U.S. HISTORY Chapter 6 America's War for Independence, 1775-1783 PowerPoint Image Slideshow FIGURE 6.1 This famous 1819 painting by John Trumbull shows members of the committee entrusted with drafting the Declaration of Independence presenting their work to the Continental Congress in 1776. Note the British flags on the wall. Separating from the British Empire proved to be very difficult as the colonies and the Empire were linked with strong cultural, historical, and economic bonds forged over several generations. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.2 This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.3 In “The Alternative of Williams-Burg” (1775), a merchant has to sign a nonimportation agreement or risk being covered with the tar and feathers suspended behind him. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.4 Amos Doolittle was an American printmaker who volunteered to fight against the British. His engravings of the battles of Lexington and Concord—such as this detail from The Battle of Lexington, April 19th 1775—are the only contemporary American visual records of the events there. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.5 This 1779 map shows details of the British and Patriot troops in and around Boston, Massachusetts, at the beginning of the war. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.6 The British cartoon “Bunkers Hill or America’s Head Dress” (a) depicts the initial rebellion as an elaborate colonial coiffure. The illustration pokes fun at both the colonial rebellion and the overdone hairstyles for women that had made their way from France and Britain to the American colonies. Despite gaining control of the high ground after the colonial militias ran out of ammunition, General Thomas Gage (b), shown here in a painting made in 1768–1769 by John Singleton Copley, was unable to break the siege of the city. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.7 Thomas Paine’s Common Sense (a) helped convince many colonists of the need for independence from Great Britain. Paine, shown here in a portrait by Laurent Dabos (b), was a political activist and revolutionary best known for his writings on both the American and French Revolutions. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.8 The Dunlap Broadsides, one of which is shown here, are considered the first published copies of the Declaration of Independence. This one was printed on July 4, 1776. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.9 General William Howe, shown here in a 1777 portrait by Richard Purcell, led British forces in America in the first years of the war. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.10 This 1775 etching shows George Washington taking command of the Continental Army at Cambridge, Massachusetts, just two weeks after his appointment by the Continental Congress. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.11 Thomas Paine wrote the pamphlet The American Crisis, the first page of which is shown here, in 1776. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.12 Prussian soldier Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben, shown here in a 1786 portrait by Ralph Earl, was instrumental in transforming Washington’s Continental Army into a professional armed force. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.13 This German engraving, created by Daniel Chodowiecki in 1784, shows British soldiers laying down their arms before the American forces. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.14 This 1780 map of Charleston (a), which shows details of the Continental defenses, was probably drawn by British engineers in anticipation of the attack on the city. The Siege of Charleston was one of a series of defeats for the Continental forces in the South, which led the Continental Congress to place General Nathanael Greene (b), shown here in a 1783 portrait by Charles Wilson Peale, in command in late 1780. Greene led his troops to two crucial victories. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.15 The 1820 painting above, by John Trumbull, is titled Surrender of Lord Cornwallis, but Cornwallis actually sent his general, Charles O’Hara, to perform the ceremonial surrendering of the sword. The painting depicts General Benjamin Lincoln holding out his hand to receive the sword. General George Washington is in the background on the brown horse, since he refused to accept the sword from anyone but Cornwallis himself. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.16 In many of the images in this popular print, entitled “The World Turned Upside Down or the Folly of Man,” animals and humans have switched places. In one, children take care of their parents, while in another, the sun, moon, and stars appear below the earth. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.17 The last page of the Treaty of Paris, signed on September 3, 1783, contained the signatures and seals of representatives for both the British and the Americans. From right to left, the seals pictured belong to David Hartley, who represented Great Britain, and John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay for the Americans. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.18 The Coming of the Loyalists, a ca. 1880 work that artist Henry Sandham created at least a century after the Revolution, shows Anglo-American colonists arriving by ship in New Brunswick, Canada. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.19 Jean-Baptiste-Antoine de Verger created this 1781 watercolor, which depicts American soldiers at the Siege of Yorktown. Verger was an officer in Rochambeau’s army, and his diary holds firsthand accounts of his experiences in the campaigns of 1780 and 1781. This image contains one of the earliest known representations of a black Continental soldier. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 6.20 What similarities can you see in these two portraits of Joseph Brant, one by Gilbert Stuart in 1786 (a) and one by Charles Wilson Peale in 1797 (b)? What are the differences? Why do you think the artists made the specific choices they did? This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. U.S. HISTORY Chapter 8 Growing Pains: The New Republic, 1790–1820 PowerPoint Image Slideshow FIGURE 8.1 “The happy Effects of the Grand Systom [sic] of shutting Ports against the English!!” appeared in 1808. Less than a year earlier, Thomas Jefferson had recommended (and Congress had passed) the Embargo Act of 1807, which barred American ships from leaving their ports. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.2 This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.3 As the first secretary of the treasury, Alexander Hamilton (a), shown here in a 1792 portrait by John Trumbull, released the “Report on Public Credit” (b) in January 1790. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.4 Here, the front page of the Federalist Gazette of the United States from September 9, 1789 (a), is shown beside that of the oppositional National Gazette from November 14, 1791 (b). The Gazette of the United States featured articles, sometimes written pseudonymously or anonymously, from leading Federalists like Alexander Hamilton and John Adams. The National Gazette was founded two years later to counter their political influence. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.5 An image from a 1791 Hungarian journal depicts the beheading of Louis XVI during the French Revolution. The violence of the revolutionary French horrified many in the United States—especially Federalists, who saw it as an example of what could happen when the mob gained political control and instituted direct democracy. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.6 An 1802 portrait shows Toussaint L’Ouverture, “Chef des Noirs Insurgés de Saint Domingue” (“Leader of the Black Insurgents of Saint Domingue”), mounted and armed in an elaborate uniform. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.7 This painting, attributed to Frederick Kemmelmeyer ca. 1795, depicts the massive force George Washington led to put down the Whiskey Rebellion of the previous year. Federalists made clear they would not tolerate mob action. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.8 Notice the contrasts between the depictions of federal and native representatives in this painting of the signing of the Treaty of Greenville in 1795. What message or messages did the artist intend to convey? This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.9 Ralph Earl’s portraits are known for placing their subjects in an orderly world, as seen here in the 1801 portrait of Oliver and Abigail Wolcott Ellsworth (a) and the 1789 portrait of Elijah Boardman (b). What similarities do you see in the two portraits by Ralph Earl? What do the details of each portrait reveal about the sitters? About the artist and the 1790s? This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.10 This 1799 print, entitled “Preparation for WAR to defend Commerce,” shows the construction of a naval ship, part of the effort to ensure the United States had access to free trade in the Atlantic world. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.11 This anonymous 1798 cartoon, Property Protected à la Françoise, satirizes the XYZ affair. Five Frenchmen are shown plundering the treasures of a woman representing the United States. One man holds a sword labeled “French Argument” and a sack of gold and riches labeled “National Sack and Diplomatic Perquisites,” while the others collect her valuables. A group of other Europeans look on and commiserate that France treated them the same way. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.12 This 1798 cartoon, “Congressional Pugilists,” shows partisan chaos in the U.S. House of Representatives as Matthew Lyon, a Democratic-Republican from Vermont, holds forth against his opponent, Federalist Roger Griswold. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.13 Thomas Jefferson’s victory in 1800 signaled the ascendency of the Democratic-Republicans and the decline of Federalist power. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.14 This 1804 map (a) shows the territory added to the United States in the Louisiana Purchase of 1803. Compare this depiction to the contemporary map (b). How does the 1804 version differ from what you know of the geography of the United States? This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.15 In this political cartoon from 1807, a snapping turtle (holding a shipping license) grabs a smuggler in the act of sneaking a barrel of sugar to a British ship. The smuggler cries, “Oh, this cursed Ograbme!” (“Ograbme” is “embargo” spelled backwards.) This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.16 Portrait (a), painted by Charles Bird King in 1820, is a depiction of Shawnee prophet Tenskwatawa. Portrait (b) is Rembrandt Peele’s 1813 depiction of William Henry Harrison. What are the significant similarities and differences between the portraits? What was each artist trying to convey? This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 8.17 George Munger painted The President’s House shortly after the War of 1812, ca. 1814– 1815. The painting shows the result of the British burning of Washington, DC. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. U.S. HISTORY Chapter 7 Creating Republican Governments, 1776–1790 PowerPoint Image Slideshow FIGURE 7.1 John Trumbull, Washington’s aide-decamp, painted this wartime image of Washington on a promontory above the Hudson River. Just behind Washington, his slave William “Billy” Lee has his eyes firmly fixed on his master. In the far background, British warships fire on an American fort. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.2 This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.3 This membership certificate for the Society of the Cincinnati commemorates “the great Event which gave Independence to North America.” This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.4 Abigail Adams (a), shown here in a 1766 portrait by Benjamin Blythe, is best remembered for her eloquent letters to her husband, John Adams (b), who would later become the second president of the United States. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.5 John Singleton Copley’s 1772 portrait of Judith Sargent Murray (a) and 1763 portrait of Mercy Otis Warren (b) show two of America’s earliest advocates for women’s rights. Notice how their fine silk dresses telegraph their privileged social status. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.6 This portrait of Phillis Wheatley from the frontispiece of Poems on various subjects, religious and moral shows the writer at work. Despite her status as a slave, her poems won great renown in America and in Europe. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.7 This page, taken from one of Thomas Jefferson’s record books from 1795, lists his slaves. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.8 This 1796 broadside to “the Citizens of the Southern States” by “a Southern Planter” argued that Thomas Jefferson’s advocacy of the emancipation of slaves in his Notes on the State of Virginia posed a threat to the safety, the prosperity, and even the existence of the southern states. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.9 The 1783 Treaty of Paris divided North America into territories belonging to the United States and several European countries, but it failed to address Indian lands at all. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.10 The 1776 Pennsylvania constitution, the first page of which is shown here, adhered to more democratic principles than some other states’ constitutions did initially. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.11 Connecticut, like many other states, used its state constitution to stake claims to uncharted western lands. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.12 The first page of the 1777 Articles of Confederation, printed by Alexander Purdie, emphasized the “perpetual union” between the states. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.13 The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 created territories and an orderly method for the admission of new states. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.14 This woodcut, from Bickerstaff’s Boston Almanack of 1787, depicts Daniel Shays and Job Shattuck. Shays and Shattuck were two of the leaders of the rebels who rose up against the Massachusetts government in 1786 to 1787. As Revolutionary War veterans, both men wear the uniform of officers of the Continental Army. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.15 James Madison’s Virginia Plan, shown here, proposed a strong national government with proportional state representation. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.16 John Vanderlyn’s 1816 portrait depicts James Madison, one of the leading Federalists who supported the 1787 Constitution. This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. FIGURE 7.17 The first page of the 1787 United States Constitution, shown here, begins: “We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.” This OpenStax ancillary resource is © Rice University under a CC-BY 4.0 International license; it may be reproduced or modified but must be attributed to OpenStax, Rice University and any changes must be noted. Any images credited to other sources are similarly available for reproduction, but must be attributed to their sources. HIST 109: Source Packet #4 1. The Constitution of the United States: A Transcription (1787) Note: The following text is a transcription of the Constitution as it was inscribed by Jacob Shallus on parchment (the document on display in the Rotunda at the National Archives Museum.) The spelling and punctuation reflect the original. We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. Article. I. Section. 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Section. 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature. No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. 1 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 Section. 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislaturethereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote. Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided. The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States. The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present. Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law. Section. 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day. Section. 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide. Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal. 2 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Section. 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place. No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office. Section. 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills. Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill. Section. 8. The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes; To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States; 3 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States; To establish Post Offices and post Roads; To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries; To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court; To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations; To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years; To provide and maintain a Navy; To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces; To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions; To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress; To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;—And To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. Section. 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person. The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State. 4 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another. No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time. No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State. Section. 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress. No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay. Article. II. Section. 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House 5 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President. The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States. No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States. In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them. Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:—"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." Section. 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session. Section. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time 6 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States. Section. 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. Article III. Section. 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office. Section. 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;—to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;—to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;—to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;—to Controversies between two or more States;— between a State and Citizens of another State,—between Citizens of different States,—between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. Section. 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. 7 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 Article. IV. Section. 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. Section. 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime. No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due. Section. 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Section. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic Violence. Article. V. The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. 8 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 Article. VI. All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States. Article. VII. The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same. The Word, "the," being interlined between the seventh and eighth Lines of the first Page, The Word "Thirty" being partly written on an Erazure in the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words "is tried" being interlined between the thirty second and thirty third Lines of the first Page and the Word "the" being interlined between the forty third and forty fourth Lines of the second Page. Attest William Jackson Secretary done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independance of the United States of America the Twelfth In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names, G°. Washington Presidt and deputy from Virginia Virginia Georgia John Blair James Madison Jr. William Few Abr Baldwin North Carolina New Hampshire Wm. Blount Richd. Dobbs Spaight Hu Williamson John Langdon Nicholas Gilman Delaware Geo: Read Gunning Bedford jun John Dickinson Richard Bassett Jaco: Broom Maryland James McHenry Dan of St Thos. Jenifer Danl. Carroll Massachusetts South Carolina J. Rutledge Charles Cotesworth Pinckney Charles Pinckney Pierce Butler Nathaniel Gorham Rufus King Connecticut 9 Wm. Saml. Johnson Roger Sherman New York Alexander Hamilton HIST 109: Source Packet #4 New Jersey Wil: Livingston David Brearley Wm. Paterson Jona: Dayton Pennsylvania B Franklin Thomas Mifflin Robt. Morris Geo. Clymer Thos. FitzSimons Jared Ingersoll James Wilson Gouv Morris 2. The Federalist 1, Alexander Hamilton (October 1787) The Federalist Papers were the most coherent body of arguments in favor of the ratification of the Constitution. Authored by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, the Papers argued for the necessity of the Constitution, the positive benefits to the people of the ratification, and also sought to answer the critiques levied by anti-Federalists. This document is the first published Federalist Paper, authored by Alexander Hamilton, written specifically to the people of New York, both Hamilton’s home state and the site of one of the most contentious debates about ratification of the Constitution. To the People of the State of New York: AFTER an unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the subsisting federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the union, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind. This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, to heighten the solicitude which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects foreign to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth. Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence of the offices they hold under the State establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under one government. 10 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because their situations might subject them to suspicion) into interested or ambitious views. Candor will oblige us to admit that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable--the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears. So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more illjudged than that intolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For in politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution. And yet, however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this as in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declamations and the bitterness of their invectives. An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of liberty. An over-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere pretense and artifice, the stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten that the vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment, their interest can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people than under the forbidden appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career by paying an obsequious court to the people; commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants. In the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye, my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the cause of truth. 11 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interesting particulars: The utility of the union to your political prosperity the insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve that union the necessity of a government at least equally energetic with the one proposed, to the attainment of this object the conformity of the proposed constitution to the true principles of republican government its analogy to your own state constitution and lastly, the additional security which its adoption will afford to the preservation of that species of government, to liberty, and to property. In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention. It may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to prove the utility of the UNION, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved on the hearts of the great body of the people in every State, and one, which it may be imagined, has no adversaries. But the fact is, that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those who oppose the new Constitution, that the thirteen States are of too great extent for any general system, and that we must of necessity resort to separate confederacies of distinct portions of the whole.[1] This doctrine will, in all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has votaries enough to countenance an open avowal of it. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative of an adoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment of the Union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the advantages of that Union, the certain evils, and the probable dangers, to which every State will be exposed from its dissolution. This shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next address. Publius. [1] The same idea, tracing the arguments to their consequences, is held out in several of the late publications against the new Constitution. Source: http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/documents/1786-1800/the-federalist-papers/the-federalist-1.php#note1 3. An Old Whig I, Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer, October 12, 1787 While the Federalist Papers made the case for the ratification of the new Constitution, a number of writers argued against the ratification on a variety of grounds. One such document is the text below by “An Old Whig” (remember that the Whigs were those who supported the American Revolution in this context) in the Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer. The author expresses some of the misgivings about the Constitution that pervaded the debates about the document. Mr. PRINTER, I am one of those who have long wished for a federal government, which should have power to protect our trade and provide for the general security of the United States. Accordingly, when the constitution proposed by the late convention made its appearance, I was disposed to embrace it almost without examination; I was determined not to be offended with trifles or to scan it too critically. ―We want something: let us try this; experience is the best teacher: if it does not answer our purpose we can alter it: at all events it will serve for a beginning.‖ Such were my reasonings;–but, upon further reflection, I may say that I am shaken with very considerable doubts and scruples, I want a federal constitution; and yet I am afraid to concur in giving my 12 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 consent to the establishment of that which is proposed. At the same time I really wish to have my doubts removed, if they are not well founded. I shall therefore take the liberty of laying some of them before the public, through the channel of your paper. In the first place, it appears to me that I was mistaken in supposing that we could so very easily make trial of this constitution and again change it at our pleasure. The conventions of the several states cannot propose any alterations–they are only to give their assent and ratification. And after the constitution is once ratified, it must remain fixed until two thirds of both the houses of Congress shall deem it necessary to propose amendments; or the legislatures of two thirds of the several states shall make application to Congress for the calling a convention for proposing amendments, which amendments shall not be valid till they are ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress.–This appears to me to be only a cunning way of saying that no alteration shall ever be made; so that whether it is a good constitution or a bad constitution, it will remain forever unamended. Lycurgus, when he promulgated his laws to the Spartans, made them swear that they would make no alterations in them until he should return from a journey which he was then about to undertake:–He chose never to return, and therefore no alterations could be made in his laws. The people were made to believe that they could make trial of his laws for a few months or years, during his absence, and as soon as he returned they could continue to observe them or reject at pleasure. Thus this celebrated Republic was in reality established by a trick. In like manner the proposed constitution holds out a prospect of being subject to be changed if it be found necessary or convenient to change it; but the conditions upon which an alteration can take place, are such as in all probability will never exist. The consequence will be that, when the constitution is once established, it never can be altered or amended without some violent convulsion or civil war. The conditions, I say, upon which any alterations can take place, appear to me to be such as never will exist– two thirds of both houses of Congress or the legislatures of two thirds of the states, must agree in desiring a convention to be called. This will probably never happen; but if it should happen, then the convention may agree to the amendments or not as they think right; and after all, three fourths of the states must ratify the amendments.–Before all this labyrinth can be traced to a conclusion, ages will revolve, and perhaps the great principles upon which our late glorious revolution was founded, will be totally forgotten. If the principles of liberty are not firmly fixed and established in the present constitution, in vain may we hope for retrieving them hereafter. People once possessed of power are always loth to part with it; and we shall never find two thirds of a Congress voting or proposing any thing which shall derogate from their own authority and importance, or agreeing to give back to the people any part of those privileges which they have once parted with–so far from it; that the greater occasion there may be for a reformation, the less likelihood will there be of accomplishing it. The greater the abuse of power, the more obstinately is it always persisted in. As to any expectation of two thirds of the legislatures concurring in such a request, it is if possible, still more remote. The legislatures of the states will be but forms and shadows, and it will be the height of arrogance and presumption in them, to turn their thoughts to such high subjects. After this constitution is once established, it is too evident that we shall be obliged to fill up the offices of assemblymen and councillors, as we do those of constables, by appointing men to serve whether they will or not, and fining them if they refuse. The members thus appointed, as soon as they can hurry through a law or two for repairing highways or impounding cattle, will conclude the business of their sessions as suddenly as possible; that they may return to their own business.–Their heads will not be perplexed with the great affairs of state–We need not expect two thirds of them ever to interfere in so momentous a question as that of calling a Continental convention.–The different legislatures will have no communication with one another from the time of the new constitution being ratified, to the end of the world. Congress will be the great focus of power as well as the great and only medium of communication from one state to another. The great, and the wise, and the mighty will be in possession of places and offices; they will oppose all changes in favor of liberty; they will steadily pursue the acquisition of more and more power to themselves and their adherents. The cause of liberty, if it be now forgotten, will be forgotten forever.–Even the press which has so 13 HIST 109: Source Packet #4 long been employed in the cause of liberty, and to which perhaps the greatest part of the liberty which exists in the world is owing at this moment; the press may possibly be restrained of its freedom, and our children may possibly not be suffered to enjoy this most invaluable blessing of a free communication of each others sentiments on political subjects–Such at least appear to be some men’s fears, and I cannot find in the proposed constitution any thing expressly calculated to obviate these fears; so that they may or may not be realized according to the principles and dispositions of the men who may happen to govern us hereafter. One thing however is calculated to alarm our fears on this head;–I mean the fashionable language which now prevails so much and is so frequent in the mouths of some who formerly held very different opinions;–THAT COMMON PEOPLE HAVE NO BUSINESS TO TROUBLE THEMSELVES ABOUT GOVERNMENT. If this principle is just the consequence is plain that the common people need no information on the subject of politics. Newspapers, pamphlets and essays are calculated only to mislead and inflame them by holding forth to them doctrines which they have no business or right to meddle with, which they ought to leave to their superiors. Should the freedom of the press be restrained on the subject of politics, there is no doubt it will soon after be restrained on all other subjects, religious as well as civil. And if the freedom of the press shall be restrained, it will be another reason to despair of any amendments being made in favor of liberty, after the proposed constitution shall be once established. Add to this, that under the proposed constitution, it will be in the power of the Congress to raise and maintain a standing army for their support, and when they are supported by an army, it will depend on themselves to say whether any amendments shall be made in favor of liberty. If these reflections are just it becomes us to pause, and reflect previously before we establish a system of government which cannot be amended; which will entail happiness or misery on ourselves and our children. We ought I say to reflect carefully, we ought not by any means to be in haste; but rather to suffer a little temporary inconvenience, than by any precipitation to establish a constitution without knowing whether it is right or wrong, and which if wrong, no length of time will ever mend. Scarce any people ever deliberately gave up their liberties; but many instances occur in history of their losing them forever by a rash and sudden act, to avoid a pressing inconvenience or gratify some violent passion of revenge or fear. It was a celebrated observation of one of our Assemblies before the revolution, during their struggles with the proprietaries, that ―those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.‖ For the present I shall conclude with recommending to my country-men not to be in haste, to consider carefully what we are doing. It is our own concern; it is our own business; let us give ourselves a little time at least to read the proposed constitution and know what it contains; for I fear that many, even of those who talk most about it have not even read it, and many others, who are as much concerned as any of us, have had no opportunity to read it. And it is certainly a suspicious circumstance that some people who are presumed to know most about the new constitution seem bent upon forcing it on their countrymen without giving them time to know what they are doing. Hereafter I may trouble you further on some other parts of this important subject; but I fear this letter is already too long. Source: http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/an-old-whig-i/ 14
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