigrants Rate of socioeconomic mobility for immigrants has been declining over past several decades Barriers to upward socioeconomic mobility for immigrants Long-Term Socioeconomic Mobility Among Immigrants Fundamental barrier to immigrant socioeconomic mobility today is changing nature of U.S. job market structure Previous Manufacturing Economy Labor Market Current Service Economy Labor Market Upper level white collar jobs Upper level white collar jobs Mid-range jobs Socioeconomic mobility Low-level bluecollar jobs Mid-range jobs Low-level unskilled jobs Socioeconomic mobility U.S. labor market has become more polarized Immigrants are overrepresented at both ends of the labor market So most unskilled immigrants don’t make it to middle class status, at least in their lifetimes  Put faith in their children (second generation) Economics of Immigration Economic Consequences for Immigrants Wages of immigrants Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Immigration has economic benefits for U.S., but also have economic costs Economic benefits of immigrants Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Other economic benefits of immigrants beyond labor Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Economic cost of immigrants: Consensus of economic studies=immigrants don’t hurt American workers Reasons: Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society What about immigrants who do jobs that Americans also want to do? (i.e., high-skilled, professionals immigrants?) Are they taking away jobs away from Americans? Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Immigrants and use of public services and social welfare Public education for immigrant children is a significant cost, but this allows them to earn higher wages, which greatly increases tax revenue in the future Immigrants use health care less than Americans, but they are less likely to have health insurance, so much of the cost is funded by taxpayers Immigrants are in general poorer, so they use social welfare more than average Americans Economic Consequences of Immigration for Host Society Economists find that immigrants pay more in taxes annually than they take away in terms of social welfare/public services at the federal level Long-Term Socioeconomic Mobility Among Immigrants Rate of socioeconomic mobility for immigrants has been declining over past several decades Barriers to upward socioeconomic mobility for immigrants Long-Term Socioeconomic Mobility Among Immigrants Fundamental barrier to immigrant socioeconomic mobility today is changing nature of U.S. job market structure Previous Manufacturing Economy Labor Market Current Service Economy Labor Market Upper level white collar jobs Upper level white collar jobs Mid-range jobs Low-level bluecollar jobs Socioeconomic mobility Mid-range jobs Low-level Socioeconomic unskilled jobs mobility U.S. labor market has become more polarized Immigrants are overrepresented at both ends of the labor market So most unskilled immigrants don’t make it to middle class status, at least in their lifetimes — Put faith in their children (second generation) The Economics of Immigration Cynthia Bansak, Nicole B. Simpson and Madeline Zavodny I~ ~~o~;~~n~s~:up LONDON AND NEW YORK LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WYOMING 1...AAAM.lE 82071 hrst published 2015 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX 14 +RN by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint ef the Taylor &_Francis Group, an ir!fOrma business © 2015 Cynthia Bansak, Nicole B. Simpson and Madeline Zavodny The right of Cynthia Bansak, Nicole B. Simpson and Madeline Zarndny to be identified as authors of this \vork has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, IlO\\' kno\vn or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storagf' or retrieYal system, \Vithout permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation vrithout intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library ef Con9re.'\S Cataloging in Publication Data Bansak, Cynthia. The economics of immigration I Cynthia Bansak, Nicole Simpson and Madeline Zavodny. 1. Emigration and immigration-Economic aspects. 2. Emigration and immigrationGovernment policy. 3. United States-Emigration and immigration-Government policy. 4. Immigrants-Employment. 5. Emigration and immigration---Social aspects. 6. Manpower policy. 7. Government spending policy. I. Simpson, Nicole (Economist) II. Zavodny, Madeline. Ill. Title. JV6217.B36 2015 304.8-dc23 2014039396 ISBN: 978-0-415-74705-9 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-415- 74706-6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-79725-0(ebk) Typeset in Perpetua by Sunrise Setting Ltd, Paignton, UK J,;j FSC wwwJscorg i l-=::::==== MIX Paper from responsible sources FSC° C013604 Printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CRO 4YY 8 Labor Market Effects of Immigration: Evidence One of the most hotly debated issues in the economics of immigration is how immigration affects the labor market outcomes of natives in the destination country. Indeed, how immigration affects natives' wages is one of the most studied topics in the economics of immigration. Many people believe that immigration adversely affects native-born workers. Fears that immigrants take jobs from native-born workers and depress wages have been widely expressed in the media. In the United Kingdom, for example, almost 40 percent of the population agrees that immigration lowers wages (Dustmann, Glitz and Frattini, 2008). Despite the prevalence of such concerns, the evidence is less conclusive. Theoretical models are critical to understanding the expected impact of immigration policy. As Chapter 7 explained, basic neoclassical theory predicts that immigration will put downward pressure on wages and employment of substitutable, or competing, natives in the short run. However, immigration should boost labor market outcomes among natives who are complements to immigrants. The canonical labor supply and demand approach to immigration indicates that there are winners-immigrants themselves, firms that hire them and native-born workers who complement them-and there are losers-native-born workers who compete with immigrants. In more complex theoretical frameworks, the impact of immigration on wages is a function of a number of factors, such as differences in workers' skills, the speed of capital adjustment, the response of firms in terms of their production technology and output mix and the time period under study. These models can give ambiguous predictions regarding winners and losers. Theoretical models often predict different outcomes under different assumptions. To resolve this ambiguity, economists turn to data to test the underlying assumptions and predictions of theoretical models. Surveys of empirical research conclude that the evidence indicates, on balance, that immigration has had a small negative effect or no effect at all on average wages among natives in the United States and Europe (Friedberg and Hunt, 199 5; Longhi, Nijkamp and Poot, 2005, 2008; Dustmann et al., 2008; Kerr and Kerr, 2011; Peri, 2014). However, there is a wide range of estimated effects, from sizable negative effects to positive ones. One reason for the wide range is that different studies use different methods, each of which has limitations. Studies also examine different countries and different time periods, making it difficult to compare their results. Nonetheless, the balance of studies suggests that immigration has had a minimal impact on natives' wages. 176 Labor Market Ejfects ef Immigration To further complicate matters, natives may choose to move away from (or not move to) places that are receiving immigrants. For example, did increased immigration in California in the 1980s and 1990s deter competing U.S. workers from moving there? If some natives leave or don't come when immigrants arrive, it will be harder to detect negative labor market effects. Offsetting migration by natives is an additional potential source of bias. Another empirical challenge is to correctly categorize which immigrants and natives are substitutes in the production process and which arc complements. In order to examine how immigrants affect natives, economists need to know which immigrants and which natives to examine. For example, are high school graduates substitutable for high school dropouts? Are immigrants with college degrees substitutable for natives with college degrees? After all, they may speak different languages, have a different quality of education, work in different occupations and so on. Combining substitutable and complementary workers in the same analysis may cancel out the effects and lead to the mistaken conclusion that immigration does not affect natives' labor market outcomes. Lastly, firms may make adjustments in response to immigration in terms of their location choices, product mix, use of capital and scale of operations. For example, firms may move to areas or expand operations where there is an abundant supply of labor and greater demand for their products. Furthermore, in areas with sizable immigrant populations, firms may switch to more labor-intensive production processes and shift the goods and services they produce to ones that are more labor intensive. Empirical work that does not address these adjustment channels may reach inaccurate estimates of the effect of immigration and overestimate or underestimate the impact of immigration on natives. To tackle these problems, empirical economists who study immigration have used four main methodological approaches: spatial correlation, natural experiments, skill cells and factor proportions models. In the spatial correlation approach, changes in wages and employment in areas experiencing large immigrant inflows are compared with changes in wages and employment in areas experiencing small immigrant inflows. The natural experiment approach also studies areas, but economists exploit plausibly exogenous variation in immigrant inflows due to laws, policies or events. In the skill cells approach, the labor market is divided into skill groups, and the change in immigrant inflows to skill groups is compared with the change in wages within those skill groups. Lastly, factor proportions models use structural techniques to examine labor markets. Economists estimate the elasticity of substitution between immigrants and natives and the responsiveness of wages to changes in labor supply and then simulate how immigration affects natives' wages and employment. Approach #I: Spatial correlation The spatial correlation approach examines the correlation, or relationship, between the number of immigrants in an area and the labor market outcomes of natives in that area. Because economists use data on multiple areas and compare across them, this approach is also sometimes called the cross-area approach. To date, the majority of empirical studies in the economics of immigration utilize the spatial correlation approach. Most of these studies focus on wage effects. The basic hypothesis these studies test is whether areas with more immigrants have lower wages than areas with fewer immigrants. The number of immigrants is typically Labor Market Effects ef Immigration: Evidence 177 measured as a fraction of the population or the workforce and is called the "immigrant share." The evidence in these studies is mixed, but most studies find evidence of only a small negative relationship between the immigrant share and natives' wages or even no relationship at all (Friedberg and Hunt, 199 5; Smith and Edmonston, 1997). The earliest studies using the spatial correlation approach use a single year of data, called a cross section. Figure 8.1 shows an example of the approach based on U.S. data from 2013. Each data point represents a metropolitan area. The horizontal axis is the immigrant share, and the vertical axis is average hourly earnings among natives. The underlying data are based on adults ages 18 to 64 who have at most completed high school, or less-educated adults. The line is the best linear fit for the data. Interestingly, it is slightly upward sloping. This suggests that the relationship between the immigrant share and natives' wages is, if anything, positive. 1 But a positive relationship could reflect many other factors, such as the tendency of immigrants to go to relatively high-wage areas. Concerns that a single cross section, like Figure 8. 1, reflects unobservable differences across areas, like higher wages in areas that attract immigrants, motivate studies to use multiple years of data. These studies examine the relationship between the change in the immigrant share and the change in wages within areas. Looking at changes implicitly controls for the fact that wages tend to be consistently higher in cities with high immigrant shares. This technique allows economists to see if immigrant inflows-the change in the immigrant share-have a negative effect on wage growth-the change in wages. Joseph Altonji and David Card ( 1991) use this approach to examine the effect of immigration on less-skilled natives using data for 120 U.S. metropolitan areas in 1970 and 1980, for example. They find no negative effect $20 • $18 Q) Cl ca $16 == >;::: 0 Q) $14 Cl ...ca • . .., . . . • . • •• •••...•• • • ••• • • • • .... .... • • •• • ... ,.#•• .. .......... . . . •• ... ,. •.I , . . .•• .. .t\.;. .,, ••••• :I ~ •• ••• • • • ••• • • • ~... ~ • ·.~ ,_.\ > $12 Purchase answer to see full attachment
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Final Answer

Hi! This is your first essay, it is focused on the second question. In a moment I'll send the other essay!

Migration on Women

1

Male migration generates a diversity of family and social situations that distort personal
and community coexistence, causing changes in ways of life, in production processes, and the
culture of the regions. The poorest families are left in charge of women, having to live varied
experiences. Poverty for them is cruder since they have to face discrimination for access to
economic, social, and political resources, so women suffer the costs of migration.
In the migratory process, the ways of interacting with families are modified. The internal
position of women in home changes regarding the management of family income. The
remittances that are sent are handled by them, so they go from a model where authority is
exercised by the male to one in which she decides the destination of the resources together with
the daughters and sons.
Likewise, wives gain a greater presence in the public space due to their insertion in the
labor market and in the management of resources to improve the living conditions of family
members. The flexibility of traditional roles in the absence of the male who is leaving forces
women to assume responsibilities that do not correspond to the roles traditionally assigned, such
as maintenance and family representation. The migratory process generates transformations and
continuities in gender relations.
On the one hand, the conceptions of the role of men as economic providers of the family
continue to have an important symbolic connotation, because masculine power is associated with
the notion of sending remittan...

alormrz89 (1673)
UC Berkeley

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