The Digital Divide and What To Do About It
Eszter Hargittai
papers-at-eszter-dot-com
Sociology Department
Princeton University
This is a pre-print version of the book chapter to appear in the “New
Economy Handbook” edited by Derek C. Jones. San Diego, CA: Academic
Press. 2003.
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Abstract
In a society where knowledge-intensive activities are an increasingly important
component of the economy, the distribution of knowledge across the population is
increasingly linked to stratification. Much attention among both academic
researchers and in policy circles has been paid to what segments of the population
have access to the Internet or are Internet users. Although the medium has seen
high rates of diffusion, its spread has been unequal both within and across nations.
In this chapter, I look at (a) individual-level inequality in Internet access and use in
the United States, (b) cross-national variation in connectedness, and (c) inequality
from the side of content producers in gaining audiences for their material online.
Outline
I. Introduction
II. Defining the “Digital Divide”
III. From Digital Divide to Digital Inequality
IV. Global Digital Inequality
V. Inequality in Content Production and Distribution
VI. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Some of the material in this chapter draws on work with Paul DiMaggio to whom I
am grateful for many discussions on the topic. I also thank the National Science
Foundation (grant IIS0086143) and the Dan David Foundation for supporting this
work.
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The Digital Divide :: 2
Glossary
Autonomy of Use: The freedom to use technologies when, where and how one
wishes
Digital Divide: The gap between those who have access to digital technologies and
those who do not; or the gap between those who use digital technologies and those
who do not understood in binary terms distinguishing the “haves” from the “havenots”
Digital Inequality: A refined understanding of the “digital divide” that emphasizes
a spectrum of inequality across segments of the population depending on differences
along several dimensions of technology access and use
Online Skill: The ability to use the Internet effectively and efficiently
Portal: a Web site that primarily presents itself as a one-stop point-of-entry site to
the content of the Web
Universal Service: Policy to ensure that everyone has affordable access to the
telecommunications network
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The Digital Divide :: 3
I. Introduction
In a society where knowledge-intensive activities are an increasingly
important component of the economy, the distribution of knowledge across the
population is increasingly linked to stratification. The mass diffusion of the Internet
across the population has led many to speculate about the potential effects of the
new medium on society at large. Enthusiast have heralded the potential benefits of
the technology suggesting that it will reduce inequality by lowering the barriers to
information allowing people of all backgrounds to improve their human capital,
expand their social networks, search for and find jobs, have better access to health
information and otherwise improve their opportunities and enhance their life
chances. In contrast, others caution that the differential spread of the Internet
across the population will lead to increasing inequalities improving the prospects of
those who are already in privileged positions while denying opportunities for
advancement to the underprivileged.
Much attention among both academic researchers and in policy circles has
been paid to what segments of the population have access to the Internet or are
Internet users. Access is usually defined as having a network-connected machine in
one’s home or workplace. Use more specifically refers to people’s actual use of the
medium beyond merely having access to it. The “digital divide” is most often
conceptualized in binary terms: someone either has access to the medium or does
not, someone either uses the Internet or does not. In this chapter, I offer a refined
understanding of the “digital divide” to include a discussion of different dimensions
of the divide focusing on such details as quality of equipment, autonomy of use, the
presence of social support networks, experience and online skill. In addition to
discussing inequalities at the national level, I also look at the unequal diffusion of the
Internet across countries. Furthermore, I consider the divide that exists at the level
of content production and distribution.
Finally, I discuss what type of policy
approach may help in avoiding possible new inequalities emerging from differential
access to and use of the Internet.
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II. Defining the “Digital Divide”
Although the Internet has been around for several decades, it saw wide
diffusion only in the second part of the 1990s. Its growth has been especially large
since the emergence of graphical browser software for the Web in 1993.
The
number of Americans online grew from 25 million in 1995 when only three percent
of Americans had ever used the Internet to 83 million in 1999, with 55 million
Americans going online on a typical day in mid-2000. In 1994, just 11 percent of
U.S. households had online access. By the end of 1998 this figure had grown to 26.2
percent. Less than two years later it stood at 41.5 percent, and well over 50 percent
of individuals between the ages of 9 and 49 reported going online at home, work, or
some other location. By 2001, over half of the American population was using the
Internet on a regular basis (see Figure 1 for basic Internet user statistics in the United
States over time).
Figure 1. The percentage of the adult US population online, 1994-2001
With the rise of the Internet’s importance in all spheres of life there has been
an increasing concern regarding the patterns of its diffusion across the population.
Reports have documented the presence of an Internet “digital divide”, i.e.
inequalities in access to and use of the medium, with lower levels of connectivity
among women, racial and ethnic minorities, people with lower incomes, rural
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The Digital Divide :: 5
residents and less educated people. (See Figures 2-7 for information about the
percentage of various population groups online.)
Figure 2. The percentage of racial groups online among the adult US population, 19942001
Figure 3. The percentage of racial groups online among the adult US population, 19942001
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Figure 4. The percentage of non-Hispanic and Hispanic groups online among the adult
US population, 1994-2001
Figure 5. The percentage of groups with different income online among the adult US
population, 1994-2001
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Figure 6. The percentage of urban and non-urban groups online among the adult US
population, 1994-2001
Figure 7. The percentage of groups with different educational attainment online among
the adult US population, 1994-2001
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While most reports identify differences among various segments of the
population, over time studies emphasize the increasing diffusion of the medium
among the population at large. There is considerable disagreement about whether
inequalities in access and use are increasing or decreasing across different
demographic categories. Some argue that with time the majority of the population
will be online and no policy intervention is necessary to achieve equal distribution of
the medium across the population (Compaine 2001).
Others emphasize the
increasing differences among various segments of the population at large (Dickard
2002).
These approaches are in stark contrast despite the fact that most of these
reports often rely on the same source of data: the Computer and Internet Use
Supplement of the Current Population Survey administered by the U.S. Census
Bureau. The positions differ because there are different ways in which one can
interpret the data. Let us consider, for example, the Internet use statistics for
Hispanics and non-Hispanics (see Figure 4). It is certainly the case that use has
dramatically increased in both segments of the population: the percentage of
Hispanics online has grown from 5.6 percent in 1994 to 31.4 percent in 2001 while
the percentage of non-Hispanics online increased from 13.3 to 56.9 percent. From
this perspective, Internet use is clearly on the rise in both groups. Moreover,
whereas the percentage of non-Hispanics online increased just over four times, the
growth among Hispanics was over five-fold. Such interpretation suggests optimism
at curbing inequality between groups. However, if we look at Figure 4 we see that
the gap between the two lines has increased from 7.7 percentage points in 1994 to
24.5 percentage points by 2001 suggesting that the overall difference in the
percentage of users is increasing, potentially leading to more inequality among these
two segments of the population. How we interpret the figures has much to do with
what type of divide – if any – we see.
Comparing penetration rates across
population groups is more informative than considering numbers about any one
population segment in isolation. Comparison across groups suggests that certain
divides persist and in some cases are growing with respect to Internet diffusion.
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III. From Digital Divide to Digital Inequality
Figures 2-7 show that Internet use is spreading at varying rates across
different segments of the population. Some have cautioned that the differential
spread of the Internet will lead to increasing inequalities benefiting those who are
already in advantageous positions and denying access to better resources to the
underprivileged. Robert Merton (1973) called this the “Matthew Effect” according
to which “unto every one who hath shall be given” whereby initial advantages
translate into increasing returns over time.
Research on information technologies has found support for this latter
expectation. Mass media seem to reinforce knowledge gaps across the population.
Past studies have found evidence for this in the realm of general foreign affairs
information (Robinson 1967), political knowledge and participation (Eveland and
Scheufele 2000), diffusion of daily TV news information (Robinson and Levy 1986)
and in a broad range of other information contexts (Gaziano 1983). With respect to
the Web, the Matthew effect predicts that those having more experience with
technologies and more exposure to various communication media will benefit more
from the Web by using it in a more sophisticated manner and for more types of
information retrieval. Evidence has already been presented regarding the connection
between the use of traditional news and entertainment media, and computers and the
Internet (Robinson, Barth and Kohut 1997; Robinson, Levin and Hak 1998). Such
findings suggest that use of the Internet leads to greater information gaps.
As more people start using the Web for communication and information
retrieval, it becomes less useful to merely look at binary classifications of who is
online when discussing questions of inequality in relation to the Internet. Rather, we
need to start looking at differences in how those who are online access and use the
medium. Such a refined understanding of the “digital divide” implies the need for a
more comprehensive term for understanding inequalities in the digital age; DiMaggio
and Hargittai (2001) suggest that the term “digital inequality” better encompasses the
various dimensions along which differences will exist even after access to the
medium is nearly universal.
Some scholars have suggested ways in which we need to distinguish between
different types of Internet use.
One such approach (Norris 2001) suggests
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distinguishing between divides at three levels: the global divide which encompasses
differences among industrialized and lesser developed nations; the social divide
which points to inequalities among the population within one nation; and a
democratic divide which refers to the differences among those who do and do not
use digital technologies to engage and participate in public life. Wilson (2000) took
this classification a step further by identifying four components of full social access:
i) financial access which indicates whether users (individuals or whole communities)
can afford connectivity; ii) cognitive access which considers whether people are
trained to use the medium, and find and evaluate the type of information for which
they are looking; iii) production of content access which looks at whether there is
enough material available that suits users’ needs; and iv) political access which takes
into account whether users have access to the institutions that regulate the
technologies they are using. Warschauer (2002) has also offered an alternative
approach suggesting that in addition to the physical sides of access, other factors
such as content, language, literacy, education and institutional structures must also be
taken into consideration when assessing the level of information and communication
technology use in a community. These researchers all call for a more holistic
approach to the study of digital inequality.
As the refined approaches above illustrate, there are factors beyond mere
connectivity that need to be considered when discussing the potential implications of
the Internet for inequality. In addition to relying on basic measures of access to a
medium, we need to consider the following more nuanced measures of use:
1. technical means (quality of the equipment)
2. autonomy of use (location of access, freedom to use the medium for one’s
preferred activities)
3. social support networks (availability of others one can turn to for assistance
with use, size of networks to encourage use)
4. experience (number of years using the technology, types of use patterns)
These four factors together contribute to one’s level of skill. Skill is defined as the
ability to efficiently and effectively use the new technology. Here, I consider these five
components which should guide our analyses of digital inequality at the individual
user level.
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Technical means
For Internet use several dimensions of equipment quality are relevant to
questions of equal access. People who have access to top quality computers with
good and reliable Internet connections at home or at work are much more likely to
exhibit high levels of sophistication than those without access to such technical
resources.
Better hardware, better software and faster connection are the
infrastructural basis of having access to all that the Web has to offer. When using
outdated equipment, more time may be necessary to reach online resources resulting
in fewer opportunities for users to acquaint themselves with and explore varied
corners of the Web. Users may become frustrated by long download times and the
inability to access certain sites potentially leading to less enthusiasm toward the
medium and less time spent exploring its features.
Autonomy of use
Although theoretically many Americans have access to the Internet at a
public library, access remains easiest for those who are connected through home or
work computers. There are differences in how easily people can reach libraries
quickly (e.g. do they live close enough not to require substantial time and monetary
commitments to go there), and whether they are free at times when these resources
are available (e.g. do their work or family responsibilities make it difficult to
capitalize on such resources?). Regarding on-the-job access, those with restrictions
on their work computer use will not have the freedom to enhance their online skills
due to the limitations placed on them by their employment environments. These
differences in autonomy of use are likely to influence people’s level of Web use
sophistication. Those who have easier access to resources and more freedom to use
them are likely to extract more from the medium.
Social support network
The literature on the diffusion of innovations emphasizes the importance of
social support networks in the spread of new technologies. Those with exposure to
innovations in their surroundings are more likely to adopt new technologies such as
personal computers. The availability of friends and family who are also Internet
users provides support for problems encountered while using the medium and is also
a source of new knowledge via advice and recommendations. It is also a source of
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encouragement to go online as there are more people with whom to communicate
and share.
For online skills in particular, this implies that people who are able to draw
on their social contacts for information on how to use the medium will learn more
quickly and will be exposed to a broader repertoire of online services than those who
have few people to whom they can turn for advice with their Web use. A study of
home computer diffusion found that people were more likely to give up using the
technology when they had no neighbors or friends to call on for support (Murdock,
Hartmann and Gray 1992). By contrast, people whose social circles include users
knowledgeable about the Web can draw on their networks for site recommendations
and suggestions when they run into problems.
Experience
Experience is a relevant dimension to consider because it tells us whether
people are investing time in a technology to become familiar enough with it for
convenient and efficient use. The amount of prior experience people have with the
Internet is likely to affect their online actions. People who require use of a computer
and online resources for their job or school will have invested time in acquiring
higher level skills in this activity as the acquired knowledge is necessary to perform
their work. People who spend more time online – whether at work or any other
location – will likely acquire more knowledge about the Web and thus will have
better online skills. Finally, people who have been Internet users for longer are
expected to be better at finding information online as they have more experiences to
draw on. Moreover, these are people who were early adopters and thus tend to be
more innovative suggesting more willingness to explore the new medium and
familiarize themselves with it.
Skill
A look at the evolution of how literacy has been defined and refined over
time is a helpful comparison to show that the focus on and necessity of basic access
to a medium is gradually replaced by more refined understandings of what it means
to have efficient access to a communication medium (Kaestle 1991). Whereas
initially literacy simply meant the ability to sign one’s name, someone possessing
solely those writing skills today would not be deemed literate. Such baseline writing
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skills today cannot be equated with efficient access to information whether in the
form of government documents or job application forms.
Similarly, when
considering the potential implications of the Internet for social inequality, we cannot
rely on a binary classification of who is a user and who is not. Rather, we must also
focus on people’s ability to use the technology effectively and efficiently.
But how is it possible that skill is a relevant factor when it comes to Internet
use given that material posted online – all billions of pages worth – is equally
available to all users via the correct Web address? Beyond the hurdle of gaining
access to a network-connected machine, the zeros and ones that transfer the
multitude of information on the network to the user do not discriminate among
people. (It is important to note here that the plans for the next generation Internet
protocol (IPv6) would allow routers to discriminate among packets which would lead
to increasing inequalities especially with respect to issues discussed in Section V
below.) Once the correct Web address is entered, the data are accessed and the
information is readily available. But how does a user find the particular Web site?
Consider the following scenario. A user is looking for information about
political candidates, in particular, she is interested in comparing the views of two
presidential candidates about a controversial issue, say abortion.
There are
thousands of Web sites that describe, critique, and compare political actors.
However, a simple search on the candidate’s name or using the word
abortion
will
not yield any obvious results, rather, it will present the user with hundreds if not
thousands of possible links to pages with only one of the two topics.
In this particular case, a user who understands how search queries can be
refined through the use of quotation marks (to signal proximity of terms), the use of
Boolean operators (to suggest whether terms should all be included in a search or
whether some terms should be explicitly excluded) and through the use of multiple
terms in a query will likely turn up helpful results almost regardless of the search
engine used. A knowledgeable user may type the following into a search box:
gore abortion
bush
and quickly find relevant results. Nonetheless, even the use of such
refined search queries requires additional know-how on the part of the user. Many
sites come cluttered with images and text – often in an attempt to make a
commercial venture viable – and it sometimes becomes quite challenging to find
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specific information on a page. Among the one hundred participants in a study that
surveyed a random sample of Internet users’ online skills (Hargittai 2003), only one
ever used the Find function (available in all browsers and on all platforms) to search
for a term on a Web page. In the case of this task, looking for the word “abortion”
through use of the Find function would have aided many participants. This action
can significantly reduce the effort it takes to find specific content on a page yet
almost no one uses it.
The findings from this study suggest that users differ
significantly in their online skills.
As the above examples illustrate, in addition to demographic characteristics
the five dimensions of user attributes – technical means, autonomy of use, social
support networks, experience and skill – are all important for understanding how
exactly technologies are being adopted by users and to what extent their uses are
similar across different segments of society. Had such nuanced information been
collected on other communication media in their early years, we would have a much
better understanding of their true diffusion across the population and how they may
have contributed to new social inequalities. The above dimensions of user attributes
must all be considered in our discussions of digital inequality but are only starting to
become part of researchers’ agendas in the field. (For a discussion of information
technology skills and the labor market, see the chapter on “The New Economy and
the Organization of Work”. To learn more about how use of the Internet differs
amongst segments of the population for job searches, see the chapter on “The
Internet and Matching in Labor Markets”. )
IV. Global Digital Inequality
Similarly to rapid Internet diffusion within the United States, the number of
users has also grown drastically worldwide from approximately 20 million users in
1995 to 520 million in 2001 (see Figure 8 for details). Although at first glance the
figures suggest that Internet access is becoming a reality for vast segments of the
global population it is important to note that even in 2001 less than ten percent of
the world’s inhabitants had ever used the Internet.
Moreover, the medium is
diffusing at considerably different rates across countries.
Figure 9 shows that
disproportionate numbers of users are from the North American and European
continents whereas other world regions are vastly underrepresented. Most work on
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international Internet diffusion has tried to uncover the reasons for such differential
rates in spread.
Figure 8. Number of Internet users worldwide, 1995-2001 (Data source: Nua Internet
Surveys)
Figure 9. Proportion of Internet users from different geographic regions as compared to
proportion of world population in these regions, 2001 (Data source: Nua Internet Surveys)
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Most initial reports focused on bivariate analyses showing high correlation
between economic indicators and diffusion rates.
Education has also been
considered an important predictor of Internet use cross-nationally. Recently, some
more refined studies have also considered the effects of institutional factors.
Hargittai (1999) found that among OECD countries, in addition to national wealth,
competition in the telecommunications sector was an important predictor of
connectivity. Along similar lines, Kiirski and Pohjola (2002) found that access price
was an important determinant of connectivity in OECD countries, a factor likely
influenced by the telecommunications policy variable. Guillen and Suarez (2002)
also found similar effects of regulatory environment when looking at diffusion rates
across over one hundred nations. Research on the diffusion of mobile telephony has
also found that competition has a positive effect on the spread of the technology
(Gruber and Verboven 2001; Koski and Kretschmer 2002).
Although in its initial years of mass diffusion the Internet was widely
heralded as a potential equalizing tool across nations, the largely unequal patterns of
its diffusion globally suggest that it may end up contributing more to rising
inequalities rather than leveling the playing field across nations. (See the chapter on
“The Adoption and Diffusion of ICT Across Countries: Patterns and Determinants”
for more on global diffusion patterns.)
V. Inequality in Access to Content Production and Distribution
In addition to looking at individual level variables to see how new media are
adopted by users we must also consider institutional factors that shape new
technologies. The rapid increase in the number of Internet users was complemented
by exponential growth in the amount of information available on the Web. In 1995,
there were fewer than 20,000 Web sites. That number grew to over 38 million by
2002 representing billions of Web pages with as many as two million pages added
daily.
A large portion of these billions of Web pages is available on the Web for
public use. Any individual or organization with the know-how to create a site can
contribute content to the public Web. The technicalities of making such content as
available to users as the most popular Web sites are more or less the same.
However, information abundance still leaves the problem of attention scarcity.
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Attention scarcity leads individual creators of content to rely on online gatekeepers
to channel their material toward users and leads users to rely on such services to find
their way to content on the Web. Web services that categorize online information
can be considered gatekeepers on the World Wide Web.
The term ‘gatekeeper’ refers to points that function as gates blocking the
flow of some material while allowing other information to pass through. Although
there may be numerous high quality sites on the Web, there is no guarantee that
anyone will find their way to them. The central concern is no longer what is
produced, but what consumers hear and know about. Accordingly, gatekeeping
activity still occurs, but now takes place at the level of information exposure. Its
location has shifted from the decision about what should be produced to control of
what materials get to consumers and what they become aware of. Users with more
advanced Web use skills will be less dependent on such gatekeepers and can more
easily sidestep them to find information of interest to them.
In order to understand the implications of gatekeeping for the reachability of
online content – whether commercial or not-for-profit content, individual or
governmental materials – it is important to distinguish between content that is
merely present on the Web in contrast to content that users are readily exposed to.
To make this distinction, I use the word ‘available’ to refer to material that exists
online and use ‘accessible’ to denote content that is easily within the reach of Web
users. Whereas ‘availability’ means mere existence, ‘accessibility’ implies relative ease
of reachability.
As the amount of Web content grew exponentially, search engines became
increasingly important in sifting through online material. According to one survey,
85 percent of users have ever used a search engine (Pew 2002). Although seemingly
neutral, search engines systematically exclude certain sites in favor of others either by
design or by accident. Search engines index no more than a small portion of all Web
pages and even collectively the largest engines only a ccount for a combined coverage
of just a fraction of all information online.
This suggests that there is great
discrepancy between what is physically available on the Web and what information is
realistically accessible to users.
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Undoubtedly, the entry of the private sector into the Internet world
encouraged its wide spread and the growth in online content. Search engines and
portal sites assist millions of users every day in finding information online. So why is
it a problem that commercial interests sometimes guide the content selection on
popular sites? The concern is that search engines that are guided by profit motives
will point people away from the most relevant and best quality sites in favor of those
that have paid the highest bids for placement on the results page regardless of their
quality and specific relevance to the search query.
Analyses of large-scale search engine usage data suggest that users mainly rely
on the first page of results to a search query. A study analyzing almost one billion
queries on the AltaVista search engine showed that in 85 percent of the cases users
only viewed the first screen of results (Silverstein et al. 1999). Web users’ habits have
not changed much over the years. Another study (Spink et al. 2002) compared data
on the use of the Excite search engine from 1997, 1999, and 2001 and found that the
mean number of results pages users looked at had decreased over time. The data in
this study also showed that the majority of users rely on simple queries without the
use of advanced search features mentioned earlier.
These findings suggest that users heavily rely on sites for presenting them
with information rather than using sophisticated search strategies to fine-tune their
queries. This implies that information prominently displayed on portal sites –
whether selected because of high content value or for commercial reasons – has a
good chance of being the destination of visitors. If users do not possess advanced
know-how about how content is organized and presented to them online then they
are especially at the mercy of what content sites decide to feature prominently and
make easily accessible to them.
Sites spend significant resources on optimizing their content to show up as
results.
In fact, an entire industry has sprung up around “search engine
optimization” offering advice on how companies and others can best assure that
their Web sites climb to the top of search engine results. In contrast, the sites with
the most relevant content may be posted by a non-profit or an individual on his or
her own initiative and only appear far down the results list because the owners of
such sites do not have the resources to optimize for search engine positioning. So
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the overall concern due to the prominence of commercial interests on the Web is not
that users will unknowingly be roped into purchasing information they could
otherwise obtain for free – although this may happen as well – but that they may not
find what they are looking for or may miss the best available information because
those resources are crowded out by the profit-seeking ventures.
Accordingly,
inequality exists at the level of content production and distribution in the digital
world.
VI. Conclusion
The prevailing approach to the “digital divide” focuses on a binary
classification of Internet use merely distinguishing those who are connected from
those who do not have access to the medium. Related policy discussions also limit
their focus to targeting connectedness without expanding the issue to questions of
skill which can only be achieved by also paying serious attention to training. The
binary classification is due to historical precedent. U.S. telecommunications policy,
for years, has been concerned with “universal service” whereby all citizens should
have access to affordable telephone service (Schement 1996).
Following this approach, discussions about Internet use have focused on
access only at the expense of considering details about use. In the case of the
telephone it makes sense to target access only as there are only a limited number of
ways in which one may use that medium. In contrast, effective access to the Internet
means much more than simply having a network connected machine. Rather, it
includes the ability to use the medium effectively and efficiently enabling users to
benefit from the medium.
These necessary online skills can only be achieved
universally by focusing policy not only on improving access but also investing in
training. For example, Bolt and Crawford (2000) found that although there has been
a rapid increase in the number of public schools offering Internet access, support for
the necessary training and staffing has lagged behind.
Instead of drawing parallels to policy debates about telephone access when
considering Internet access policy, a better analogy is to reflect on the varied
dimensions of literacy. We do not think about literacy in binary terms. Children are
not simply given a book in first grade and expected to read. Nor are they given
excerpts from Shakespeare on their first day of class. Instead, we invest in teaching
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students how to read gradually. The history of literacy shows that our understanding
of functional literacy has evolved considerably over time requiring flexibility in
education policy to keep up with the changing landscape.
Similarly, it is too
simplistic to assume that merely providing an Internet connection to people will
obliterate all potential access differences among users. Rather, a more refined
approach to the “digital divide”, a more comprehensive understanding of digital
inequality is necessary if we are to avoid increasing inequalities among different
segments of the population due to disparities in effective access to all that the
Internet has to offer.
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Further Reading
Bolt, D., and R. Crawford. 2000. Digital Divide: Computers and Our Children's Future. New
York: TV Books.
Compaine, B (Ed.). 2001. The Digital Divide: Facing a Crisis or Creating a Myth? Cambridge,
MA: MIT Press.
Dickard, N. 2002. "Federal Retrenchment on the Digital Divide: Potential National
Impact." Washington, DC: Benton Foundation.
DiMaggio, Paul, and Eszter Hargittai. 2001. "From the 'digital divide' to 'digital
inequality': Studying Internet use as penetration increases." Princeton: Center for
Arts and Cultural Policy Studies, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University.
Eveland, W.P., and D.A. Scheufele. 2000. "Connecting News Media Use with Gaps in
Knowledge and Participation." Political Communication 17(3):215-237.
Gaziano, C. 1983. "The Knowledge Gap - An Analytical Review of Media Effects."
Communication Research 10(4):447-486.
Gruber, H, and F Verboven. 2001. "The Evolution of Markets Under Entry and
Standards Regulation - The Case of Global Mobile Telecommunications."
International Journal of Industrial Organization 19(1189-1212.
Guillen, M, and S Suarez. 2002. "The Political Economy of Internet Development: A
Cross-National, Time-Series Analysis." Philadelphia: The Wharton School,
University of Pennsylvania.
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12
Collective Behavior, Social Change,
and Contemporary Society
Tim Sloan/Staff/Getty Images
Chapter Outline
12.1 Collective Behavior
12.2 Social Movements
12.3 Social Change
12.4 Theoretical Perspectives on Social Change
12.5 Modernization and Post-Industrial Society
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Learning Objectives
After completing this chapter, you should be able to:
• Understand the main forms of collective behavior.
• Describe the major types of social movements.
• Discuss the main theoretical perspective on social movements.
• Describe the various sources of social change.
• Discuss the four main sociological perspectives on social change.
• Understand the topics of modernization and post-industrial society.
The radio was a revolutionary technological innovation that had a profound impact on American society. It gained popularity in the 1920s, and it was the first major medium for the live
transmission of information. The introduction of the radio initiated the popularity of the mass
media in this country. In Depression-era America, the radio was the primary source of information and recreation for many American households. Radio listening was a social activity. A
family or group of friends would gather around the radio and collectively listen to a broadcast. Some shows would feature news, and sports broadcasts were popular. Weekly dramas
called serials also captured the imagination of the listening public.
The October 30, 1938, episode of The Mercury Theater on the Air was an adaptation of H. G. Wells’ classic novel War of the Worlds. The radio program was
written and narrated by Orson Welles. The show
was structured to simulate a series of live news
broadcasts that were interrupting the “regularly
scheduled programming” of orchestra music (Lovgen, 2005). These phony news bulletins claimed the
United States was under attack by aliens. Massive
gas plumes were spotted coming from Mars, New
York City was being overrun by alien invaders, and
a meteorite had hit a farm in New Jersey.
Although there was a statement at the beginning of
the broadcast stating that the upcoming show was
fiction, some listeners did not take note of that.
Moreover, others had tuned into the program after
it was started and were confused. Cantril (1947)
Popperfoto/Contributor/Getty Images
estimated that 12% of the adult population in the
Orson Welles giving a radio broadcast.
United States heard the broadcast. Among those
listening, 28% thought there was legitimately an
alien invasion occurring. These people then panicked and engaged in all kinds of hysterical
behavior. In Newark, New Jersey, people were running from their homes with their faces
covered with wet towels because they feared an “alien gas attack.” Others sought refuge in
their basements, turned to prayer, or phoned friends and relatives. The telephone switchboards of police agencies, newspapers, and radio stations were flooded with phone calls
from anxious citizens. Dozens of people even had to seek medical treatment because of
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shock and panic. Of course, none of the reported attacks were real, but the reaction of the
people was.
In this chapter, several elements of collective behavior and social change will be discussed.
Not all the behavior will be as sensational as that caused by Orson Welles’ manipulations.
Other collective behavior will be the result of a social movement trying to change the world
or right a perceived wrong. Still others will happen because of emotion or situations that arise
and then quickly pass. Still others will be very gradual—so gradual that you may not notice
the change until it has happened. Some change will happen as a consequence of a related
adjustment. Regardless, sociologists must be able to assess change, especially change caused
by social movements, to recognize how the society is different from how it once was.
Three major social phenomena will be covered in this chapter. The first is collective behavior,
which is generally spontaneous and consists of loosely organized activities that involve a large
number of people. Second are social movements. These are organized and enduring efforts
to promote (or discourage) social change. The main difference between collective behavior
and social movements is the degree of organization. Specifically, social movements are more
organized than collective behavior. The final topic, social change, involves transformations in
the culture and social structure over time.
12.1 Collective Behavior
Collective behavior refers to loosely organized activities that involve a large number of
individuals and are often spontaneous. People behave as a unit and collectively engage in
some type of concerned action (Park, 1927). This can be conceived of as “mass behavior”; it is
unplanned, lacks the regular interaction of groups, and doesn’t have the typical social boundaries of groups. This tends to be fragile and fleeting—collective behavior develops quickly,
and then disappears just as rapidly. As a category, it includes a wide range of phenomena,
including fads, fashions, rumors, gossip, crowds, riots, and disasters.
While social change is not usually the stated goal of collective behavior, occasionally it may
be a consequence. For instance, riots and protests can draw attention to some problem and
eventually lead to changes in society. Disasters such as hurricanes and earthquakes have led
to changes in public safety protocol as well as modifications to building codes. And some fashions gain such enduring acceptance they eventually become the norm.
Fashions and Fads
Fashions are enduring patterns of behavior and style that enjoy popularity with a large number of individuals (e.g., clothing, hairstyles, architecture, and motor vehicles). Fashions enjoy
widespread acceptance, endure for a significant period of time, and often become institutionalized. They may be associated with a particular identity (e.g., the business suit or Greek-letter
clothing), and adoption of a particular fashion may identify a person as holding a particular
status. Because fashions encompass consumer products and encourage conspicuous consumption, they can be profitable from a business standpoint. They are often aggressively marketed
in the popular media.
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On the other hand, a fad is a shortlived type of unconventional behavior or object that is enthusiastically
adopted by some segment of the population. Fads appear suddenly, spread
rapidly, are accepted quickly, and disappear rapidly (Aguirre, Quarantelli,
& Mendoza, 1988). This may involve
objects like Beanie Babies, Cabbage
Patch Kids®, inline skates, Tamagotchi, and Members Only jackets. Other
fads include behaviors like streaking (running naked in public places),
using a hula hoop, bungee jumping,
Paolo Cipriani/Getty Images
performing the Macarena dance at “Selfies” seem to be enduring beyond the time
sporting events, and the “ice bucket” period of a fad in western culture.
challenge. Compared to fashions, fads
last a shorter period of time and are not as widely accepted—in fact, many of you are probably unfamiliar with some of the fads listed above.
Rumors and Urban Legends
A rumor is a piece of unconfirmed information that can’t be verified and is rapidly spread via
word of mouth or electronic communication (including the media). Shibutani (1966) observed
that during times of crisis or emergency, the demand for information exceeds the supply. This
gap in turn encourages the development and spread of rumors. The media can further complicate this situation by running stories that are not verified by traditional sources. When an
event that is out of the ordinary happens, the general public is in a heightened state of anxiety and people wish to orient themselves by collectively constructing some interpretation
of events (Weeber, Turner, & Durkin, 2005). For instance, on November 22, 1963, President
John F. Kennedy was assassinated. The shocked public turned to the media for information
on this situation. There were a number of questionable news reports that later proved to be
false: a journalist was also shot, a secret service agent was also killed, and the Vice-President
had suffered a heart attack. A similar phenomenon occurred following the terrorist attacks
on September 11, 2001. There were false reports that the heinous attacks were the work of
Kashmiri separatists. Moreover, there were also incorrect accounts that the passengers of
Flight 93 had regained control of the plane and purposely crashed it in an effort to prevent
further tragedy. Rumors circulated that terrorists chose the date, 9–11, to coincide with the
emergency call line in the United States.
An urban legend is a type of contemporary folklore that describes unusual and horrible
events while cautioning about the alleged dangers of the contemporary world. Examples
include stories that McDonalds® hamburger meat contains earthworms, that rats have been
found in buckets of KFC®, and that Bubble Yum bubble gum contains spider eggs. Best and
Horiuchi (1985) examined urban legends regarding “Halloween sadists” who allegedly adulterated children’s treats with such vile acts as putting razor blades in apples and heroin in
candy. They found that parents’ groups, some law enforcement officials, and the media were
playing a role in the spread of such misinformation. In fact, approximately 60% of parents
who responded to an ABC News poll in 1985 believed these stories were true.
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Urban legends function to express the collective anxieties and insecurities that people
have about modern life in contemporary society. At the same time, they also help people to
construct meaning in a fashion that often promotes traditional cultural and social values
(DiFonzo & Bordia, 2007). For example, the cautionary tales about fast food and candy promote traditional values about a healthy diet for kids. Also, stories about “Halloween sadists”
serve to illustrate the dangers that are posed by strangers. Urban legends are also typically
sensational stories that people are likely to spread. For example, consider the urban legend
of rogue medical students harvesting the kidneys of unsuspecting victims who have been
lured to an apartment by an attractive woman in a bar. This story meets all the criteria of an
urban legend. It describes a horrible event that seems unlikely—but still somehow possible.
It reinforces a social norm against promiscuity (as the attractive woman seems to be offering
a sexual tryst to entice the victim back to her apartment). Finally, it is such a fantastic story
one can hardly wait to tell others what they’ve just heard. With the advent of social media
and other means of mass communication, it is now easy to post the story to Twitter or Facebook or email everyone in your address book to warn that their kidneys are in danger. Urban
legends have become so prevalent in modern society that a clearinghouse website has been
created at snopes.com to track emerging urban legends and keep a massive inventory of past
stories for when they reemerge in the future.
Panics
A panic occurs when people in the same location have a response (often irrational) to some
perceived threat. A panic can occur in a very compressed period of time, or over an extended
time frame (such as a financial panic causing a “run on banks” or adverse impact on the financial markets). The threat that causes a panic may be real or imagined. However, a common
theme is that people are seriously concerned about the threat. This situation is influenced
by the fact that there is often a lack of tangible information about the threat, and rumors
frequently abound. The results of a panic (sometimes called a “mass panic”) can be tragic.
For instance, in November of 1979, 11 people died at Cincinnati’s Riverfront Stadium while
attending a concert of the rock band The Who. Since seating was “first come first served” or
festival seating, fans were lined up at the various admission gates. At almost the same time the
gates opened, a sound check was being performed on stage. Many fans believed the concert
was starting and rushed towards the stage. Other fans tried to flee the onslaught. In the ensuing pandemonium, many people were trampled. In May of 1985, a fatal mass panic occurred
at Heysel Stadium in Belgium during the European soccer championship match between Liverpool (England) and Juventus (Italy). Prior to kickoff, some Liverpool fans breached a fence
(intended to keep rival fans separated) to confront the Juventus supporters. As the Juventus fans tried to escape the perceived threat, many were crushed against a stadium wall and
39 died. Fortunately, mass panics tend to be rare (Lewis, 1989; Pastel, 2001).
The concept of moral panic refers to a dispersed collective of people who have irrational
reactions to some perceived threat to the existing social order. With this phenomenon, people
perceive a threat to the moral fabric of society. Several have occurred during the 20th century, with examples including moral panics involving alcohol, pornography, and communists.
A good example of this phenomenon involves the “Satanic cult” scares of the 1980s. A “widespread epidemic of Satanism” was blamed for a crime wave that included child abuse, serial
murder, human sacrifice, and cannibalism (Jenkins & Maier-Katkin, 1992). During this period,
advocacy groups and some elements of the media were involved in all kinds of tabloid-like
claims-making (such as the assertion that 95% of missing kids had actually been abducted and
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killed by Satanists). This included the television special hosted by Geraldo Rivera that aired
on Halloween night of 1988 entitled Devil Worship: Exposing Satan’s Underground. There was
even congressional testimony on this topic. A driving force behind this specific moral panic
was the reaction of some Christian fundamentalists to the perceived rise of religious and political liberalism in the United States. As with other moral panics, the media played a key role.
Goode (2000) observed that the media seem to thrive on panics—they make for compelling
news and increase viewership. As there are now no fewer than six 24-hour all-news networks,
the desire has risen to turn any story, even an inherently local one, into a massive threat.
Disasters
A disaster is an unforeseen event that involves some severe danger and results in catastrophic damage to people and property. There is a distinction made between natural disasters and technological disasters. Natural disasters are caused by natural occurrences or “acts
of God.” For instance, in December 2004, a magnitude 9.1 earthquake struck of the coast of
Indonesia and triggered a tsunami in the Indian Ocean. The event killed nearly one quarter
of a million people. In October 2012, “Superstorm Sandy” struck the east coast of the United
States. It caused about $65 billion in
property damage and killed 72 people (Beven, 2012). On the other hand,
technological disasters are related
to human activity and result from a
failure of technology. For instance,
in 1986 an explosion occurred at the
Chernobyl nuclear power plant in
Russia. Approximately 30 people died,
large areas of land became uninhabitable, and the long-term effects still
are not known (International Atomic
Energy Committee, 2005). A gas leak
at the Union Carbide plant in Bhopal,
NOAA/Science Source/Getty Images India, in 1984 caused nearly 20,000
In New Orleans, flood waters covered large portions deaths and over 500,000 injuries
(Eckerman, 2005). Hurricane Katrina
of the city during Hurricane Katrina.
involved both a natural and technological disaster. The storm itself had high winds, heavy rains, and a catastrophic storm survey (a
natural disaster). However, the high water levels caused the levee system in the city of New
Orleans to fail (a technological disaster). Water inundated the city and mixed with sewage
and chemicals to create a “toxic gumbo.”
Understanding disasters sociologically means examining people’s reactions to the event
(Gill, 2007). One response for those who may be affected by a disaster is to take protective
action, such as seeking shelter (e.g., in the case of a tornado) or evacuating from the area to
be impacted (e.g., in the case of a hurricane). This protective action is a response to a perceived threat and can be influenced by the media as well as friends and family members.
Some may take the threat seriously (and avoid harm) while others may not heed warnings
(and face harm).
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As Burnside, Miller, and Rivera (2007) noted, social class can play an essential role in this
reaction. Specifically, members of the lower class may lack transportation and alternative
shelter options and be unable to evacuate. This was the case in New Orleans during Hurricane
Katrina, and tens of thousands of the most vulnerable residents found themselves trapped.
The reactions of those not directly affected by the disaster are also important in terms of rendering assistance. The state and federal governments have been severely criticized for their
slow response to the epic disasters in New Orleans; the inaction greatly enhanced human
suffering. Finally, in some situations, the reaction of some members in the impacted community may actually be “corrosive” (Miller, 2006). For example, some unscrupulous people may
greatly overcharge for necessities such as food and water, and others may loot, as was the case
in Hurricane Katrina. Research indicates that neighbors frequently band together as a community to prevent looting (Cromwell, Dunham, Akers, & Lanza-Kaduce, 1995). Such informal
social control mechanisms are essential in the aftermath of a disaster because police protection is not readily available. In an effort to curb price gouging, several states such as Florida
have passed laws that prohibit dramatic increases in the price of necessities during a declared
emergency. However, a recent study found that fewer than 1% of price gouging complaints
were actually investigated by state officials (McGee, 2008).
Crowds
A crowd is a temporary collection of people gathered in close physical proximity who can
influence each other’s actions and emotions. Although there are a diverse variety of crowds,
they share several common characteristics (Sullivan, 2004):
• Anonymity—Participants have a sense that they are unrecognized. They tend, therefore, to have a diminished sense of personal responsibility for their actions.
• Uncertainty—Crowds experience a degree of the unknown and unexpected. What
will transpire next is generally ambiguous.
• Suggestibility—Because the events lack formal or rigid structure, people in crowds
seek guidance from others on how to behave (e.g., should one sit, stand, applaud,
scream, throw rocks, etc.).
• Emotional arousal—Crowd members are confronted with all kinds of stimuli that
often occur in rapid fashion. There is also an acute awareness of the presence of
other individuals in a crowd situation.
• Permissiveness—Crowds tend to stretch the boundaries of acceptable behavior.
People in a crowd setting are more likely to engage in behavior and express attitudes
they wouldn’t in “ordinary” circumstances. (Sullivan, 2004)
Hebert Blumer (1969a) identified four types of crowds: casual, conventional, expressive, and
acting. Casual crowds are loosely organized around some common event. Participants do not
engage in structured interactions or rituals. People can exit and enter this type of crowd with
relative ease, such as when walking through a park or viewing a museum exhibit. A conventional crowd is a sanctioned gathering that is deliberately planned for some specific purpose.
Behavior occurs in compliance with established rules. Examples include people watching a
sporting event or a Presidential inauguration. The expressive crowd is gathered based on
some emotional theme with a focus on personal gratification and stimulation. This includes a
prayer revival, fans celebrating a team’s championship, New Year’s Eve in Times Square, and
those attending a peaceful protest. Finally, an acting crowd is volatile and focused intensely
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on a single object or objects. These crowds are typically violent and disruptive. Examples are
mobs, riots, and looting events. While crowds start with one purpose, the mood and purpose
of a group can change quickly. For instance, sports fans celebrating a victory can quickly turn
into an acting crowd that is rioting, given certain conditions.
12.2 Social Movements
A social movement is a lasting and organized effort to promote or discourage some type of
change. These movements are driven by an ideology that serves as justification for their existence and actions (Hughes & Kroehler, 2013). Many sociologists believe they are the most important type of collective behavior. They are clearly the most organized and most enduring (Lofland,
1996). Social movements have been part of the American social fabric since its founding.
Types of Social Movements
According to Aberle (1966), there are
four main types of social movements.
These phenomena can be classified
based on two variables: first, the desired
degree of change (limited versus total);
second, the target of change (certain
individuals or the whole society). A revolutionary movement seeks a complete change in society. It advocates a
radical and complete transformation
of the existing social order. Among the
various types of social movements, it
Associated Press
is clearly the most extreme type. An
The Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., integration leader,
example would be the independence
addresses a crowd on a street in Lakeview, New
movement among the American coloYork, on May 12, 1965.
nists in the 18th century who sought
independence from Britain. Their
actions lead to the American Revolutionary War (1775–1783) and the eventual establishment of the United States of America. Another example would be the left-wing group called
the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA) of the 1970s. Best known for kidnapping heiress Patty
Hearst, this group sought the violent overthrow of the U.S. government. A more recent example would be the right-wing “militia” movement of the 1980s and 1990s (Van Dyke & Soule,
2002). They sought to overthrow the federal government, which they believed was a failure
and a threat to individual liberties. This movement gained national attention when two members bombed the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 people and
injuring nearly 700 others.
Reformative social movements are focused on limited change in the whole society. Instead
of seeking a complete change of the society as a whole, they are seeking to reform a limited
aspect of the society. In the United States, this often involves organizations that are seeking
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to secure full rights for a certain class of citizens. The Women’s Rights and Civil Rights movements of the 1960s are leading examples. More recently, the gay rights movement has sought
equal rights for lesbian and gay citizens in the Unites States. Unlike the revolutionary movement, the reformative movement operates within the established boundaries of the social
structure it wishes to change.
Others are reactionary movements that oppose change. Their goal is to revive previous
social arrangements or to maintain the status quo. They view changes that have occurred
or that they perceive to be occurring as threatening to them, and they seek to resist these
changes. Various social conservative groups have sought to counter advances in women’s
rights, abortion rights, and gay rights, while liberal groups have sought to resist gun rights
and the reinstitution of the death penalty (Goldberg, 1991). A good example of a reactionary
movement from the last part of the 20th century in the United States would be the “Moral
Majority.” This was a politically oriented group of fundamentalist Christians founded in 1979
by the Reverend Jerry Falwell. They were “opposed to the Equal Rights Amendment, to the
increased tolerance of homosexuality, the growing permissiveness regarding premarital sex,
the greater acceptance of divorce, and to abortion” (Yinger & Cutler, 1982, p. 291).
A final type of social movement, the redemptive movement, focuses on radical changes in
specific individuals, rather than the larger society. The goal of such movements is to have
these individuals transform themselves and change their lives. An excellent example of this
type of social movement is 12-step groups such as Alcoholic Anonymous, Narcotics Anonymous, and Gambler’s Anonymous. Their goal is to help members redeem themselves and lead
better lives by abstaining from alcohol, drugs, and gambling, respectively. These movements
include the Christian men’s group Promise Keepers, which was oriented toward encouraging
members to be better husbands and fathers, and Weight Watchers, which is aimed at supporting members in losing weight and leading healthier lifestyles.
Theoretical Explanations of Social Movements
William Kornhauser (1959) is responsible for developing the concept of mass society. This
perspective maintains that isolated and alienated people are drawn to social movements
because these entities offer them a sense of belonging that they are missing. People with
weak social ties can fill a void in their lives by participating in a social movement. Regarding
people joining social movements, Eric Hoffer (1951) noted:
To the frustrated a mass movement offers substitutes either for the whole self
or for the elements which make life bearable and which they cannot evoke out
of their individual resources . . . The burning conviction that we have a holy
duty toward others is often a way of attaching our drowning selves to a passing raft. What looks like giving a hand is often holding on for dear life . . . One
of the most potent attractions of a mass movement is its offering of a substitute for individual hope. (pp. 13–15)
On the other hand, people who are well integrated in a society are unlikely to seek membership in a social movement.
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Deprivation theory holds that social movements develop in situations where people feel they
are not being adequately served by the current social arrangements. They don’t believe that
their needs are being met and they feel deprived. This creates a sense of injustice. Relative
deprivation occurs when people think they are worse off than members of their reference
group (i.e., people they compare themselves to) (Merton, 1968). A social movement can form
among people who share a common sense of deprivation and wish to rectify the conditions
that are undesirable to them. This theory represents functionalist thinking on the topic of
social movements (Sullivan, 2004) because the movements are thought to occur when there
are structural problems involving a gap between the rewards available in a society and people’s expectations.
Resource mobilization theory does not really focus on the reasons that individuals join social
movements. Instead, it is concerned with the conditions by which social movements prosper. The success or failure of a given social movement is not based on the emotional motivations of its members, but rather the availability and utilization of resources. The resources in
question are things like finances, social and political contentions, communication, and media
attention. If these resources are available and can be properly utilized, then the movement is
likely to succeed. If not, the social movement is likely to fail.
Synthesizing elements of these models is Neil Smelser’s (1962) value-added model of collective action. Smelser’s model is divided into several determinants. The more of these determinants that exist in a situation, the more likely some collective action will occur. The first
is structural conduciveness, which refers to the possibilities for an incident of collective
behavior to happen. In short, can the crowd identify some person or event that is responsible
for their trouble? If so, can the group communicate to one another to organize some action?
Finally, is there a way for the group to express grievances through traditional channels? If the
crowd knows who caused the problem, feels there is no way to address their problem in the
existing society, and can communicate with one another, the likelihood of action increases. If
any of these elements are missing, the likelihood of collective action decreases.
The next determinant is structural strain—whether or not the issue is caused by normative
strain (which is situational and will likely pass) or values strain (which will be seen as an
attack on the common way of life). Clearly, the values strain is the one that will cause collective action.
Smelser’s third determinant is a growth of a generalized belief. This relates to the first point
where a source of the problem is identified. Group hostility often arises from feelings of ambiguity and anxiety. If the crowd is unsure of what can or will happen next, a narrative will
emerge from the group. This story will identify who is responsible for the issue and will indicate that the group should punish the responsible party. If the crowd is not feeling anxiety or
a narrative does not develop and take hold in the group, collective action is unlikely.
Next is mobilization for action: Does someone take the lead in the group to start taking action?
Quite obviously, if no one takes any action, neither will the group. However, if the leader takes
a peaceful or pro-social action, then the group will likely follow. The same is if true if the
leader takes a violent action; the group will likely follow that. Associated with this determinant is some precipitating event. Does someone throw a bottle? Do the police arrive in full
riot gear? Does someone from a competing group throw a punch? In short, is there a spark
that ignites the action?
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Finally, one must consider the role of forces of social control. If there are strong, pro-social
controls in place, the collective action may not start. Social control can be formal (e.g., police,
military) or informal (e.g., local opinion leaders, ministers), with the assumption being these
actors would prefer the collective action not start.
For Smelser, collecting and analyzing these determinants can allow a researcher to understand why collective behavior took place. It may also be the key to predicting when such
behavior will occur and even grasping collective action when it seems to be irrational.
Sociology in Action: Celebration Riots
On April 7, 2014, the University of Connecticut Huskies men’s basketball team defeated
the University of Kentucky Wildcats 60–54 to win its second NCAA Men’s Basketball
Championship in four years. This win was different than the previous wins, though. UConn’s
longtime coach Jim Calhoun had retired and turned the team over to former UConn player
Kevin Ollie. The team struggled throughout their first year with Ollie and did not play in
post-season tournaments due to an NCAA punishment. As the 2013–2014 season started, the
team had lost several starts and had changed conferences, now playing in the less prestigious
American Athletic Conference. Through the regular season, the team was ranked in the top
25 but was never viewed as a threat. The Huskies made the NCAA Tournament as a #7 seed
(indicating the selection committee believed
them to be no better than the 28th-best team in
the country). Their win made them the second
lowest seed ever to win the Final Four.
The 2014 championship was different for
another reason as well. While the basketball
team was celebrating in Arlington, Texas,
where the game was played, back on campus
in Storrs, Connecticut, a celebration riot
was well underway. By the time order was
restored around 1:30 a.m., over 30 arrests had
Peter Macdiarmid/Thinkstock
Riot police step in to control German soccer been made. Thousands of dollars in property
damage had occurred—cars had been turned
fans.
over, a lamppost was uprooted and thrown
through the front window of an academic building, and the student union was trashed. Police
attributed much of the damage to alcohol consumption, and UConn Police chief Barbara
O’Connor even said she was happy with the way the campus conducted itself (Cox, 2014).
Several questions arise when these celebration riots happen, as they do on an almost yearly
basis after sports championships in the United States. The most common question is “Why
are fans trashing their own town or campus?” Jerry Lewis has spent much of the last 25 years
attempting to answer that question. In his book Sports Fan Violence in the United States
(2007), Lewis analyzes these riots and proposes a set of criteria that can explain these riots
and potentially predict when they will occur. It is important to note that with relatively few
exceptions, fan riots in the United States are “celebration riots”; it is the fans of the winning
team that are the ones doing the rioting. In contrast, in Europe, specifically around soccer,
there are more likely to be “punishing riots” in which the fans of the losing team takes out
their collective frustration on anything representing the winning side (e.g., the winner’s
(continued)
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Social Movements
Section 12.2
Sociology in Action: Celebration Riots (continued)
town, fans, team bus, anything with the “wrong color”). In the United States, the losers tend
to disappear while the winners celebrate—often in violent and destructive ways.
Drawing from Smelser’s value-added model, Lewis argues that the more of these variables
present in the situation, the more likely a riot is to occur. Lewis derives a series of hypotheses
designed to highlight certain conditions that, when present, make a celebrating riot
increasing likely to occur:
1. Celebrating riots by fans of the winning team are more likely than punishing riots by
fans of the losing team.
2. A celebrating riot is more likely to occur after championship games.
3. A celebrating riot is more likely to occur if the winning team has failed to win a
championship in the previous five years.
4. A celebrating riot is more likely to occur the deeper into play the championship
series continues (e.g., Game 6 of a “best of seven” series).
5. A celebrating riot is more likely to occur is the deciding game is a close, exciting event.
6. A celebrating riot is facilitated by sports fans’ access to a natural, urban gathering
area.
7. If a celebrating riot occurs, the typical rioter will be a young, White male (which is a
typical sports fan, but it also means that most of the fans will look alike, increasing
the anonymity within the crowd).
In analyzing Lewis’ criteria, a couple of things are clear. First, many of these criteria have
to do with emotion. The first five actively assume that a significant amount of tension and
anxiety will be present as fans watch their team try to win a coveted position, especially if
they have not done so in several years. Second, only a few of these criteria are knowable in
advance. We will know if the game is for a championship. We will know how close to ending a
championship series is. We will know how long it has been since a given team has won a title.
We will also know if the fans have access to a “natural, urban gathering area.” In the UConn
example, the college campus served as this gathering place. However, in many professional
sports, the area around the stadium or arena becomes the staging area. There has been a trend
over the past 20 years to build sports stadiums and arenas in downtown areas as a means of
urban revitalization or gentrification (Rosenweig, 2005). With these downtown stadiums come
bars, restaurants, and retail businesses hoping to capitalize on the crowds flooding the area
to watch the ballgame. It is this pattern that opens the doors to the celebration riot. During
a big game, many fans who don’t have game tickets will still flood the downtown area to be
close to the action. Some cities have even started having viewing parties, inviting fans to come
downtown and watch the game on big screens near the arena. These fans are highly emotional
because of their team’s success (especially if their team has not won a championship in several
years) and likely have just spent several hours in a bar watching a game. When their team is
successful, the joyous, intoxicated crowd spills out into the streets (quite literally).
While the crowd is probably primarily filled with happy people, we are almost certainly
seeing non-normal behavior. This could be something as benign as dancing in the street
or climbing a lamppost, but when norms start to be violated it becomes very easy for
other forms of non-normal behavior to begin. Whether these behaviors are turning over a
dumpster, climbing on a bus shelter, or flipping a car, the high level of emotion coupled with a
decrease in social control allows for riotous behavior to start.
(continued)
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Social Movements
Section 12.2
Sociology in Action: Celebration Riots (continued)
Durkheim wrote of the idea of a social current, which could sweep through a crowd and
move typically normal individuals to do atrocious things (Durkheim, 1895). As the “normal”
behaviors begin to break down around the fans, the anonymity of a large crowd coupled with
the energy of that crowd, along with a significant dose of alcohol, make violent, destructive
behavior an option. Now it’s not simply chanting for your team and climbing the bus shelter,
but also setting fire to the overturned car, or trashing the bus shelter, or throwing a piece of
that shelter through the department store window.
Earlier in this chapter, Smelser’s theory mentioned how a lack of social control could
make collective action more likely. The same is true here. If, as typically happens, local law
enforcement wait for the riot to get out of hand before sending in the police, the rioters tend
to see this as an escalation and often respond with violence toward the police. Celebration
riots can be prevented if a large and consistent police presence was maintained before,
during, and after the games. This strategy is also very expensive.
Using Lewis’ hypothesis, let’s analyze the UConn riot in Storrs:
1. UConn has just won the NCAA Championship.
2. The game against Kentucky was the final game of a month-long tournament known
generally as “March Madness,” which is watched by millions of people in the United
States.
3. UConn had won a title only two years before. However, the program had faced
several challenges, including losing its legendary coach. They were not expecting to
win the title.
4. While the NCAA Finals is a single game, the tournament itself serves as a month-long
series that culminates the first Monday in April.
5. The game was a close, exciting event. The margin of victory was 6 but the UConn led
by only one point with eight minutes left to play.
6. The campus at Storrs, Connecticut, served as the natural, urban gathering area.
7. When watching the clips of the rioting, you see men and women in the crowd, but
most of the damage is being done by young, White males.
So, six of the seven criteria were met and a riot occurred—just as the theory would predict.
During the NCAA tournament there were riots at the University of Dayton and University
of Arizona. After the Frozen Four NCAA Hockey championships there was a riot at the
University of Minnesota and one at Michigan State University when their team earned a spot
in the Rose Bowl. And just so we don’t think this is strictly a collegiate phenomenon, there
were riots at several locations in Massachusetts after the Boston Red Sox won the 2013
World Series (just as their fans had rioted in 2007 and 2004, and also in 2012 when the New
England Patriots played in the Super Bowl). Similar riots occurred in San Francisco in 2010
and 2012 when the Giants won the World Series, in 2009 and 2010 when the Los Angeles
Lakers won NBA titles, and in Baltimore following the 2013 Super Bowl win by the Ravens. In
each case, most or all of the criteria were met.
What the theory did not predict is that fans of the losing Kentucky Wildcats team rioted as
well! Those of us who study these riots have noticed over the past few years that even losing
fans tend to have celebration riots. They are not punishing riots; instead, they have the
same tone as the riots celebrating the winners. This could indicate that the idea of “riot as
celebration” has become part of the sports culture. Perhaps now causing damage is a way to
show how strong the fan base is.
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Social Change
Section 12.3
12.3 Social Change
Social change involves the transformation of the social structure and culture over time. It
results in subsequent shifts in both culture and society. Not only does social change have a
profound impact on the broader social structure, it also greatly impacts the experiences of
individuals. Ironically, C. Wright Mills (1959) wrote about the “earthquake of social change”
that occurred in the United States during the 1950s. A hallmark of the years since then has
been a far more pronounced level of social change. For instance, recent years have seen a tremendous change in gender and race relations in our country. A great number of technological
innovations have transformed social life, including television, telephones, computers, automobiles, airplanes, and satellite communications. There are many sources of social change;
we will explore several of them in the following sections.
Physical Environment
Since the very beginning of civilization, people have had to achieve a working relationship
with their physical environments for social life to be possible. This is a functional necessity
for society to thrive. Droughts, floods, storms, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and climate
change are all environmental concerns that can present a serious challenge to the wellbeing a social group. For instance, during the Great Depression, over-farming created a “dust
bowl” in the Great Plains, and many Americans needed to relocate (Shepard, 2009). Due to
the destruction of Hurricane Katrina, tens of thousands of people living in Gulf Coast areas
had to relocate; over 400,000 people evacuated the city of New Orleans. Two years later, less
than half of these people had returned (Vigdor, 2008). Many beachfront communities are now
facing challenges from “coastal erosion,” which is a result of overbuilding and the impact of
storms. Many communities have had to take corrective actions, and some people will eventually need to be relocated because of these challenges.
Demographics
The composition, size, and distribution of the population have a tremendous impact on society. Population pressures, both real and imagined, have even been cited as the cause of various
wars through history (Bierstedt, 1970). Population pressures have also driven immigration.
Even migration within an individual society can affect social life. It affects the American political process because representation in Congress is a function of the population of the various
states. Furthermore, an increase or a decrease in the birth rate can have a profound influence on a society. Take, for instance, the so-called “baby boomers” that were born after World
War II. The spike in the birth rate quickly necessitated an increasing number of primary and
secondary schools to educate these children. During the following decade, the demand for
higher education skyrocketed. It is not surprising that a great deal of conflict and controversy
occurred in the 1960s on campuses that were overcrowded with rebellious adolescents. Currently, the baby boomers are aging and beginning to retire. This will increase the demand for
services for the elderly, such as health care and assisted living facilities. This demand may
very well place a serious strain on the American economy.
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Social Change
Section 12.3
Conflict
Change does not always occur in a smooth fashion. Instead, conflicts over resources, norms,
and values often drive social change. Our nation was born from a revolution, as were many of
the other countries that are currently in existence in our world. The United States of America
could only achieve its independence from the colonial domination of Great Britain through
violent revolution taking the form of an armed conflict. The gains in the area of civil rights
were the result of conflict. The civil rights movement likely would not have enjoyed success
without protests, confrontations, and marches (as well as the accompanying responses of
reactionary groups). These conflicts drew national attention to the problems associated with
segregation and race relations in the American South.
Norms and Values
Modifications to norms and values can create
changes in the rest of society. As mentioned previously, the ideas of Calvinism (the “Protestant ethic”)
were instrumental in the formation of the capitalist economic system in western society. Moreover,
over the course of the latter half of the 20th century,
there have been substantive changes in the values
and norms regarding sexual expression. The attitudes about sex and sexuality have become more
progressive, and a so-called “sexual revolution” has
occurred. Premarital sex is now the norm. There
have also been changes in the norms and values
related to gender. While women still face sexual discrimination, they undoubtedly enjoy greater opportunities than they did a half a century ago and have
made remarkable strides towards equality. The stereotypical homemaker of the 1950s is no longer a
central role—working mothers are now the norm.
(See Chapter 9 for a discussion of changes in gender
roles and sexual expression.)
Purestock/Thinkstock
The increased acceptance of working
mothers is a manifestation of changing
norms and values.
Mass Media
The mass media are responsible for the instantaneous flow of information across social and
geographical boundaries throughout the world. Ideas and emotional states can now be rapidly disseminated to an almost limitless audience. Collective behavior is now facilitated by
this flow of information. The mass media transmit information about fads and fashions, as
well as rumors and moral panics. The chapter began with an example of this—a panic started
by a radio program that some listeners did not know was fiction.
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Social Change
Section 12.3
Technology
Technological innovation has a transformative impact on social life. Innovations in manufacturing, such as automation and robotics, have changed the work experiences of millions of
Americans. Radio, television, and the telephone have all greatly facilitated communication.
Transportation is now safer and more efficient because of the airplane and the automobile.
Computers and the Internet have literally created a revolution in the social world. They have
changed the ways we engage in communication and commerce, as well as patterns of education and recreation.
Although changes in norms and values played a role in the sexual revolution, two technological innovations played an important part as well. First, the introduction of the birth control
pill provided a reliable and convenient mode of contraception that prevented unwanted pregnancies. Second, the automobile afforded young people with privacy so they could engage in
sexual exploration without the strict oversight of adults (Durkin & Bryant, 1995).
Sociology In Action: Ibn Khaldun (1332–1404)
Although Auguste Comte introduced the term sociology and is known as the father of
sociology, some early scholars did work that has significant importance for sociology because
they were interested in social life. The best example would be the Arab historian Ibn Khaldun
(1332–1406). Much of his work in the area of history involved looking at how social factors
impacted historical events, and how historical events had an impact on social life. Khaldun is
best known for his work on the rise and fall of civilizations.
Khaldun felt that humanity could be classified on the basis of two groups of people—
nomads and citizens. Nomads were a hardy people who lived off the land and often engaged
in combat, while citizens lived a sedentary or “soft” life in the city. Many of the great
civilizations were founded by nomadic people. They eventually settled into the life of the city
and developed a social system. They also developed a centralized leadership or government.
Over the course of time, the conquerors begin to get “soft” enjoying the luxuries of living
in a city. Moreover, the central political body tends to become corrupt and focused on its
self-interest. In turn, the citizens begin to resent the central authority and social cohesion
declines. This decline will continue until the civilization is eventually conquered by another
nomadic people. However, these conquerors will eventually encounter the same problems
of citizen life, and they too will be conquered by another group. While the nomadic peoples
often attack a city because they envy the power, riches, and luxuries the citizens possess,
each in turn is destined to succumb to it.
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Theoretical Perspectives on Social Change
Section 12.4
12.4 Theoretical Perspectives on Social Change
There are four leading sociological perspectives on social change. First, functionalism is concerned with a social system maintaining equilibrium or balance during the process of social
change. Second, evolutionary perspectives see change as representing progress that results in
the betterment of a society. Third, cyclical perspectives do not view social change as a linear
process. Rather, society is seen as fluctuating between various themes in a cycle that repeats
itself over the course of history. Finally, conflict perspectives argue that social change is the
result of competing group interests.
Functionalism
Since functionalism is very much concerned with social stability, change represents a challenge to the balance of a social system. Societies inherently behave in ways that seek to maintain equilibrium through the adjustment of the various parts. When some change is instituted,
other parts of the social system must assimilate this change. As Parsons (1951) noted, societies will strive toward an “integration of systems” when change occurs.
Ogburn (1922) noted that much of the change since the beginning of the 20th century has
involved technological advancements, and such change can occur in an exceptionally rapid
fashion. As discussed in Chapter 3, cultural lag occurs when material culture changes more
rapidly than nonmaterial culture, and there is an adjustment gap between these two forms of
culture. In contemporary society, material culture is synonymous with technology. Nonmaterial culture, such as norms and values, is constantly trying to adapt to the rapid changes in
material culture. Bierstedt (1970, p. 525) argued that “many, if not all, social problems can
be traced to the fact that various parts of the culture are not in adequate adjustment to each
other.” A good example of cultural lag would be the problem of texting while driving. People
have grown accustomed to the conveniences of handheld communications. However, this has
led the problem of “distracted driving,” and it is a major cause of automobile accidents. Yet
many people do not eschew texting when they are driving.
Evolutionary Perspectives
Many of the earliest theories of social change were evolutionary theories. This perspective
considers social change to be a linear process, with each new development representing
progress for the betterment of society. Society is constantly moving forward and improving.
This type of reasoning was used to justify colonialism and the domination of some groups of
people by other societies. Over the course of history, “civilized” people have conquered and
dominated “barbarians.” This logic allowed people in the developed societies to conceive of
this as a natural phenomenon that was acceptable. Although the evolutionary theories were
popular through the early part of the 20th century, they are generally rejected by contemporary sociologists (Shepard, 2009).
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Theoretical Perspectives on Social Change
Section 12.4
The best known of these evolutionary theories of social change was introduced by Herbert
Spencer (1885). Spencer was an advocate of “social Darwinism.” Much like the biological
world, the social world involves natural selection and “survival of the fittest.” He argued that
the societies that were fit would thrive and advance. They were able adapt to the environment and continue to prosper. On the other hand, the “less fit” societies would be unable to
adapt to challenges. In turn, these less fit societies would begin to decline and eventually
cease to exist.
Cyclical Perspectives
The natural world often operates based on cycles. We pass through the four seasons, only to
arrive at winter once more and start the same cycle. Like the natural world, the social world
follows a similar, repetitive cycle. These theories argue that social change is not evolutionary—it is not heading in a linear direction. Any given society typically has a dominant theme
or focus, and this dominant theme typically fluctuates among several possible options. As
Moore (1974) observed, cyclical theories don’t deny the existence of change, but they deny
that any specific change is leading somewhere particular in the long term.
The best known of these theories is from Pitirim Sorokin (1937). He argued that societies
tend to fluctuate between two major themes. The first is a sensate culture. This type of culture places an emphasis on personal experiences and materialism. The other is an ideational
culture, focused on abstract concerns like faith, compassion, patriotism, and other ideas. The
1920s (or the “Roaring Twenties”) was a time of great prosperity in the United States. However, the focus changed during the Great Depression of the 1930s and World War II in the
1940s. Those decades were based on ideational culture. Then, in the 1950s, sensate culture
emerged yet again with a focus on material possessions and the “American Dream.” However,
the 1960s was an ideational decade, with a great focus on abstract concerns and a fair amount
of social upheaval. However, this eventually gave way to the profit-driven capitalism of the
1980s (a sensate culture). As ironic as it may seem, many of the hippies of the 1960s became
the yuppies of the 1980s.
Conflict Perspectives
According to conflict theory, social change does not occur in a natural, orderly, or linear fashion. Social change is the result of conflict. Social change occurs because of a conflict between
different group interests. According to Marx, conflict is necessary for social progress. As noted
earlier in this chapter, the United States gained its independence from Great Britain in an
armed revolution. Moreover, the civil rights movement made great gains through conflict and
confrontation with the powers that were repressing human rights. Marx believed that the
workers could not escape the oppression and alienation of capitalism without uniting to overthrow that particular economic system.
According to conflict theory, social change is often driven by economic factors. According
to Marx and Engels (1972, p. 337) capitalism is based on “naked self-interests.” Society and
social relations are structured in a way that will benefit the capitalists at the expenses of
the rest of the citizens. Trends in corporatism and global capitalism are not driven for the
ideological sake of “progress” and the “betterment of humanity,” but instead are based on the
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Modernization and Post-Industrial Society
Section 12.5
economic interests of capitalists. The results of these developments are the exploitation of
vulnerable workers on a global scale.
12.5 Modernization and Post-Industrial Society
One of the main consequences of collective behavior, social movements, and social change
can be a fundamental alteration of the very fabric of society and culture. At certain times
these transformations have been so significant that social scientists argue that civilization has
moved into a new phase of development. Civilization prior to the Industrial Revolution is generally described as a pre-industrial society or pre-modern culture. The Industrial Revolution
heralded the industrial society or modern culture. Our current historical phase, which is heavily reliant on advanced technology and globalization, is often referred to as post-industrial
society or postmodern culture.
Modernization
The first societies, which we now call “pre-modern,” typically had an economy that was
based around agriculture. Communities were small and predominantly rural. Where people
lived was generally based around the
production of food. These were traditional societies, with a strong sense of
history. Traditional belief systems, like
religion, played a dominant role in the
daily life of citizens. In terms of social
relationships, most of the communication and social interaction was done
face to face basis. Social relationships
were based on primary ties. Institutions such as the family were the cornerstone of pre-industrial societies.
For instance, education was typically
provided by the family. Among the
Design Pics/Thinkstock
population, the infant mortality rates
Metropolitan populations, advances in technology,
and a formalized education are all characteristics of were high and the life expectancies
low (Henslin, 1997).
a modern society.
The concept of modernization describes the all-encompassing process of cultural, economic,
and social transitions that occur when a pre-industrial society becomes industrial. So a modern society is an industrial society. In general, the notion of modernity is synonymous with
progress. There are a number of distinctive characteristics that distinguish a modern society
from a pre-modern society (Macionis, 2007; Shepard, 2009):
•
•
•
•
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Heterogeneity—there is an increased diversity in society.
An orientation toward the future, rather than the past.
A decline in the importance of traditional belief systems.
Relationships based mostly on secondary ties.
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Modernization and Post-Industrial Society
Section 12.5
• The population clustered in metropolitan areas based around industry.
• An economic system that is based on manufacturing goods using mass production
techniques.
• A large government that has a bureaucratic structure and a division of labor.
• A formal education system.
Daniel Bell (1973) argued that there has been a fundamental shift in western society, and
these changes have extended beyond modernization. The industrial society has been replaced
by the post-industrial society. A post-industrial society is focused on advanced technology
and dedicates far more resources to the provision of services than to manufacturing. This
form of society is based on the manufacturing of knowledge and information rather than on
the production of ...
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