World Religions for Healthcare
Professionals
Religious beliefs and customs can significantly shape patients’ and professionals’
attitudes toward, and expectations of, healthcare, as well as their wishes and personal boundaries regarding such daily matters as dress, diet, prayer, and touch.
Undoubtedly, the sensitivity with which clinicians communicate with patients and
make decisions regarding appropriate medical intervention can be greatly increased
by an understanding of religious as well as other forms of cultural diversity.
This second edition of a popular and established text offers healthcare students
and professionals a clear and concise overview of health beliefs and practices in
world religions, including Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Confucianism, Taoism,
Sikhism, Islam, Judaism, and Christianity. Adopting a consistent structure, each
chapter considers the demographic profile of the community, the religion’s historical development, and key beliefs and practices, including views regarding health
and sickness, death, and dying. Each chapter also ends with a useful checklist of
advice on what to do and what to avoid, along with recommendations for further
reading, both online and in print form.
The book’s clear and consistent style ensures that readers with little background
knowledge can find the information they need and assimilate it easily. A brand new
chapter on applications and a set of new case studies illustrating issues in clinical
practice enhance this wide-ranging book’s value to students and practitioners alike.
Siroj Sorajjakool has studied and taught world religions in university and healthcare settings for over 25 years. He is a professor in the School of Religion at Loma
Linda University.
Mark F. Carr has studied and taught in the areas of religion, theology, ethics, and
bioethics for over 20 years. He holds a clinical ethics and administrative position at
Providence Health and Services, Alaska.
Ernest J. Bursey has studied and taught in the areas of religion, theology, New
Testament, and healthcare for over 40 years. He teaches on these topics at the
Adventist University of Healthcare Sciences.
World Religions for
Healthcare Professionals
Second edition edited by
Siroj Sorajjakool, Mark F. Carr,
and Ernest J. Bursey
Second edition published 2017
by Routledge
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and by Routledge
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Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2017 Siroj Sorajjakool, Mark F. Carr, and Ernest J. Bursey
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First edition published by Routledge 2009.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Names: Sorajjakool, Siroj, editor. | Carr, Mark F., editor. | Bursey,
Ernest J., editor.
Title: World religions for healthcare professionals / [edited by] Siroj
Sorajjakool, Mark F. Carr, and Ernest J. Bursey.
Description: Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :
Routledge, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016043134| ISBN 9781138189133 (hbk.) |
ISBN 9781138189140 (pbk.) | ISBN 9781315641775 (ebk.)
Subjects: LCSH: Medicine–Religious aspects. | Religions. | Cults. |
MESH: Religion and Medicine | Spirituality | Cultural Competency |
Patient Care–psychology | Professional-Patient Relations
Classification: LCC BL65.M4 W67 2017 | NLM BL 65.M4 | DDC
201/.661–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016043134
ISBN: 978-1-138-18913-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-18914-0 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-64177-5 (ebk)
Typeset in Sabon
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
Contents
Notes on contributors
Preface
Preface to the second edition
Foreword to the second edition
vii
xi
xiii
xv
W illiam J ohnsson
1 Introduction
1
E rnest J . B ursey
2 From conceptual to concrete
15
M ark F . C arr and G erald R . W inslow
3 American Indian religions
30
C arla G ober and R oy K im
4 Hinduism
49
M anoj S hah and S iroj S orajjakool
5 Buddhism
66
S iroj S orajjakool and S upaporn N aewbood
6 Jainism
82
W hitny B raun
7 Chinese religions
98
K wang - H ee P ark
8 Sikhism
A r v ind M andair
114
vi Contents
9 Islam
133
H amid M a v ani
10 Judaism
153
D ouglas K ohn
11 Christianity
171
D a v id R . L arson
12 Recent religious movements in America
189
J ulius J . N am
Conclusion
211
Index
214
Contributors
Whitny Braun, PhD, is an assistant professor of ethics in the School of
Religion at Loma Linda University as well as a clinical bioethicist and
public health professional who specializes in the ethics of intercultural
engagement in the healthcare setting. She is also a contributor to the
Huffington Post and her work has been seen on the National Geographic Channel and heard on NPR. She was formerly the director of
the Center for Jain Studies at Claremont School of Theology and has
been active in the legal matter of the Jain death ritual of Sallekhanā
before the Indian courts.
Ernest J. Bursey, PhD, is professor of religion in the department of Health
and Biomedical Sciences at Adventist University of Health Sciences in
Orlando, Florida. He received his doctoral degree from Yale University
in the field of religious studies with a dissertation on exorcism in the
Gospel of Matthew. He has had a long academic career at Walla Walla
University where he served as dean of the School of Theology, and more
recently at Adventist University of Health Sciences where he teaches
undergraduate and graduate level courses in Spirituality and Healthcare,
World Religions, Bioethics, and Biblical Studies.
Mark F. Carr, PhD, served as professor of ethics in the School of Religion
at Loma Linda University and the theological co-director of the Center
for Christian Bioethics at the same institution. He received his doctoral
degree in religious ethics at the University of Virginia and wrote Passionate Deliberation: Emotion, Temperance, and the Care Ethic in Clinical Moral Deliberation (2001). After a brief time as chair of the
Humanities and Social Sciences Department at Kettering College in
Ohio, he now works in Anchorage, Alaska, where he serves as the
region director of ethics for Providence Health and Services.
Carla Gober, PhD, is director of the Center for Spiritual Life and Wholeness,
assistant vice president for spiritual life and an assistant professor at
Loma Linda University School of Religion. She holds bachelor’s degrees
in nursing and religion and master’s degrees in public health education
viii Contributors
and marriage and family studies. She has worked as a marriage and
family counselor, a specialist in spiritual care and grief therapy, and a
health educator. She completed her doctorate in religious studies from
Emory University where her focus was in the area of attachment, memory,
and meaning.
Roy Kim, MD, is a staff physician at Riverside-San Bernardino County
(California) Indian Health, Inc. He graduated from Loma Linda University School of Medicine and completed his family medicine residency at
Florida Hospital in Orlando. He went on to a faculty development
fellowship at Emory University’s department of family and preventive
medicine, at which time he also received his master of public health
degree from Emory’s Rollins School of Public Health. He has worked
with the World Health Organization in Kosovo treating the Roma,
Ashkali, and Egyptian Gypsy population. He has also tended to patients
in Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe, and South America.
Douglas Kohn, MAHL, is senior rabbi of Congregation Emanu El in San
Bernardino, California. He received his graduate and rabbinic training
at Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, culminating in
his ordination in 1987. Prior to his current post, he served as the rabbi
of Beth Tikvah Congregation in Hoffman Estate, Illinois, and assistant
and associate rabbi in synagogues in Buffalo and Baltimore. He has also
served as an adjunct instructor for Hilbert College in Hamburg, New
York. He is the editor of Life, Faith, and Cancer: Jewish Journeys
through Diagnosis (2008).
David R. Larson, DMin, PhD, is professor of religion at Loma Linda University School of Religion. His specialty is in ethics from a Christian
perspective, with a particular focus on bioethics. At Loma Linda University, he helped found the Center for Christian Bioethics, which has
grown to be an important resource in the discipline. He received his
DMin degree from Claremont School of Theology and PhD degree from
Claremont Graduate University. He edited Abortion: Ethical Issues and
Options (1992) and co-edited Christianity and Homosexuality: Some
Seventh-day Adventist Perspectives (2008).
Arvind Mandair, PhD, is endowed professor of Sikh studies at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor where he holds the SBSC chair in Sikh
studies. He received his PhD in chemistry from Aston University in Birmingham, United Kingdom, and PhD in philosophy/Sikh studies from
the University of Warwick, also in the UK. He is the author of Religion
and the Specter of the West: Sikhism, India, Postcoloniality and the Politics of Translation (Columbia University Press, 2009). He is the founding co-editor of the journal Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture and
Theory, published by Routledge.
Contributors ix
Hamid Mavani, PhD, is assistant professor of Islamic studies at Claremont
Graduate University, School of Religion. He obtained his graduate
degrees from McGill University and received theological training from
the seminaries in Qum, Cairo, and Damascus. This has enabled him to
be an active contributor in both the academic and community discourses. His primary fields of interest include Islamic legal reform,
women and Shi’i law, Shi’i theology and political thought, Muslims in
America, Qur’anic studies, and contemporary developments in the
Muslim world.
Supaporn Naewbood, DrPH, is a lecturer in nursing at Narasuan University, Pitsanulok, Thailand, and a doctoral student in public health nursing at Mahidol University in Bangkok. She received her master’s degree
in health education from Chulalongkorn University, her second master’s
degree in community health nursing, and her DrPH from Mahidol University.
Julius J. Nam, PhD, JD, received his doctorate in religion from Andrews
University where he wrote a dissertation on the relationship between
Seventh-day Adventism and evangelical Protestantism in the United
States. He has taught at Loma Linda University and Pacific Union
College. He currently works for the US Department of Justice as an
assistant United States attorney in Los Angeles, California.
Kwang-Hee Park, PhD, OMDLAC, received her doctoral degree in theology and personality from Claremont School of Theology and her doctorate in oriental medicine and acupuncture from South Baylo University
in Orange County, California, where she worked as a researcher and
patient counselor in the research department. She currently teaches both
graduate courses in research, patient counseling, and psychology at
South Baylo’s department of Oriental medicine and herbology.
Manoj Shah, MD, is head of pediatrics gastroenterology division at Loma
Linda University Medical Center and associate professor of pediatrics at
Loma Linda University. He received his medical degree from Medical
College, Baroda University in Gujarati, India and completed his residency at Cardinal Glennon Children’s Hospital at St. Luke’s Medical
Center. He also served as vice president for the Federation of Gujarati
Associations of North America, West Zone. He is the author of numerous peer-reviewed journal articles.
Siroj Sorajjakool, PhD, received his degree from Claremont School of
Theology in the field of personality and theology and currently serves as
professor of religion, psychology, and counseling at Loma Linda University. His research focus is on psychology among Asian religions.
Gerald Winslow, PhD, is the founding director of Loma Linda University’s
Institute for Health Policy and Leadership, and a professor of religion in
x Contributors
the university’s School of Religion. Previously, he served LLU as dean of
the School of Religion, vice chancellor, and vice president for mission
and culture. He received his undergraduate education at Walla Walla
University and his master’s degree at Andrews University. He earned his
doctorate from Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley. He has also
been a visiting scholar at Cambridge University, the University of Virginia, and the University of Tubingen. For over 40 years, he has specialized in teaching and writing about ethics, especially biomedical ethics.
His current work focuses on the intersections of social and health
policy. His books include Triage and Justice (University of California
Press) and Facing Limits (edited with James Walters; Westview Press).
His articles have appeared in academic journals such as Western Journal
of Medicine, Journal of Pediatrics, Hasting Center Report, Journal of
Medicine and Philosophy, and General Dentistry. He has presented
seminars and lectures at universities and for professional groups
throughout North America and in Australia, Europe, Russia, Africa,
and Asia. He serves as the chairperson for Stakeholder Health’s
Advisory Council. He is also a member of the California Technology
Assessment Forum, a public forum for the evaluation of new healthcare
technologies. He has served as a consultant in biomedical ethics for
major healthcare systems and for research conducted by pharmaceutical
companies.
Preface
Teaching and publishing on the topic of world religions is not for the faint
of heart. It takes courage and a bit of careless abandonment. Take, for
instance, the idea that one can describe Hinduism in a single chapter – a
religion that spans thousands of years, billions of adherents, and multiple
continents, languages, and people groups. The same can be said for Islam,
Christianity, Buddhism, Judaism, and so on.
Add to this the complexity of specific elements of each of these religions
that have special relevance for healthcare. This effort is multifaceted. First,
we seek to identify issues emerging from an authentic, lived-out, faith-
based perspective on life and health. In other words, our aim is to convey
information from within the religious context. Second, we must write and
offer this work for the reader. Readers have specific needs – practical,
educational needs that our authors must address. Third, when considering
health beliefs and practices, it is difficult to make a clear distinction
between faith and cultural practice.
Despite these challenges, we enthusiastically offer the text that follows.
We are excited about it in part because we teach it and live it out in practice in the places we live and work. Most of the authors are, in fact,
involved daily in teaching and/or practice that is focused on religion and
healthcare. Faith-based healthcare institutions, both educational and
service-oriented facilities, are hard pressed to thrive in the current context
in North America. In a highly competitive and intensely difficult financial
context, there remain people committed to offering healthcare from a
faith-based perspective.
Regardless of the context from which you offer healthcare, providers
must also be purposeful in this day and age to attend to matters of religion. The religious diversity that healthcare providers face in the lives of
their patients is unprecedented in world history. North America is the most
religiously diverse culture ever to appear and our healthcare providers
must deal with this fact routinely.
We have assiduously approached this project from a non-partisan perspective. In other words, we are not offering this book for North American
Christians to learn more about non-Christians they may face as clients and
xii Preface
patients. Anyone who works in healthcare knows that as many, if not
more, of the healthcare providers in North America are non-Christians.
We do not need a book of the sort that looks toward the Other from a
Christian or any one privileged perspective to see what they believe and
who they are. The Hindu psychologist needs to know about Latter-day
Saints as much as Catholic nurses need to know about Buddhists. The
Muslim surgeon needs to know about Jehovah’s Witness beliefs as much
as the Sikh pharmacist needs to know about her Jewish patient. The Shi’a
public health official needs to know more about the Sunni family who lives
just down the street.
We find these inter-religious conversations to be incredibly energizing
and useful. Useful to a society that celebrates its diversity. Useful to a community that purposefully seeks points of commonality while respecting
points of difference. We hope that you will also.
There is very little storytelling in this volume, with the one notable
exception of the chapter on American Indians. Although storytelling is
integral to all religion, we made an exception in our format for the chapter
on American Indians. The stories that will keep this volume alive in the
minds of our readers, however, are those that you will share with your colleagues, friends, and families about what you have learned by reading;
about what happened at work with this or that religious person or family
or nurse or doctor. With our first edition, weeks prior to our deadline, we
learned of a traditional Islamic practice of shaving the head of a newborn
baby. As we finalized content for this edition, we are once again struck by
a novel case of old believers from Russia here in America for three generations. Their death and burial rituals demanded they simply take their loved
one’s body from the ICU to their vehicle for transport home.
Preface to the second edition
We added two chapters to this second edition (Chapter 2: From conceptual
to concrete and Chapter 6: Jainism). Besides these two chapters, Ernest J.
Bursey made meaningful modifications to Chapter 1 and case studies on
each religion have been added. In Chapter 2, Carr and Winslow offer a
chapter that describes the interaction and methodological realities of ethics
and religion/spirituality. Hospital-based clinical ethics in America (and
abroad) have developed standards of case consultation the reader should
know about. This need is based, in part, on the fact that ethics and religion
are as intertwined and complex as is the question of culture and religion.
And in the hospital context ethics have a direct bearing on how religion/
spirituality is lived out. This new chapter has a section focused on the
ethics of caregiver–patient interaction with specific regard to religion and
spirituality.
Additionally, Whitny Braun joins us with a chapter on Jainism. Dr.
Braun writes from both personal experience and scholarly expertise in
Jainism. Her work on Sallekhanā, a unique Jain ritual of fasting to death,
recently took her to India to participate in the ongoing battle before the
Supreme Court over the legality of the religious practice. Her research was
featured in the appeal to overturn the court’s decision to outright ban the
practice and her testimony as an expert witness has been used by the
lawyers arguing the case. Significantly high proportions of the Jain community are clinicians of allopathic medicine when compared to many of
the other major religions, yet the group as a whole tends to avoid heroic
measures in medicine and practice a careful ethic of not prescribing medication that may harm other life forms.
I would also like to express my appreciation to my colleagues who
helped me identify and write the case studies included at the end of each
chapter in this second edition. I wrote some of them, I co-authored some
of them, and others authored some of them. Some of the authors I worked
with were hesitant to identify themselves for fear that some involved
parties might recognize elements of it. Although we masked personal identities, times, and locations out of respect for confidentiality (a subsidiary
rule of the principle of respect for autonomy), a few authors did not want
xiv Preface to the second edition
to be identified by name. Nonetheless, I owe them a note of gratitude and
appreciation for their collaboration in this project.
While this is a collection of essays such that the individuality of each
author is expressed in the essay, we offer it as a textbook that has a consistent chapter structure aimed at the reader’s need for a useful reference
on the various religious perspectives. These chapters illustrate the fact that
the study of religion is an objective, scientific, and academic venture. We
consider this academic exploration both essential and enriching. But for
those who may read this text from a lived experience of faith, such an
approach may be new and somewhat challenging.
A special thanks to the School of Religion for special funding to make
this project a success; to Brianna Taylor for excellent work on abstracts for
many chapters; to Brian Loui for researching demographic data, reformatting, completing abstracts, and adding final touches to the editorial
process.
There is never a dull day in the offering of care to those in need. Religion is often a difficult, additional concern for already complex healthcare
situations. But attending to patients’ and families’ religion is essential in
our context. We commend you for your efforts and wish you well.
Mark F. Carr
Anchorage, July 2016
Foreword to the second edition
As World Religions for Healthcare Professionals advances to a second
edition, I commend the editors who compiled this useful volume. Siroj Sorajjakool, Mark F. Carr, and Ernest J. Bursey have put together a work that
has quickly shown its value to students in the classroom and professionals
in the office.
In today’s fast-changing society, books like this are essential for anyone
who seeks to be knowledgeable of the world around. People are on the
move, from East to West, immigrants or refugees. They bring with them
their cultures and religions. Our neighbor, the clerk in the post office, the
checker at the supermarket, the salesperson in the department store – we
encounter Sikhs, Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus, and others of different
faiths.
Inevitably, the doctor, dentist, or healthcare provider will be thrown
into close encounters with clients from a variety of religious traditions.
Sheer professionalism demands that the healthcare provider has a modicum
of knowledge of the religious background of every patient in order to
provide care with understanding and sensitivity. For many clients, even for
those whose religion is the same as the professional, a visit to the office of
the doctor, dentist, physical therapist, etc. in itself arouses apprehension.
How much more is this the case when the client approaches with concerns
that the professional may violate religious scruples or taboos?
This book meets an urgent and vital need. It is commendable, first,
because those who write on each religious tradition actually practice that
faith – they aren’t arm-chair “experts.” They know what matters, what
sensibilities clients of that religion bring. Thus, while each writer lays out
the basic tenets of the respective religion, each also gives specific, practical
suggestions to enable the healthcare provider to avoid religious taboos.
While there are many works on world religion in the marketplace, this
one stands apart because of its focus on health beliefs and practices. It
targets, intentionally and specifically, the healthcare professional. A few
other volumes attempt the same outcome, but they tend to be detailed in
coverage and expensive to purchase. World Religions for Healthcare
Professionals is concise, compact, and affordable.
xvi Foreword to the second edition
I have assigned this book to students in my World Religions classes who
are preparing for careers in dentistry, pharmacy, and other healthcare
professions at Loma Linda University. They have found it useful. Now, as
it is reprinted in a revised and expanded edition (a chapter on the Jain religion is added), it will be even more helpful.
William G. Johnsson, PhD
Loma Linda, California
1
Introduction
Ernest J. Bursey
Welcome to world religions from a healthcare perspective! The study of
world religions offers you the opportunity to more adequately meet the
needs of your patients and clients, because you will possess a more
accurate knowledge of their religious beliefs and practices.
Extensive research supports the claim that patients who actively participate in a religion enjoy a longer life span and shorter stays in hospital than
their counterparts. In a seminal, critical review, J. Levin (1994) concluded
that the available published research at that time supported an association
between religion and health, that the association is valid, and that it is
probably causal. Subsequent research generally supports Levin’s conclusion
of a valid association between health and religion or spirituality. The
Handbook of Religion and Health, a massive standard reference now in its
second edition, estimates more than 2100 qualitative studies have been published, most indicating a positive correlation between religion and health
(Koenig et al. 2012). A particularly important finding for our purposes is
that the health benefits from religious affiliation are not restricted to one specific religion.
Evidence that the financial interests of a hospital are better served when
the religious needs of patients are addressed while in the hospital has led to
a growing use of spiritual assessment tools by both physicians and nurses,
and the introduction of spirituality and medicine into the curricula of
medical schools. In 1994, only 16 out of 126 medical schools offered
courses in medicine and spirituality. By 2010, more than 90 percent of
medical schools in America addressed spirituality and medicine in their
curricula (Koenig et al. 2010).
The number of patients with religious affiliations other than Christianity has significantly increased because the general population of the United
States has become more religiously diverse since 1965. That year, President
Lyndon Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act, which ended
the national quota system that had discriminated against persons from
Asia and the Middle East.
In the years since 1965, preferential access in immigration has been
given to applicants with scientific and medical expertise needed in the
2 E. J. Bursey
United States. For example, a study by Cornell University in 2002 disclosed that one in ten Muslim households in the United States includes a
physician (Allied Media Corporation 2007). One positive benefit from the
study of world religions could be a better understanding of the growing
number of immigrant healthcare professionals who actively embrace a
faith tradition other than Christianity. Nearly all of my graduate nursing
students report working alongside nurses or physicians who openly hold to
a faith other than their own and who believe their faith makes them better
healthcare professionals.
Hopefully, as a result of reading this volume, you will become more
aware of the religious minorities in your own community and perhaps
more sensitive to the challenges they face in maintaining their religious
practices and culture. The majority of legal immigrants, particularly from
Central and South America, continue to be Christian since the largest percentage of immigrants to the United States are from Central and South
America. But significant numbers of Hindus and Muslims, particularly
from South Asia, have immigrated and become naturalized citizens.
Mosques and temples sprout up in suburban American neighborhoods to
meet the religious needs of the growing population of immigrants and their
children. Funding for these projects is underwritten in part by affluent
immigrant professionals, including those in healthcare and engineering. At
the dedication of a new temple in Florida on June 15–19, 2005, a souvenir
booklet itemized the names of donors; out of a total of 77 named devotees
contributing $10,000 or more each, 42 were listed as “Dr.,” with ten of
these double listed as “Drs.,” indicating both marriage partners held doctorates (Hindu Society of Central Florida 2005).
On a wider front, your knowledge about the religions of the world here
in North America will give you one more window into understanding
current events. Predictions of futurists a generation ago that organized religions would just wither away under the advance of secularism have turned
out to be wrong. In the wider world, people are as prone as ever to identify
with ancient religious traditions. Religious fundamentalism is alive and
even growing within most of the major religions of the world, including
Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism. While religious
difference is usually only one of several causes of armed conflicts, it often
functions to give a justification for continuing conflicts between tribes or
nations. The universally recognized Dalai Lama from Tibet has brought
new luster to Buddhism while being castigated by the Chinese government
for fomenting a separatist movement. Muslims around the world have
been judged by the actions of the terrorists who flew the two airliners
loaded with jet fuel into the Twin Towers on September 11, 2001. The
declaration of a worldwide caliphate in 2014 by the Islamic State of Iraq
and Syria (ISIS), a jihadist military group, and the response of disaffected
young Muslims around the world to join the fighting has increased the
fears that Islam is inherently bent on the overthrow of all governments, in
Introduction 3
spite of the denunciation against ISIS by virtually all Muslim scholars and
religious leaders.
Personal benefits and challenges
We are more than healthcare professionals. We are, first of all, human
beings who share with all human beings, including our patients, the mysteries of existence and the common experience of suffering and the certainty of death. As creatures with a bent to find meaning in our lives, we
seek to cope with events that seem to defy any rational explanation. The
medical explanation of an immediate cause for the death of a child falls
short of explaining why we are living in a universe where this can happen.
Religious people, like other humans, seek to find a conceptual framework
that accounts for and even counters the apparent randomness of events.
Religions attempt to answer the fundamental questions of why we have
been born, the purpose of our existence, and what, if anything, lies beyond
this life. It is true that when we begin to study another religion we are confronted with strange terms and even stranger practices that may give us the
feeling that we are studying the beliefs of aliens quite different from ourselves. But at a deeper level, studying the religious beliefs of faiths other
than your own may give you a sense of the deep bond you share with all
other persons. Any medical care that fails to give homage to this common
humanity dishonors the dignity of those it seeks to heal.
If you consider yourself an adherent of a particular religion, you may
sense the inherent challenges, and even risks, in studying other religions.
Students often discover they were misinformed about what a particular
religion actually teaches, as a result of taking a course on world religions.
Occasionally an introductory course in world religions leads to further
study into a new religion and even the change of religious affiliation. A
former student described being required as a child to attend her parents’
church where she never felt at home with the ritual and loud preaching: “I
often wanted to run out screaming.” When she was an adult student in a
world religions course, she chose to visit a Buddhist retreat center where
she felt embraced within the serene setting and calmed by the instruction
in meditation that reduced her inner stress. She called me from 2500 miles
away to announce that she had found her true spiritual home. Her case is
an exception. Much more often students challenged in a course in world
religions decide to look more closely at their own religious tradition and
acquire a more accurate knowledge of its basic beliefs. As any teacher of
world religions can attest, most Americans, regardless of the religious tradition to which they belong, have a limited understanding of the resources
of their own religious tradition. It has often been observed that by learning
a second language a person develops a more acute understanding of one’s
native language. Likewise, a course in world religions often serves as a
catalyst for a more mature grasp of a childhood faith.
4 E. J. Bursey
While most healthcare professionals welcome the opportunity to better
understand the religious perspectives of their clients and colleagues, not all
are convinced, at least at the onset, of the need to spend time, effort, and
expense to study the history and beliefs of various world religions. First,
some are deeply convinced that their own religious faith is the only true
one and that other religions teach dangerous ideas that can lead to the
embrace of error, perhaps with eternal consequences. Typically persons
holding this position also see it as their duty to share their beliefs with
others, out of both a sense of responsibility and a concern for the welfare
of others. Upon reflection, it becomes clear that any realistic attempt at
sharing one’s faith requires a sound knowledge of the beliefs and practices
of the other. All persuasion begins on common ground. Given that the
social decorum of healthcare professionals demands appropriate restrictions upon sharing one’s faith, healthcare professionals living with a
mandate to share their faith may live with an inner tension between the
demands of their faith and their profession. Nonetheless, devout souls who
await opportunities to speak of their faith are more likely to find receptive
hearers if they are knowledgeable about the others’ beliefs.
A second group that may be resistant to investing in the study of world
religions are those who describe themselves as non-religious and who are
aware of what they consider to be the harmful effects of religious dogmatism and superstition – wars, religious extremists, entrenched opposition to
scientific knowledge and even to beneficial health practices. Concern for
their patients’ well-being may lead them to learn enough to avoid the pitfalls that would offend a devout patient. But a study of the worldviews and
distinctive practices outside of the narrow healthcare arena seems irrelevant to the curriculum of a healthcare profession. It must be admitted that
the non-religious or secular population is typically under-represented in
courses on world religions. Perhaps you are part of that group. This marginalization masks the evidence that the secular or non-religious segment
of American society, while still small, is growing in numbers and voice.
Openly acknowledging the presence and the viewpoints of non-religious
students is a vital step toward greater dialogue and engagement over the
negative and positive influences of religion.
What is a world religion?
Ask ten people on the street for a definition of religion and you may get
ten different answers, some focusing on the beliefs, some on practices or
rituals. Even when scholars define religion, the results can be quite diverse,
depending in part on whether a scholar is a sociologist or a psychologist,
an anthropologist or a theologian. If the sociologist stresses the communal
nature of religious practice and the social construction of religious beliefs,
the psychologist may address religion within the individual’s search for
autonomy and personhood. The anthropologist stands outside the circle of
Introduction 5
religious belief in describing myth and ritual within a specific cultural
context, while the theologian presumes the possibility of communication
with a supernatural reality. For the purposes of this book, rather than
hammering out a definition of religion, our efforts can be better spent in
identifying and comparing the features that are common to different religions and then to recognize the functions that religions and religious
beliefs have.
Where do I come from? Why am I here? What happens after death?
Religion can be understood as a response to these questions of human
origin, purpose, and destination, especially in the light of the certainty of
death and the uncertainties of life. The mystery of our own existence and
the realization that we are transient creatures attracts many to religions
that claim access to the unseen beyond the senses. Each day we are
immersed in a stream of events that arrive without warning. Religions
typically offer the believer some sort of coherent framework of meaning to
interpret these apparently random events. Religions also issue directives on
how we might impose a semblance of order in our daily lives through the
observance of times of worship, prayer, reading of sacred texts, and
meditation.
The focus of this volume is the so-called “world religions,” although
Native American religions and new religious movements are included.
Humans are universally religious. Yet not every religion can be called a
world religion. When academics refer to world religions, the list typically
includes Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, Judaism, Taoism, Confucianism, and
Christianity. Other religions occasionally included are Sikhism, Jainism,
Zoroastrianism, and the Baha’i. Shinto, the national religion of Japan, and
nature religions such as Wicca may be included as well. In addition to
being widespread, the so-called “world religions” typically possess scriptures or religious texts that serve to anchor religious beliefs and written
collections of authoritative teachings that can be transmitted from one generation to the next. Jews revere the Tanakh and study the rulings of rabbis
found in the Mishnah and Talmud. Muslims consider the Qur’an to
contain the very words of Allah and draw on the preserved rulings of legal
scholars familiar with the collections of sayings about and by Muhammad.
But humans have been religious long before they learned to transmit knowledge through the medium of writing. Throughout the world and on every
inhabited continent, indigenous peoples have feared unseen spiritual forces
and sought to control them or seek their favor, often by elaborate ritual
and the observance of taboos.
Religion and culture
This textbook focuses on religions and on the religious beliefs and practices that are characteristic of religions, not on culture and cultural practices. But religion is a part of culture. Culture includes the totality of the
6 E. J. Bursey
customs and practices of a distinct group of people. So separating what is
religious from what is simply cultural is not an easy matter. It might seem
that the beliefs and rituals of a world religion like Buddhism or Islam or
Christianity ought to be the same anywhere in the world. Yet the way a
religion is actually practiced may vary considerably from culture to culture,
and age to age. Labels like “fundamentalist,” “conservative,” “progressive,” and “liberal” are used to describe the variations within a religion
and suggest that the individual variations in religious practices may not be
isolated but part of a larger collection of specific practices and beliefs considered as “core” for groups within a given religion.
Deciding what belongs under the umbrella of religion can be complicated and even confusing. Persons living in one country may include rituals
or customs as part of their religious obligations that persons belonging to
the same religion but living in a different country consider optional or even
refuse to practice. For instance, the practice of female genital mutilation or
female circumcision is widely practiced in Egypt. According to a recent
study, 92 percent of Egyptian women have undergone some form of female
circumcision (Ministry of Health and Population et al. 2015: 185). The
Egyptian government made the procedure illegal in 2008. Yet the practice
persists. A frequently cited reason is the belief that good Muslim women
undergo the operation. In contrast to the societal encouragement in Egypt,
the conservative Muslim society of nearby Saudi Arabia looks down upon
the practice as against the principles of Islam. Saudi Arabia has legally forbidden the procedure as well.
Who then decides whether a belief or practice is to be truly considered a
religious obligation or simply a traditional cultural practice? In some religions, a recognized religious authority may make the decision about what
is core and non-negotiable. Roman Catholics generally consider the decisions of popes, past and present, to define what they are to believe and
practice. In some religions, there may be no comparable, universally recognized figure or authoritative group. More than 50 percent of Egyptian
women still consider female circumcision to be a religious requirement
(Ministry of Health and Population et al. 2015: 185). High-ranking religious leaders claiming otherwise are dismissed because they are government funded.
The impact of American culture on transplanted faith traditions is often
profound. Immigrants who come to the United States from a country where
their religion was sponsored by the government discover on arriving that if
they want to retain their religious faith they must take more personal initiative in the practice of their religion than they had taken in their country of
origin. The openness and even secularization of American culture can have a
double-edge effect on religious minorities – on the one hand, leading to a
deepening personal understanding of one’s faith, but on the other hand,
raising legitimate concerns about the religious commitments of the second
and third generation. I recall a Muslim businesswoman from Tanzania
Introduction 7
telling the students in my classroom that she knew more about her faith and
why she was a Muslim than her relatives who remained in Tanzania, where
their religion was taken for granted and supported by loudspeakers announcing the times of prayer.
Scholars of religions in America note that transported religions, including even the major world religions, tend to morph into more distinctly
American forms. The openness of American culture makes isolation difficult. A continual infusion of new immigrants ensures the retention of traditional practices and views. But over time, something uniquely American
or Westernized begins to emerge. Factors that drive this on-going process
include the expectation of American women to fully participate and even
lead out in religious functions, the constitutional freedom to openly discuss
and debate religious matters, the recognized absolute right of personal
choice in matters of faith, and the acceptance of inter-faith marriages.
Debates over the physical presence of women in public worship continue
to percolate in traditional Muslim and Orthodox Jewish communities.
The desire of immigrants to lessen prejudice by blending into the cultural landscape and to demonstrate loyalty to an adopted country leads to
changes in the practice of their religion. R. H. Seager observes an indigenous American Buddhism in the making, though the process is far from
completed (Seager 2002: 118). Japanese farmers immigrated to America in
the 1800s, bringing their Shin Buddhist religion with them. Over time,
temples were built that outwardly imitated the appearance of Protestant
churches, unlike the traditional architecture of Shin Buddhist temples in
Japan. Pews replaced mats. Western musical instruments, hymns, and even
choirs were incorporated into the religious services. After the Japanese
attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 and President Roosevelt’s executive order
to round up citizens of Japanese descent, the name, Buddhist Mission of
North America, was changed to Buddhist Churches of America.
Other transplanted religions face similar developments. Santeria, a New
World version of the African Yoruba religion, was twice transplanted, first
as early as the sixteenth century by slaves to Cuba where they found
common ground between African gods and Catholic saints and managed
to continue their devotion to the orishas disguised as saints. The religion
was transported a second time by exiles fleeing to the United States during
Fidel Castro’s revolution. Most of the estimated adherents in the States are
now light-skinned, college educated, and middle class. Of interest to
healthcare professionals is the vast healing lore involving herbalists and
spiritualist mediums. Coming out from the shadows of secrecy in the more
permissive and pluralistic American environment, the first Santeria church
was established in Hialeah, Florida in 1974. The religion appears to be
growing in numbers; estimates of devotees range from half a million
upwards. Meanwhile, the previously required animal sacrifices are decreasing and drumming is avoided out of respect for neighbors (De La Torre
2004: 205–23).
8 E. J. Bursey
On the other hand, the growing impact of religious beliefs and practices
from immigrant religions is equally noteworthy, especially in healthcare.
Payment for Chinese acupuncture treatment is widely, if not universally,
accepted by insurance plans. Mindfulness, part of the Eightfold Path of
Buddhism, is securely embedded in hospitals and university research
centers as a legitimate therapy for stress and stress-related illness. The
impetus to introduce Buddhist mindfulness practice into secular American
healthcare using non-religious vocabulary is credited to Jon Kabat-Zinn,
former Professor of Medicine at the University of Massachusetts. Faith-
based hospitals in the Christian tradition have resisted what has been
described as “stealth Buddhism” (Brown 2014). Yoga as a way to improve
one’s health is now as American as apple pie, notwithstanding protests
from Hindu purists and some religious voices in the Christian and Islamic
traditions.
Religion, ethics, and transformation
While religions have traditionally focused on how we ought to relate to the
divine, all the major religions of the world also promote moral codes of
conduct about how we ought to relate to each other. Whether you look in
the Jewish Tanakh, the Christian New Testament, the Buddhist Dhammapada, the Hindu Bhagavad Gita, or the Muslim Qur’an, these codes of
conduct are actually quite similar in forbidding murder, adultery, stealing,
lying, disrespect of parents and elders, etc. The Golden Rule attributed to
Jesus in the New Testament, “Do to others what you would want them to
do to you,” can be paralleled by the words of Muhammad, Buddha, and
other religious teachers. Some Americans fear that basic moral standards
will be undermined by the growing number of the population that embrace
non-Christian religions. Such fears are groundless. Religions of the world
generally place a high value on honesty, unselfishness, marital faithfulness,
and the responsibility to preserve human life. Religious persons of every
stripe tend to oppose abortion or the practice of active euthanasia at higher
rates than more secular persons.
All the major religions of the world also address the contradictions of
human behavior in that humans typically live below the standards of their
own moral codes, with some falling far short of basic human decency.
These lapses require both an explanation and an antidote. The religions of
the world tend to diverge from one another in their diagnosis of the cause
for that gap between acceptable standards and actual moral conduct. It is
not surprising that differing etiologies to account for moral failure lead to
divergent prescriptions or strategies for closing the moral gap. Hindus and
Buddhists expect reincarnation or rebirth to deal with negative karma
accumulated from wrong-doing in previous lives. Muslims practice the
regimen of submissive prayer five times daily as an aid to keeping their
mind on the straight path of righteousness. Christians hold to the benefits
Introduction 9
from a crucified Savior to counter the consequences of a fatally flawed
human nature.
A note about the “nones”
The percentage of Americans claiming no religious affiliation rose dramatically from 16 percent to 23 percent in the seven years from 2007 to 2014.
A closer look reveals important differences among these “nones.” But
every category shows a trend away from organized religion (Lipka 2016).
This trend appears to follow the pattern of European secularization. Some
find no interest or value in the discussion or practice of religion. In 2014,
one in ten Americans fell into this simply secular category of no interest. If
all persons adopted this position, books and courses about world religions
would cease, except for the study of religion as a cultural artifact of the
past. Age comparisons are even more alarming to those who see religious
belief as a bulwark of morality. While two-thirds of those born before
1946 claim religion to be important in their lives, the number for those
born between 1981 and 1996 drops to only four out of ten (Gjelten 2015).
Efforts to understand and counter these trends are evident in every faith
tradition.
Factors toward the marginalization of religion and the drop in religious
affiliation include a sense that science conveys truth while religion may
peddle tradition; the lack of confidence in the relevance of religious organ
izations; the publicized moral corruption of religious leaders; and, in the
case of Christianity and Islam, a rejection of an angry or vengeful God.
The plurality of religions can create a disbelief that any of them can claim
to provide the exclusive avenue to the Divine.
Seven percent of the population are not affiliated with a specific religion
but believe a religious or spiritual perspective to be important. These are
typically categorized as “spiritual but not religious” (SBNR). Often they
“have rejected a God stereotyped as a judgment overseer and instead have
substituted the idea of a sacred force which is impersonal and benevolent”
(Mercadante 2014: 230). A self-declared former SBNR, Mercadante notes
that many will in time move from the category of “none” to affiliate with
a religion. The search for a coherent meaning to human existence and for
religious practices to counteract a self-centered spiritual experience and for
the strength that comes from belonging can lead them to a religious community. Ideally, that community is able to portray a loving God and offer
a counter view to the values of a market-driven culture.
Another 3 percent polled considered themselves atheists, double the percentage in 2007; while self-identified agnostics also almost doubled at
4 percent in 2014. Two out of three atheists are males, with a median age
of 34, compared with a median age of 46 for the general public. Deep
suspicion of atheists shows up, with 51 percent of Americans viewing
atheism as a personal deterrent when voting for the President, down from
10 E. J. Bursey
63 percent in 2007. Recently the strident calls of prominent atheists like
Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens to eliminate religious belief
and abolish religious privileges have found a widespread audience. But
other atheists recognize the social value of religion and seek to establish
corresponding non-theistic or humanist communities that can work with
religious organizations in bettering human life (Stedman 2013, cited in
Krattenmaker 2016).
Religion and healthcare
One of the distinctive features of this textbook on world religions is the
focus on healthcare. Historically, virtually all religions have been concerned with illness and the maintenance of health. Some offer explanations
for the presence of sickness and death. Some paradigms for treating illness
are theoretically tied to particular religions. Ayurveda, a form of medical
care widely practiced in India and to some extent in North America as an
alternative to Western medicine, is closely associated with Hinduism. Traditional Chinese medicine, including acupuncture and moxibustion, has
theoretical roots in Taoist thought. On the other hand, the missionary religions of Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam have not been so closely tied to
a particular medical paradigm, but their followers have accommodated to
a variety of medical practices.
For thousands of years, religion has been involved in bringing physical
and mental healing. Illness has been widely considered as caused by negative or even hostile spiritual forces that need to be appeased or even banished to restore health. Jesus, the founder of Christianity, healed the sick,
often by means of exorcism, alongside his preaching. His enemies attributed his particular effectiveness as an exorcist to an alleged alliance with
Satan. A key factor in the spread of Christianity was the perceived effectiveness of Christian missionaries in banishing evil spirits in the name of
Jesus. Yet today physicians in the west who call themselves Christians
typically do not include demonic possession as a diagnosis. Florida Hospital, a faith-based Christian hospital with the motto “Extending the
healing ministry of Christ,” does not have a department of exorcism but
follows the protocols of Western biomedical healthcare. Yet many devout
believers continue to put their confidence in prayers and rituals to address
what they consider to be the spiritual causes of their illness. Whether or
not you hold such views, you will need to become aware of the differing
understandings of illness in order to more skillfully assist your patients in
their recovery.
The rapid growth of medical knowledge has raised profound challenges
to the ethical norms of all the world religions. Religious leaders have
struggled to keep up in providing the faithful with guidance regarding life-
creating, life-extending, and life-denying technologies that were previously
unimaginable but now are readily available. Rather than automatically
Introduction 11
embracing the latest life-enhancing miracle or simply denouncing the new
outright, they have more often turned to their scriptures, the ancient texts
held to contain the essential wisdom, in order to provide a rationale for
embracing or denying each medical advance. Shall sperm donors be
denounced as adulterers? Does in vitro fertilization blur the distinction
between the Creator and the human creature? Is the circulation of blood
through external cleansing equipment during surgery a violation of the
Bible’s prohibition against ingesting blood?
If God is the source of human life, under what circumstances then, if
any, may a pregnancy be terminated? Muslim and Catholic theologians
differ on when an embryo receives a soul or is deemed a person, and consequently they issue different rulings regarding the use of drugs that impede
implantation of the embryo in the lining of the uterus.
When is the removal of artificial life support justified? Religions typically place a high value on human life and stand almost united against
active euthanasia or physician-assisted suicide. Yet limits to the utilization
of life-extending technology have to be drawn somewhere. In most religions, the authority of a religious leader will be recognized by only a
portion of the faithful and so conflicting views may be offered as options.
The Orthodox Jewish belief that the soul of a person gradually withdraws
from the body and may remain with the body even when higher brain
function appears to cease can put end-of-life decisions on a collision course
between medical personnel and the dying person’s family. These conflicts
make graphic headlines in newspapers eager to boost reader interest:
“Catholic godson of woman on life support fights to get proxy back” (Saul
2014) and “Hasidic boy in legal fight over life support buried” (Furse
2008). Chayim Aruchim, a program of the ultra-conservative Agudath
Israel of America, appeals to Jews to seek the guidance of a rabbi trained
in Jewish law or halakha when navigating end-of-life issues. For a comprehensive guide to the range of Orthodox halakha reasoning, see Shabtai
(2012). Less conservative Jews in the Reformed and Conservative branches
of Judaism are more likely to end life support when no brain activity can
be detected and the beating heart is dependent on a mechanical ventilator.
The importance of preserving the body intact for a future resurrection
of the deceased has often stood in the way of Muslim, Jewish, and Catholic families granting permission for medical autopsy for potentially valuable medical knowledge. Autopsy itself has seemed to some to be like the
desecrating of the fallen warrior on the field of battle, forbidden by the
sacred text of the Qur’an. Yet when organ transplantation offered the gift
of life to persons dying from organ failure, theologians and religious
leaders reconsidered long-held positions and took up the questions of when
organs could be harvested, who should receive them, etc. When the faithful
accept the gift of an organ for the sake of preserving their own lives, fairness calls for reciprocity by allowing them to offer that gift to another
person.
12 E. J. Bursey
A recommendation to enhance your learning
This text was carefully prepared by knowledgeable experts to offer you a
reliable overview of the several recognized world religions. Yet I recommend that you supplement a careful reading of this text with face-to-face
conversations with persons from other religious traditions who are active
in the practice of their own religion. I know of no other experience to
better awaken your awareness of what you have been reading.
Reading a chapter in this book about a religion other than your own
will serve to introduce you to that tradition. It would require years of
careful study and experience for a Christian, for instance, to know the vast
range of views and practices that are held among so-called Hindus. Should
you interview a person from another religious tradition, you may discover
that this person holds views about their religion that differ somewhat from
what is found in the chapter on that religion in this textbook. On the other
hand, if you read the chapter carefully in advance of the interview, you
may discover that you know specific information about that religion or its
history that the person you interview did not know about their own religion! Most importantly, you will learn not so much about the religion’s
beliefs and history but how another person actually practices the religion
they love. That is a treasure worth seeking.
Conclusion
As you study each of the religions, picture in your mind four concentric
circles. In the outer and largest circle, you will find the basic information
about a world religion’s belief system and resources, as well as how it is
practiced with some variations around the world.
Then picture inside that larger circle a smaller circle to represent how
that religion is practiced here in the United States where religious freedom
is practiced but where Christianity is the dominant religion. The inevitable
impact of American culture produces accommodations and innovations in
each incoming religion. Conversely, incoming religions enrich American
culture. In this textbook, you will find some attention to this circle of cultural immersion. Likely you will find further evidence of accommodation if
you take up the suggestion of interviewing a person from another religious
tradition.
Now envision a still smaller circle to represent American healthcare.
Here the religious beliefs and practices of patients and healthcare practitioners interact with one another. When faced with medical issues, patients
from every religious tradition draw from their own spiritual wells. A significant part of every chapter will be spent considering that inner circle of the
intersection of healthcare and religion.
Finally, you can imagine an even smaller circle to represent your own religious traditions, practices, and beliefs. In this course on the major religions
Introduction 13
of the world, you will have the opportunity to reflect on your own religious
traditions, practices, and beliefs, should you wish to do so. I hope that you
will take advantage of this opportunity.
Studying and working in the field of healthcare prompts one to see that
we are living in a time of change. Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, and Muslim
healthcare professionals are caring for patients of all faiths and denominations in American hospitals and clinics. Not everywhere yet. But the tides
of change continue to spread. Will we learn how to work together with
our cultural and religious differences? Will we be able to hold on to our
old exclusionary ideas of “us” and “them?” Or will we make larger inclusive circles of commitment and care that respect and even value this religious diversity? Your study of world religions from a healthcare
perspective will give you the confidence you need to join the larger circle.
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2
From conceptual to concrete
Mark F. Carr and Gerald R. Winslow
Some people are more inclined to broad, theoretical views of life while
others are more concerned with the practical matters and particular details
of everyday life (Jonsen 1991: 14–16). Both patterns of thought are essential in religion and healthcare. The methods of decision making and patient
care detailed below take this into account. Nationally and internationally,
these two modes of thought are associated with two methods of clinical
decision making in healthcare. Principles-based reasoning, or what has
come to be called principlism, as well as case-based reasoning, or casuistry,
are both highly influential in the field of ethics and morality in healthcare
decision making.
Principles-based patient care
There are four principles that are widely accepted as essential for morally
appropriate patient care. Respect for autonomy, beneficence, nonmaleficence, and justice have emerged from centuries of religious, social, and cultural attention to religion and morality. The institutions of our civilization
have been significantly shaped by shared conceptions and applications of
these four principles. Though there is debate about exactly how many principles suffice to capture the essence of this common morality, with some
arguing for as many as seven, the most influential advocates of principlism
assert that these four are sufficient (Beauchamp and Childress 2013: 2–13).
Before proceeding to a discussion of how the principles may be applied
in the clinical setting, it will be helpful to provide a brief definition for each
of the four:
•
•
Respect for autonomy: respecting the choices of the patient. In recent
decades, especially starting in the 1970s with the promulgation of the
“Patients’ Bill of Rights,” much greater emphasis was placed on the
ethical importance of honoring the patient’s expressed values and decisions.
Beneficence: ensuring the patient receives significant benefit from
healthcare interventions. Patients generally trust their professional
16 M. F. Carr and G. R. Winslow
•
•
caregivers to give priority to the good of the patient over other potentially competing concerns. Seeking the patient’s good is what the
healthcare professions, in their codes of ethics, all profess.
Nonmaleficence: guarding against harming the patient. One of the
most time-honored commitments of healthcare professionals is
captured in an oft-repeated Latin expression – primum non nocere –
which means “first of all, do not harm.”
Justice: treating patients equitably, without unfair discrimination. The
essence of this principle is a commitment to human equality with differences in treatment based on morally relevant considerations.
According to the most prevalent view of principlism, the four principles
are not hierarchical; they are not to be considered in rank order since one
is no more or less important than the others. Rather, they move in and out
of relevance in any given case as details of the case are discovered and
capture our attention. Based upon the case details, typically one of the
principles will supersede the others. The careful work of figuring out which
of the principles should take priority in any particular case is the responsibility of caregivers and the people for whom they are caring. Let us
illustrate:
A two-car accident involving a 24-year-old male alone in his vehicle
and a family of five in a minivan brings out the paramedics. Upon
arrival at the scene the family is found to have only minor injuries, but
the young man has passed out from shock primarily due to a compound fracture of his left femur. He has lost a lot of blood. Paramedics
do their best to revive him, and upon further assessment they believe
that he probably also sustained a number of internal injuries. They
rush him to the emergency room (ER) while trying to contact his
family.
As principles-based reasoning goes, thus far in the case the paramedics
have correctly responded under the principle of beneficence; they clearly
are doing good for the patient, trying to keep him alive. Doing good for
persons in distress is an immediate, intuitive, and also learned response for
both lay and professional people in our society. In the ER, these beneficent
responses are well established. Thus, it would seem rather odd, given this
brief case description, for anyone in the emergency setting to appeal to
other principles, such as justice. Nor is anyone likely to wonder if we are
actually harming this young man (nonmaleficence). Since he is unconscious, it would also be nonsensical to ask him for his informed consent
under the principle of respect for autonomy.
Imagine, however, that the details of the case shift rather quickly.
Within the next couple of hours, the man’s wife and extended family arrive
at the ER with his advance healthcare directive in hand. The directive
From conceptual to concrete 17
clearly indicates that he does not want any blood products in the event of
a serious accident or critical illness. This is because he is a Jehovah’s
Witness and he holds religious convictions that forbid the use of blood
products for medical care.
Within the next hour of treatment in the ER, the young man’s condition
continues to decline. While the fracture and associated bleeding are
managed, the internal bleeding continues. His wife and family refuse to
give consent for surgery, again citing the use of blood products. After
considerable argument between the ER physicians and the family (the
patient was still unconscious), the physicians and hospital administrators
decide to seek a court order to allow them to take the young man to
surgery and use the full measure of blood products and methods at their
disposal. Thus, the hospital risk management team takes a request to the
judge on call in the hope of getting an injunction that will allow them to
use blood products. The judge rules in favor of the patient’s family, thus
effectively giving priority to respect for the patient’s autonomy as expressed
through his advance directive.
Principles-based reasoning is again at work here. One of the important
reasons for an advance healthcare directive is to honor the personal choices
of patients. Of course, these personal choices are routinely, deeply influenced by our religion and spirituality. Thus, respect for autonomy comes
to the fore as an important principle to consider in this specific case at this
specific time. In light of the patient’s religious desire to avoid the use of
blood, the principle of beneficence is now in conflict with the principle of
respect for autonomy. Additionally, if the ER team were to simply override
the family’s desire to honor his advance directive, one could argue that
they would actually be harming the patient, thereby breaking the principle
of nonmaleficence (avoiding harm) in the process.
While the family members are clear that they do not want their loved
one to die, they do not want to override his clearly expressed religious convictions. And with frustrated reluctance, the ER team accepts the judge’s
decision to honor the young man’s advance directive. There will be no
surgery without the family’s consent, and the ER must not use any blood
products in caring for the young man. Despite their best efforts, the young
man dies within the hour following the judge’s decision.
The process of specifying and balancing the four principles is a crucial
skill in the principles-based method of caring for patients (Beauchamp and
Childress 2013: 17–24). Critical thinking skills and self-reflective practices
are essential tools for any clinician seeking to care appropriately for
patients. It is part of clinicians’ professional responsibility to evaluate the
relevance of each of the principles and determine which of them will take
priority over the others at any given point in the case.
For nearly four decades, through several editions of Principles of Biomedical Ethics, the four principles just mentioned have continued to be extensively
influential. Meanwhile, international attention to a principles-based approach
18 M. F. Carr and G. R. Winslow
has also generated guidance worth noting. For example, in 1998 the “Final
Report to the European Commission on the Project, Basic Ethical Principles
in Bioethics and Biolaw, 1995–1998” was published. Occasionally referred
to as the Barcelona Declaration, the document details a different set of four
principles: autonomy, dignity, integrity, and vulnerability. Seven years later,
the United Nations (UNESCO division) offered the “Universal Declaration
of Bioethics and Human Rights.” Using a far more expansive list of 15 principles, this document now serves the international community on matters of
religion and ethics in clinical medicine. Of particular usefulness to our
concern for religion and healthcare, Articles 8, 11, and 12 are noteworthy.
Article 8, “Respect for human vulnerability and personal integrity,” acknowledges patients’ vulnerability but also includes personal integrity. Below, we
will detail further how these two concerns are closely linked in attending to
patients’ religious and spiritual needs and resources. Article 11, “Non-
discrimination and non-stigmatization,” and Article 12, “Respect for cultural diversity and pluralism,” further express a commitment to care for
patients in ways that are fully respectful of their personhood, including their
religious identity, or lack thereof.
Closely associated with principlism is another prominent method of
attending to religion and morality, referred to as “casuistry” or the “four-
box” method. For ease of memory, we refer to it as “case-based” as it is
compared and contrasted to the principles-based approach.
Case-based patient care
The proponents of the case-based approach, Albert Jonsen, Mark Siegler,
and William Winslade, offered their model in stark contrast and opposition to the principles-based model (Jonsen et al. 2015). Over time,
however, both camps have conceded some points, and both have incorporated some of the more persuasive elements of the others’ arguments. For
the case-based group, the method consists of attending to four crucial
details of the actual case; they want to know (1) the medical conditions,
(2) the patient’s preferences, (3) the patient’s quality of life, and (4) contextual features of the patient’s case. The authors have depicted these four
considerations in a four-quadrant table, with medical conditions and
patient’s preferences in the upper two quadrants, and quality of life and
contextual features in the lower two quadrants. Early on, the authors
expressed the belief that more than 90 percent of all cases could be
resolved within the medical conditions quadrant, followed by sequential
progression through the other three quadrants, as described above. Over
time, however, the proponents have modulated this sequential, four-box
approach in favor of giving more holistic attention to the entirety of the
quadrants. At the back of their book, they have even provided a removable
card-stock page in order to facilitate having the four quadrants, with their
accompanying questions, readily available.
From conceptual to concrete 19
Given the pragmatic and often fast-paced context of inpatient care, this
case-based approach has gained popularity with medical doctors when
treating complex cases, including those in which the patient’s religion
represents a significant consideration. The hefty, in-depth volume of the
Principles of Biomedical Ethics makes it the preference of professors and
philosophers of medical humanities and ethics. While both publications
express respect for religious convictions and diversity, neither of them gives
extensive attention to religion and spirituality. Beauchamp and Childress
(2013) argue that religion and spirituality are so pervasive throughout the
entirety of our common morality that treating them as standalone topics
would be disingenuous. Jonsen, Siegler, and Winslade, on the other hand,
simply embed religion in their fourth box, “Contextual Features,” with the
following question: “Are there religious factors that might influence clinical decisions?” (Jonsen et al. 2015).
When resolving difficult clinical cases, including those with significant
religious factors, healthcare professionals will be well-served by either
method described above, or by some combination of methods in what
some refer to as “reflective equilibrium” (Rawls 1971: 20). This expression, coined by philosopher John Rawls, points out the reality that our
reasoned judgments, guided by established principles, are routinely
adjusted by the specific details of any given case (Beauchamp and Childress
2013: 404–410). In similar fashion, our understanding of principles
matures over time as we gain experience in their application to specific
cases. In essence, this argument says that justification for a normative position taken in response to a religious or ethical quandary is found in the
reasoning of both principles-based and case-based methods. The two are
better understood as complementary rather than as competitors.
The need for more
There are three additional approaches to clinical ethics that need careful
consideration if we are to create a comprehensive and ethically effective
response to religious and spiritual concerns in the clinical setting. We
address these under the rubrics of narrative ethics, virtue ethics, and care
ethics. The additional insights and practical guidance from these
approaches have considerable value in the clinical care of patients.
Narrative ethics
Have you ever asked someone a clear and pointed question only to have
her or him respond by telling a story? A former student referred to being
angry at her father when she was young because every time she asked him
a hard question, he would sit back and tell her a story. She never really
understood, until she heard the description of narrative faith and ethics.
This approach features the central importance of stories – stories that form
20 M. F. Carr and G. R. Winslow
the essence of our religion, ethics, and spirituality. These are not limited to
an individual’s own personal stories, but they may also be the stories of
one’s family, community, church, school, state, nation, and so forth.
Human beings are so deeply embedded in such stories that it would be
impossible to resolve religious and moral dilemmas in ways that do not
attend to the stories that shape the involved person’s understanding of the
context.
People hear, interpret, and repeat meaningful stories every day. Among
the most powerful of these are the religious stories that thoroughly shape
the lives of billions of people. Without the story of Siddhartha, what would
Buddhism be? Without Muhammad, how would we understand the story
of Islam? Christianity without Jesus is unthinkable. And lest anyone think
this approach works only for religion, we might ask what of the United
States of America, without George Washington? Or the Republic of South
Africa without Nelson Mandela?
Hilde Lindemann Nelson identifies at least five things we do with stories
that may profoundly affect how we live our lives: (1) reading stories, (2)
telling stories, (3) comparing stories, (4) analyzing stories, and (5) invoking
stories. All five of these, according to the author, are part of the process of
making sense of life (Nelson 1997: x–xii). In the realm of health and
illness, it is often the case that the power of religious and spiritual stories is
dramatically enhanced. It is hard to overstate the thoroughgoing nature of
this approach to life and religion. One narrative theorist in medical contexts, Kathryn Montgomery Hunter, insists that “narrative is the primary
way of organizing and communicating” what it means to be human in our
world. At the “heart of human knowing” lies an “interpretive process
integral to shaping and understanding” our lives through story (Hunter
2004). Indeed, from this perspective, religion is unintelligible without thoroughgoing engagement in telling stories.
Young people may often be bored or annoyed with having to sit through
the stories their parents or grandparents tell, some of which may be told
over and over again. Yet, as those same young people themselves grow
older, they often find themselves remembering and perhaps even recounting the same stories. Whether or not it is realized, the subconscious effects
of stories shape the way we live and function in the world.
Often the intention of telling religious stories is to lead the hearers (or
readers) to accept practical lessons. “Now boys and girls, the moral of
the story is . . .” is the oft-used transition away from the details of the
story itself to the lessons that children are supposed to learn from the
story. Narrative religionists are prone to point out that the stories, in and
of themselves, are strong enough to convey the lessons. There is no need
to moralize at the end of the story. A crucial task for responsible humans,
who share a concern for enhancing the spiritual and religious lives of
their community, is simply to tell the stories well (Hauerwas and Jones
1989: 158–190).
From conceptual to concrete 21
In clinical care, much may be learned about patients by listening attentively to their stories. In particular, when patients reach the end of their
lives, families often need to retell the stories that have been important to
them through the years. As much as possible, caregivers may help provide
time for this process. Additionally, those caring for dying patients and their
family members can use stories to help them understand and process what
is going on in their dying process.
Attending to patients’ life stories highlights respect for autonomy. Listening to family stories about their religion and the proper practice of it
near the end of life brings ongoing meaning in family life. One of the case
studies used in this text dramatically highlighted this reality for palliative
care nurse practitioner Marianne Johnston-Petty. Thinking she understood
how a 34-year-old Christian man would go about making decisions as he
struggled through his final stages of cancer, she found out rather quickly
that she had the wrong conception of both family and autonomy. The
autonomy practiced in the Eritrean culture of the young man was markedly different than she had thought. It was through his telling and her listening about the fabric of this man’s “family” that Marianne learned a
new way of conceiving of “family.” Not only was autonomy extended
beyond himself as a patient, but the notion of family was dramatically different. One of the important decision makers in his case was a stranger to
the patient. The patient and his genetic family wanted Marianne to grant
equal weight and credibility to this stranger as a member of his family,
making decisions on behalf of the patient.
The focus on narrative highlights the character of the participants in the
story. The actors in the story portray characters of a certain sort. Almost
any story has good guys and bad guys; persons with virtue and persons
with vice. And so we turn to what is called “virtue” or “character-based”
approaches to religion and ethics.
Virtue ethics
The way of virtue is usually intimately connected to religion and spirituality, though it is true that one need not be either to be virtuous. Religion
and spiritual practices shape human character traits more effectively
throughout history than most other human institutions. One of the ways
the virtues accomplish this is through the practice of upholding an exemplar to mimic and model. Traditions within every one of the world’s religions routinely appeal to moral and religious exemplars. Indeed, it would
be virtually impossible to imagine Christianity without Jesus, Islam
without Muhammad, or Buddhism without Siddhartha. Those of us
charged with imbuing the religious values and convictions of a faith tradition use reinforcing techniques to encourage our children to behave as our
religious heroes have in the past. And again, this sort of reinforcement
method is not limited to religion. You may recall the old Nike brand shoe
22 M. F. Carr and G. R. Winslow
commercials that said, simply, “I want to be like Mike” (Sommers and
Sommers 2004: 209–276).
This character-based approach has bearing on both sides of any clinical
religious scenario. The patient and the patient’s family and friends do well
when they practice the virtues of courage, insight, openness, and vulnerability. Similarly, there are key virtues that caregivers practice so as to
provide the best possible healthcare to patients and their families. According to physician-philosopher Edmond Pellegrino, fortitude, compassion,
integrity, practical reason, and self-effacement, among others, are essential
to remain true to the history of both healthcare and religion (Pellegrino
and Thomasma 1993). To single out one virtue prevalent in religious communities that is essential to caregiving in our view, we will highlight self-
effacement or altruism below.
Virtues are not easily developed or perfected. Some believe that our personal character traits are primarily genetic rather than something that one
can learn, practice, or perfect. Character traits like open-mindedness or
stubbornness seem to be things we come by naturally, whereas virtues like
compassion and courage are qualities we may learn and practice over time
(Borba 2002). Indeed, at the outset of learning a virtue like courage, we
may have to fake it (Herdt 2008: 23–32). In a stressful situation, we may
be scared to death, but externally no observer would be able to discern
that about us. Internal motivation and disposition are essential to the
authentic exercise of the virtues. An external observer cannot tell when
they see me engage in an apparently compassionate act whether or not I
am actually compassionate. A duty-based perspective on the life of faith
stresses that one engages in an act that God or the gods have demanded.
When I compassionately help an old person across the street, you may see
me as a virtuous person, but I may simply be doing my duty according to
my interpretation of what God requires. This is not the way of virtue. The
way of virtue calls for personal authenticity and consistent, practiced intention to care for others out of the compassion in your heart and soul. Habituating such character is the way of virtue, and religion is part and parcel
of any such habituation.
There are many influences of personal development for those seeking
religious and character growth in the way of virtue. Yes, one’s genetics
makes a difference. So also, the family, friends, and communities within
which one is raised make an immense difference. Healthcare itself has a
certain cluster of virtues that are emphasized and practiced throughout the
education and professional development of caregivers at every level of
patient care. One of the most important virtues in the history of healthcare
professionalism is called altruism. Altruism is the prioritizing of the needs
of the other (in this case, the patient) over one’s own needs. In this relational orientation, matters of consequence, duty, and even virtue become
lost in the intensity and importance of the caring. In the past 50 years or
so, this attention to relationships has come to be known as “care ethics.”
From conceptual to concrete 23
Care ethics
The care ethic demands that the primary concern of religion and the moral life
is the relationship among all involved parties. If, for instance, I am pondering
whether or not to lie to someone who asks me how I like their new tie, a care
ethic founded upon the relationship I have with this person would prioritize
the depth and details of that relationship over any sense of duty or concern
for consequences. To use a more difficult example, if I held deep moral convictions that abortion should never be allowed and my closest friend asked me
to accompany her to an abortion clinic for emotional care and support, a care
orientation to religion and spirituality may compel me to go with her.
But what is it about the relationships with others that provides such a
strong orientation to clinical interactions with patients? Traditionally, relational or caring aspects of patient interactions are associated with nursing.
Nurses are the warm, fuzzy, caring ones while medical doctors and surgeons are the technicians who do the hard analysis and decision making.
Curing aspects of patient interactions are traditionally associated with
physicians (Jecker 2004: 371). With the present-day ascendance of a more
relational approach to medical care, this traditional dynamic is breaking
down and should continue to do so.
One central teaching of the care ethic is to realize and act upon the fact
of human interdependence as opposed to human independence and individualism. As Nel Noddings puts it in the introduction to the second
edition of her seminal work, “Virtually all care theorists make the relational more fundamental than the individual” (Noddings 2013). All individual actions have immense ripple effects in the lives of others in
relationship to the person. Recognizing and accounting for this interdependence is essential. The force of personal autonomy is somewhat blunted
by this emphasis if autonomy is taken to be atomistic and individualized.
And the extent and influence of one’s personal moral actions are highlighted in this approach. Again, the point here is not to completely discount other elements important to religion and the moral life, but to
prioritize relationships with others. To additionally highlight the narrative
approach to religion, a care approach wants to account for the influence of
the story of one’s life and relationships.
A narrative approach is an important element of a robust concern for
others in a relationship-based religious life. If the stories that you and your
family have always told about abortion, for instance, are condemnatory
then the request from your friend to accompany her will make for a particularly difficult decision. On the other hand, if those stories have always
sought to extend understanding and grace, then you will be more positively
disposed toward attending to your friend.
Further, when someone is hospitalized, those of us who care for patients
realize our care is extended to that patient’s family precisely because of the
relationships within that family. Those relationships may be functional or
24 M. F. Carr and G. R. Winslow
dysfunctional, pleasant or unpleasant, but we intuitively recognize this
important approach to the manner with which we reach out to the family.
Let this focus on the interdependence of our moral lives launch us into
our final concern, namely, how we manage our religion in relation to the
religions of those we care for in clinical healthcare. Historically, religion
and politics are topics that we all agree not to fight about. In healthcare,
particularly in pluralist America, we enter a world where our interactions
with others of different faiths challenge us daily. What do we make of this
challenge? What are the key areas of religious instruction on ethics and
morality that enable us to honor and respect all persons we care for?
Religion and spirituality
It has become increasingly common in contemporary Western culture to
distinguish between religion and spirituality. Religion is typically associated with the belief systems and practices of established faith traditions.
Spirituality, in contrast, is typically associated with the personal search for
meaning of individuals. Of course, one’s personal spirituality may be
linked to a religious tradition. But in many of today’s cultures, the linkage
between individual spiritual journeys and organized religious traditions has
been diminished. For our purposes in this chapter, we note this distinction,
but we have chosen to include both religion and spirituality in our discussion of spiritually nurturing and respectful patient care.
Perceptive healthcare professionals often notice their patients’ faith or
spirituality can be among their most important resources for coping with
serious illness or injury. Failure to take these resources into account represents less than optimal care for many patients. On the other hand, spiritual
care of patients who may come from many different faith traditions, as
well as those who would benefit from spiritual attention but have no
identifiable religious commitments, requires following some carefully
chosen norms. Here, we discuss five such guides for compassionate care
(Winslow and Wehtje-Winslow 2007: 63–66):
1
2
3
4
5
Understand the patient’s religious needs and resources.
Follow the expressed wishes of the patient, to the extent this is
feasible.
Do not prescribe or pressure patients to adopt new practices or
convictions.
Do not proscribe the patient’s religious practices or resources.
Understand your own religious convictions, practices, and resources.
Understand the patient’s religious needs and resources
Most of us live in highly pluralistic cultures when it comes to religion and
spirituality. This means that no single faith tradition or religious vision will
From conceptual to concrete 25
have dominance. Given this reality, it is important to permit patients to
self-identify whatever they wish to have known about their spiritual needs
and resources. Non-intrusive conversations that welcome such exploration
are best facilitated in a context that carefully avoids stereotyping based on
a patient’s apparent ethnicity or perceived cultural heritage. People differ.
And even within a named faith tradition, there may be a wide range of
personal beliefs and practices. All of the major religions have numerous,
distinctive iterations of their faith. We suggest finding thoughtful ways to
welcome patients’ expression of their own spiritual journey and its significance at this point in their lives. We offer the following script as one
example of a way to open such a conversation: “Faith is often important
to people when they need healthcare. Is there anything you want us to
know about your faith or spiritual practices that might be helpful in your
care?”
The hope is to open a pathway of discovery with the patient. No particular script will be suitable for all occasions, all patients, or all caregivers.
A better method is for the caregiver to develop an approach with which he
or she feels confident. The goal of such conversations is to help the patient
identify her or his own spiritual resources and then permit the patient to
express to caregivers how these resources may be helpful in planning for
the best possible care. The purpose of these conversations should not be an
attempt to bring about a patient’s conversion to a new religious tradition.
Follow the expressed wishes of the patient, to the extent this is
feasible
As noted earlier, it is often difficult to find the best balance among the
principles of respecting the patient’s autonomy, providing significant health
benefits, and avoiding harm to the patient. Traditionally, the practice of
medicine has been shaped by the expectation of paternalism, or the belief
that the important decisions about the patient’s care should be made unilaterally by the healthcare professionals, especially the physician in charge.
After all, it is the physician who is expected to have the greatest knowledge
of the science and art of medical care. So whose judgment should govern
when caregivers perceive that the patient’s beliefs, decisions, and practices
may be harmful to his or her health? This question may be peculiarly perplexing when the patient, influenced by strongly held religious beliefs,
makes decisions that seem inimical to the usual goals of healthcare. Those
goals were usually informed by clinical considerations that had little, if
anything, to do with the patient’s religious convictions. Learning to
navigate the caregiving territory that includes clinical goals of the healthcare team, the personal spiritual goals of the patient, and the established
norms of society requires artfulness, creativity, and balance. In finding the
balance, it is the settled ethical conviction of our society that we begin with
the competent patient’s expressed wishes.
26 M. F. Carr and G. R. Winslow
The priority our culture gives to patient autonomy is tempered,
however, by the professional responsibilities of healthcare providers to
offer only those reasonable treatment alternatives for which there is adequate evidence. Healthcare professions are never required to offer or to
provide treatment alternatives that, in their professional judgment, are
unwarranted in light of scientific evidence. It is imperative for caregivers to
maintain personal integrity within the boundaries of their professional
knowledge and ethical commitments. If the values of caregivers and care
recipients clash, honest attempts to preserve the personal integrity of all
those involved can help to reduce moral distress. Such distress may arise
from a dissonance of values in a variety of healthcare settings. Specifically,
religious convictions sometimes do generate conflicts associated with relatively high levels of distress. Occasionally, such distress may be ameliorated
by the caregiver’s reassignment to care for other patients with whom there
is no dissonance. Healthcare organizations...
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