Week 3 - Assignment
Due Jul 7 by 1:59am
Points 25
Submitting an external tool
Understanding the Value of Qualitative Research
[WLOs: 3] [CLOs: 1, 2, 3, 5, 6]
Prior to beginning work on this assignment, read Chapter 9: Qualitative Methods, watch
the Week 3 Assignment video,
and read the following resources on Dr. Loïc Wacquant’s research:
• “Habitus as Topic and Tool: Reflections on Becoming a Prizefighter”
• “A Fleshpeddler at Work: Power, Pain, and Profit in the Prizefighting Economy”
• “Whores, Slaves, and Stallions: Languages of Exploitation and Accommodation
Among Professional Boxers”
• “UC’s ‘boxing sociologist’ / Combative French Professor Spent 3 Years in Ring
(https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/UC-s-boxing-sociologist-Combative-French2509824.php#photo-2684464) ”
• A Professor Who Refuses To Pull His Punches
(http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/08/books/a-professor-who-refuses-to-pull-hispunches.html)
• Boxing Proves a Hit for French Sociologist
(https://www.theguardian.com/education/2011/jan/10/improbable-research-boxingsociologist)
An important part of analyzing research approaches includes understanding the positive
and negative aspects of varied forms of social research. Ethnography as an approach
allows a researcher to immerse in a unique social world in order to experience the lives
of those who live there. The most intriguing aspects of this type of qualitative research is
how the researcher maintains an ethical and neutral stance, how the experience can
impact them, and how they use the experience for positive social change.
In your paper, you will present the benefits of ethnographical research in terms of
understanding a unique social world, as well as understanding the qualitative
researcher’s role in performing and reporting on ethnographic research. You will do this
through the resources provided, your own research of immersive ethnographical
approaches, and also through critiquing Dr. Loïc Wacquant’s work.
In your paper, include the following sections/components:
Role of Researcher (One to two pages)
• Explain the researcher’s role in qualitative research in general and specifically in an
ethnographic approach.
• Discuss the unique issues that researchers should be concerned about in qualitative
research.
• Explain the challenges researchers face in ethnographical research.
• Discuss specific actions researchers can take to ensure they retain their ethical and
neutral stance in performing qualitative research and reporting their qualitative
research results.
Loïc Wacquant’s Research (One to two pages)
•
•
•
•
Summarize what Loïc Wacquant’s research was about.
Determine whether or not Wacquant maintained an ethical and neutral stance.
Justify the research approach Wacquant chose to take.
Explain whether or not this could have been possible with a quantitative research
study.
Impact of Research (One page)
• Discuss how qualitative research and, in particular, ethnographic research, can inform
our understanding of unique social worlds.
• Describe the potential impact of research in supporting positive social change through
public policy.
The Value of Qualitative Research paper
• Must be five double-spaced pages in length (not including title and references pages)
and formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center’s APA
Style (http://writingcenter.ashford.edu/apa-style)
• Must include a separate title page with the following:
◦ Title of paper
◦ Student’s name
◦ Course name and number
◦ Instructor’s name
◦ Date submitted
For further assistance with the formatting and the title page, refer to APA Formatting for
Word 2013 (http://writingcenter.ashford.edu/apa-formatting-word-2013) .
• Must utilize academic voice. See the Academic Voice
(http://writingcenter.ashford.edu/academic-voice) resource for additional guidance.
• Must include an introduction and conclusion paragraph. Your introduction paragraph
needs to end with a clear thesis statement that indicates the purpose of your paper.
◦ For assistance on writing Introductions & Conclusions
(http://writingcenter.ashford.edu/introductions-conclusions) as well as Writing a
Thesis Statement (http://writingcenter.ashford.edu/writing-a-thesis) , refer to the
Ashford Writing Center resources.
• Must use at least two scholarly sources in addition to the course text.
◦ The Scholarly, Peer Reviewed, and Other Credible Sources
(https://content.bridgepointeducation.com/curriculum/file/e5359309-7d3c-4a21-a41044d59303ccef/1/Scholarly%20PeerReviewed%20and%20Other%20Credible%20Sources.pdf) table offers additional
guidance on appropriate source types. If you have questions about whether a
specific source is appropriate for this assignment, please contact your instructor.
Your instructor has the final say about the appropriateness of a specific source for
a particular assignment.
• Must document any information used from sources in APA style as outlined in the
Ashford Writing Center’s Citing Within Your Paper
(http://bpiwritingcenter.prod.acquia-sites.com/citing-within-your-paper)
• Must include a separate references page that is formatted according to APA style as
outlined in the Ashford Writing Center. See the Formatting Your References List
(http://writingcenter.ashford.edu/format-your-reference-list) resource in the Ashford
Writing Center for specifications.
Carefully review the Grading Rubric
(http://ashford.waypointoutcomes.com/assessment/21929/preview) for the criteria that will
be used to evaluate your assignment.
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Waypoint Assignment
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Chapter 9 Qualitative Methods
Qualitative methods demonstrate a different approach to scholarly inquiry than methods of quantitative research.
Although the processes are similar, qualitative methods rely on text and image data, have unique steps in data
analysis, and draw on diverse designs. Writing a method section for a proposal or study for qualitative research
partly requires educating readers as to the intent of qualitative research, mentioning specific designs, carefully
reflecting on the role the researcher plays in the study, drawing from an ever-expanding list of types of data
sources, using specific protocols for recording data, analyzing the information through multiple steps of analysis,
and mentioning approaches for documenting the methodological integrity or accuracy—or validity—of the data
collected. This chapter addresses these important components of writing a good qualitative method section into a
proposal or study. Table 9.1 (http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint50#s9781506386720.i1178) presents a checklist for reviewing the qualitative methods section of your project to
determine whether you have addressed important topics.
The qualitative method section of a proposal requires attention to topics that are similar to a quantitative (or mixed
methods) project. These involve telling the reader about the design being used in the study and, in this case, the use
of qualitative research and its basic intent. It also involves discussing the sample for the study and the overall data
collection and recording procedures. It further expands on the data analysis steps and the methods used for
presenting the data, interpreting it, validating it, and indicating the potential outcomes of the study. In contrast to
other designs, the qualitative approach includes comments by the researcher about their role and their selfreflection (or reflexivity, it is called), and the specific type of qualitative strategy being used. Further, because the
writing structure of a qualitative project may vary considerably from study to study, the method section should also
include comments about the nature of the final written product.
9.1 The Characteristics of Qualitative Research
For many years, qualitative writers had to discuss the characteristics of qualitative research and convince faculty
and audiences as to their legitimacy. Now these discussions are less frequently found in the literature and there is
some consensus as to what constitutes qualitative inquiry. Thus, our suggestions about the method section of a
project or proposal are as follows:
•
Review the needs of potential audiences for the proposal or study. Decide whether audience members are
knowledgeable enough about the characteristics of qualitative research that this section is not necessary.
For example, although qualitative research is typically accepted and well-known in the social sciences, it
has emerged in the health sciences only in the last couple of decades. Thus, for health science audiences, a
review of the basic characteristics will be important.
•
If there is some question about the audience’s knowledge, present the basic characteristics of qualitative
research and consider discussing a recent qualitative research journal article (or study) to use as an
example to illustrate the characteristics.
•
If you present the basic characteristics, what ones should you mention? A number of authors of
introductory texts convey these characteristics, such as Creswell (2016), Hatch (2002), and Marshall and
Rossman (2016).
◦ Natural setting: Qualitative researchers tend to collect data in the field at the site where
participants experience the issue or problem under study. Researchers do not bring individuals
into a lab (a contrived situation), nor do they typically send out instruments for individuals to
complete. This up-close information gathered by actually talking directly to people and seeing
them behave and act within their context is a major characteristic of qualitative research. In the
natural setting, the researchers have face-to-face interaction, often extending over a prolonged
period of time.
◦
Researcher as key instrument: Qualitative researchers collect data themselves through examining
documents, observing behavior, or interviewing participants. They may use a protocol—an
instrument for recording data—but the researchers are the ones who actually gather the
information and interpret it. They do not tend to use or rely on questionnaires or instruments
developed by other researchers.
◦
Multiple sources of data: Qualitative researchers typically gather multiple forms of data, such as
interviews, observations, documents, and audiovisual information rather than rely on a single data
source. These are all open-ended forms of data in which the participants share their ideas freely,
not constrained by predetermined scales or instruments. Then the researchers review all of the
data, make sense of it, and organize it into codes and themes that cut across all of the data sources.
◦
Inductive and deductive data analysis: Qualitative researchers typically work inductively, building
patterns, categories, and themes from the bottom up by organizing the data into increasingly more
abstract units of information. This inductive process illustrates working back and forth between
the themes and the database until the researchers have established a comprehensive set of themes.
Then deductively, the researchers look back at their data from the themes to determine if more
evidence can support each theme or whether they need to gather additional information. Thus,
while the process begins inductively, deductive thinking also plays an important role as the analysis
moves forward.
◦
Participants’ meanings: In the entire qualitative research process, the researchers keep a focus on
learning the meaning that the participants hold about the problem or issue, not the meaning that
the researchers bring to the research or that writers express in the literature.
◦
Emergent design: The research process for qualitative researchers is emergent. This means that the
initial plan for research cannot be tightly prescribed, and some or all phases of the process may
change or shift after the researcher enters the field and begins to collect data. For example, the
questions may change, the forms of data collection may shift, and the individuals studied and the
sites visited may be modified. These shifts signal that the researchers are delving deeper and
deeper into the topic or the phenomenon under study. The key idea behind qualitative research is
to learn about the problem or issue from participants and to address the research to obtain that
information.
◦
Reflexivity: In qualitative research, inquirers reflect about how their role in the study and their
personal background, culture, and experiences hold potential for shaping their interpretations,
such as the themes they advance and the meaning they ascribe to the data. This aspect of the
methods is more than merely advancing biases and values in the study, but how the background of
the researchers actually may shape the direction of the study.
◦
Holistic account: Qualitative researchers try to develop a complex picture of the problem or issue
under study. This involves reporting multiple perspectives, identifying the many factors involved in
a situation, and generally sketching the larger picture that emerges. This larger picture is not
necessarily a linear model of cause and effect but rather a model of multiple factors interacting in
different ways. This picture, qualitative researchers would say, mirrors real life and the ways that
events operate in the real world. A visual model of many facets of a process or a central
phenomenon aids in establishing this holistic picture (see, for example, Creswell & Brown, 1992).
9.2 Qualitative Designs
Beyond these general characteristics are more specific approaches (i.e., strategies of inquiry, designs, or
procedures) in conducting qualitative research (Creswell & Poth, 2018). These approaches have emerged in the
field of qualitative research since it has matured in the social sciences since the early 1990s. They include
procedures for data collection, analysis, and writing, but they originated out of disciplines in the social sciences.
Many approaches exist, such as the 28 identified by Tesch (1990), the 22 types in Wolcott’s (2009) tree, and the five
approaches to qualitative inquiry by Creswell and Poth (2018), and Creswell (2016). Marshall and Rossman (2016)
discussed five types common across five different authors. As mentioned in Chapter 1 (s9781506386720.i598.xhtml)
, we recommend that qualitative researchers choose from among the possibilities, such as narrative,
phenomenology, ethnography, case study, and grounded theory. We selected these five because they are popular
across the social and health sciences today. Others exist that have been addressed adequately in qualitative books,
such as participatory action research (Kemmis & Wilkinson, 1998), discourse analysis (Cheek, 2004), or
participatory action research (Ivankova, 2015). In these approaches, researchers study individuals (narrative,
phenomenology); explore processes, activities, and events (case study, grounded theory); or learn about broad
culture-sharing behavior of individuals or groups (ethnography).
In writing a procedure for a qualitative proposal, consider the following research tips:
•
Identify the specific approach that you will be using and provide references to the literature that discusses
the approach.
•
Provide some background information about the approach, such as its discipline origin, the applications of
it (preferably to your field), and a brief definition of it (see Chapter 1 (s9781506386720.i598.xhtml) for the
five approaches or designs).
•
Discuss why it is an appropriate strategy to use in the proposed study.
•
Identify how the use of the approach will shape many aspects of the design process, such as the title, the
problem, the research questions, the data collection and analysis, and the report write-up.
9.3 The Researcher’s Role and Reflexivity
As mentioned in the list of characteristics, qualitative research is interpretative research; the inquirer is typically
involved in a sustained and intensive experience with participants. This introduces a range of strategic, ethical, and
personal issues into the qualitative research process (Locke, Spirduso, & Silverman, 2013). With these concerns in
mind, inquirers explicitly identify reflexively their biases, values, and personal background, such as gender, history,
culture, and socioeconomic status (SES) that shape their interpretations formed during a study. In addition, gaining
entry to a research site and the ethical issues that might arise are also elements of the researcher’s role.
Reflexivity requires commenting on two important points:
•
Past experiences. Include statements about past experiences with the research problem or with the
participants or setting that help the reader understand the connection between the researchers and the
study. These experiences may involve participation in the setting, past educational or work experiences, or
culture, ethnicity, race, SES, or other demographics that tie the researchers directly to the study.
•
How past experiences shape interpretations. Be explicit, then, about how these experiences may potentially
shape the interpretations the researchers make during the study. For example, the experiences may cause
researchers to lean toward certain themes, to actively look for evidence to support their positions, and to
create favorable or unfavorable conclusions about the sites or participants.
How can reflexive thinking be incorporated into your qualitative study (Creswell, 2016)? You can write notes about
your personal experiences during the study. These notes might include observations about the process of data
collection, hunches about what you are learning, and concerns about reactions of participants to the research
process. These ideas can be written as memos—notes written during the research process that reflect on the
process or that help shape the development of codes and themes. In writing these reflective notes, how do you
know whether you are being sufficiently reflexive for a qualitative study? Sufficient reflexivity occurs when
researchers record notes during the process of research, reflect on their own personal experiences, and consider
how their personal experiences may shape their interpretation of results. Also, qualitative researchers need to limit
their discussions about personal experiences so that they do not override the importance of the content or methods
in a study.
Another aspect of reflecting on the role of the researcher is to be aware of connections between the researcher and
the participants or the research sites that may unduly influence the researcher’s interpretations. “Backyard”
research (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992) involves studying the researcher’s own organization, or friends, or immediate
work setting. This often leads to compromises in the researcher’s ability to disclose information and raises issues of
an imbalance of power between the inquirer and the participants. When researchers collect data at their own
workplaces (or when they are in a superior role to participants), the information may be convenient and easy to
collect, but it may not be accurate information and it may jeopardize the roles of the researchers and the
participants. If studying the backyard is essential, then the researcher is responsible for showing how the data will
not be compromised and how such information will not place the participants (or the researchers) at risk. In
addition, multiple strategies for validation (see approaches to validation later in this chapter) are necessary to
demonstrate the accuracy of the information.
Further, indicate steps taken to obtain permission from the institutional review board (IRB) (see Chapter 4
(s9781506386720.i817.xhtml) ) to protect the rights of human participants. Attach, as an appendix, the approval
letter from the IRB and discuss the process involved in securing permissions. Discuss steps taken to gain entry to
the setting and to secure permissions to study the participants or situation (Marshall & Rossman, 2016). It is
important to gain access to research or archival sites by seeking the approval of gatekeepers, individuals at the site
who provide access to the site and allow or permit the research to be done. A brief proposal might need to be
developed and submitted for review to gatekeepers. Bogdan and Biklen (1992) advanced topics that could be
addressed in such a proposal:
•
Why was the site chosen for study?
•
What activities will occur at the site during the research study?
•
Will the study be disruptive?
•
How will the results be reported?
•
What will the gatekeeper gain from the study?
Comment about sensitive ethical issues that may arise (see Chapter 4 (s9781506386720.i817.xhtml) ). For each issue
raised, discuss how the research study will address it. For example, when studying a sensitive topic, it is necessary
to mask names of people, places, and activities. In this situation, the process for masking information requires
discussion in the proposal.
9.4 Data Collection Procedures
Comments about the role of the researcher set the stage for discussion of issues involved in collecting data. The
data collection steps include setting the boundaries for the study through sampling and recruitment; collecting
information through unstructured or semi-structured observations and interviews, documents, and visual
materials; as well as establishing the protocol for recording information.
•
Identify the purposefully selected sites or individuals for the proposed study. The idea behind qualitative
research is to purposefully select participants or sites (or documents or visual material) that will best
help the researcher understand the problem and the research question. This does not necessarily suggest
random sampling or selection of a large number of participants and sites, as is typically found in
quantitative research. A discussion of participants and the site might include four aspects identified by
Miles and Huberman (1994): (a) the setting (i.e., where the research will take place), (b) the actors (i.e.,
who will be observed or interviewed), (c) the events (i.e., what the actors will be observed or interviewed
doing), and (d) the process (i.e., the evolving nature of events undertaken by the actors within the setting).
•
Discuss the strategies being used to recruit individual (or cases) to the study. This is a challenging aspect of
research. Indicate ways of informing appropriate participants about the study, and cite the actual
recruitment messages sent to them. Discuss ways to provide incentives for individuals to participate, and
reflect on approaches that will be used if one method of recruitment is not successful.
•
Comment on the number of participants and sites involved in the research. Aside from the small number
that characterizes qualitative research, how many sites and participants should you have? First of all, there
is no specific answer to this question; the literature contains a variety of perspectives (e.g., see Creswell &
Poth, 2018). Sample size depends on the qualitative design being used (e.g., ethnography, case study). From
a review of many qualitative research studies, we have some rough estimates to advance. Narrative
includes one or two individuals; phenomenology involves a range of 3–10; grounded theory, 20–30;
ethnography examines one single culture-sharing group with numerous artifacts, interviews, and
observations; and case studies include about four to five cases. This is certainly one approach to the sample
size issue. Another approach is equally viable. The idea of saturation comes from grounded theory.
Charmaz (2006) said that one stops collecting data when the categories (or themes) are saturated: when
gathering fresh data no longer sparks new insights or reveals new properties. This is when you have an
adequate sample.
•
Indicate the type or types of data to be collected. In many qualitative studies, inquirers collect multiple
forms of data and spend a considerable time in the natural setting gathering information. The collection
procedures in qualitative research involve four basic types and their strengths and limitations, as shown in
Table 9.2 (http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint54#s9781506386720.i1195) .
◦ A qualitative observation is when the researcher takes field notes on the behavior and activities
of individuals at the research site. In these field notes, the researcher records, in an unstructured or
semi-structured way (using some prior questions that the inquirer wants to know), activities at the
research site. Qualitative observers may also engage in roles varying from a nonparticipant to a
complete participant. Typically these observations are open-ended in that the researchers ask
general questions of the participants allowing the participants to freely provide their views.
◦
In qualitative interviews, the researcher conducts face-to-face interviews with participants,
telephone interviews, or engages in focus group interviews with six to eight interviewees in each
group. These interviews involve unstructured and generally open-ended questions that are few in
number and intended to elicit views and opinions from the participants.
◦
During the process of research, the investigator may collect qualitative documents. These may be
public documents (e.g., newspapers, minutes of meetings, official reports) or private documents
(e.g., personal journals and diaries, letters, e-mails).
◦
A final category of qualitative data consists of qualitative audiovisual and digital materials
(including social media materials). This data may take the form of photographs, art objects,
videotapes, website main pages, e-mails, text messages, social media text, or any forms of sound.
Include creative data collection procedures that fall under the category of visual ethnography
(Pink, 2001) and which might include living stories, metaphorical visual narratives, and digital
archives (Clandinin, 2007).
◦
In a discussion about data collection forms, be specific about the types and include arguments
concerning the strengths and weaknesses of each type, as discussed in Table 9.2
(http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint54#s9781506386720.i1195) . Typically, in good qualitative research the researchers draw on
multiple sources of qualitative data to make interpretations about a research problem.
•
Include data collection types that go beyond typical observations and interviews. These unusual forms
create reader interest in a proposal and can capture useful information that observations and interviews
may miss. For example, examine the compendium of types of data in Table 9.3
(http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint-54#s9781506386720.i1196) that
can be used, to stretch the imagination about possibilities, such as gathering sounds or tastes, or using
cherished items to elicit comments during an interview. Such stretching will be viewed positively by
graduate committee members and by editors of journals.
Note: This table includes material adapted from Bogdan & Biklen (1992), Creswell & Poth (2018), and
Merriam (1998).
Source: Adapted from Creswell & Poth (2018).
9.5 Data Recording Procedures
Before entering the field, qualitative researchers plan their approach to data recording. The qualitative proposal or
project should identify the procedures the researcher will use for recording data.
•
Observation protocol. Plan to develop and use a protocol for recording observations in a qualitative study.
Researchers often engage in multiple observations during the course of a qualitative study and use an
observational protocol for recording information while observing. This may be a single page with a
dividing line down the middle to separate descriptive notes (portraits of the participants, a reconstruction
of dialogue, a description of the physical setting, accounts of particular events, or activities) from reflexive
notes (the researcher’s personal thoughts, such as “speculation, feelings, problems, ideas, hunches,
impressions, and prejudices”; Bogdan & Biklen, 1992, p. 121). Also written on this form might be
demographic information about the time, place, and date of the field setting where the observation takes
place.
•
Interview protocol. Plan to develop and use an interview protocol for asking questions and recording
answers during a qualitative interview. Researchers record information from interviews by making
handwritten notes, by audiotaping, or by videotaping. Even if an interview is taped, we recommend that
researchers take notes in the event that recording equipment fails. If audiotaping is used, researchers need
to plan in advance for the transcription of the tape.
The interview protocol should be about two pages in length. There should be some spaces between the questions
for the interviewer to write short notes and quotes in case the audio-recording device does not work. The total
number of questions should be somewhere between 5 and 10, although no precise number can be given. It should
be prepared in advance of the interview, and used consistently in all of the interviews. It is helpful for the
interviewer to memorize the questions so that he or she does not appear to be simply reading the interview
protocol. The interview protocol consists of several important components. These are basic information about the
interview, an introduction, the interview content questions with probes, and closing instructions (see also Creswell,
2016). See Figure 9.1 (http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint56#s9781506386720.i1201) .
9.6 Data Analysis Procedures
A methods discussion in a qualitative proposal or study needs also to specify the steps in analyzing the various
forms of qualitative data. In general, the intent is to make sense out of text and image data. It involves segmenting
and taking apart the data (like peeling back the layers of an onion) as well as putting it back together. The
discussion in your study about qualitative data analysis might begin with several general points about the overall
process:
Figure 9.1 Sample Interview Protocol
•
Simultaneous procedures. Data analysis in qualitative research will proceed hand-in-hand with other parts
of developing the qualitative study, namely, the data collection and the write-up of findings. While
interviews are going on, for example, researchers may be analyzing an interview collected earlier, writing
memos that may ultimately be included as a narrative in the final report, and organizing the structure of
the final report. This process is unlike quantitative research in which the investigator collects the data, then
analyzes the information, and finally writes the report.
•
Winnowing the data. Because text and image data are so dense and rich, all of the information cannot be
used in a qualitative study. Thus, in the analysis of the data, researchers need to “winnow” the data (Guest,
MacQueen, & Namey, 2012), a process of focusing in on some of the data and disregarding other parts of it.
This process, too, is different from quantitative research in which researchers go to great lengths to
preserve all of the data and reconstruct or replace missing data. In qualitative research, the impact of this
process is to aggregate data into a small number of themes, something between five and seven themes
(Creswell, 2013).
•
Using qualitative computer software programs for assistance. Also specify whether you will use a qualitative
computer data analysis program to assist you in analyzing the data (or whether you will hand code the
data). Hand coding is a laborious and time-consuming process, even for data from a few individuals. Thus,
qualitative software programs have become quite popular, and they help researchers organize, sort, and
search for information in text or image databases (see Guest and colleagues’ [2012] chapter on qualitative
data analysis software). Several excellent computer software programs are available, and they have similar
features: good tutorials and demonstration files, the ability to incorporate both text and image (e.g.,
photographs) data, the features of storing and organizing data, the search capacity of locating all text
associated with specific codes, interrelated codes for making queries of the relationship among codes, and
the import and export of qualitative data to quantitative programs, such as spreadsheets or data analysis
programs. The basic idea behind these programs is that using the computer is an efficient means for storing
and locating qualitative data. Although the researcher still needs to go through each line of text (as in hand
coding by going through transcriptions) and assign codes, this process may be faster and more efficient
than hand coding. Also, in large databases, the researcher can quickly locate all passages (or text segments)
coded the same and determine whether participants are responding to a code idea in similar or different
ways. Beyond this, the computer program can facilitate relating different codes (e.g., How do males and
females—the first code of gender—differ in terms of their attitudes to smoking—a second code?). These are
just a few features of the software programs that make them a logical choice for qualitative data analysis
over hand coding. As with any software program, qualitative software programs require time and skill to
learn and employ effectively, although books for learning the programs are widely available. Demos are
available for six popular qualitative data analysis software programs: MAXqda (www.maxqda.com/
(http://www.maxqda.com/) ), Atlas.ti (www.atlasti.com (http://www.atlasti.com) ), Provalis and QDA Miner
(https://provalisresearch.com/ (https://provalisresearch.com/) ), Dedoose (www.dedoose.com/
(http://www.dedoose.com/) ), and QSR NVivo (www.qsrinternational.com/
(http://www.qsrinternational.com/) ). These programs are available for both the PC and MAC platforms.
•
Overview of the data analysis process (see Figure 9.2
(http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint-56#s9781506386720.i1210) ). As
a research tip, we urge researchers to look at qualitative data analysis as a process that requires
sequential steps to be followed, from the specific to the general, and involving multiple levels of analysis:
◦ Step 1. Organize and prepare the data for analysis. This involves transcribing interviews, optically
scanning material, typing up field notes, cataloguing all of the visual material, and sorting and
arranging the data into different types depending on the sources of information.
◦
Step 2. Read or look at all the data. This first step provides a general sense of the information and
an opportunity to reflect on its overall meaning. What general ideas are participants saying? What
is the tone of the ideas? What is the impression of the overall depth, credibility, and use of the
information? Sometimes qualitative researchers write notes in margins of transcripts or
observational field notes, or start recording general thoughts about the data at this stage. For
visual data, a sketchbook of ideas can begin to take shape.
◦
Step 3. Start coding all of the data. Coding is the process of organizing the data by bracketing
chunks (or text or image segments) and writing a word representing a category in the margins
(Rossman & Rallis, 2012). It involves taking text data or pictures gathered during data collection,
segmenting sentences (or paragraphs) or images into categories, and labeling those categories
with a term, often based in the actual language of the participant (called an in vivo term).
Figure 9.2 Data Analysis in Qualitative Research
◦
Step 4. Generate a description and themes. Use the coding process to generate a description of the
setting or people as well as categories or themes for analysis. Description involves a detailed
rendering of information about people, places, or events in a setting. Researchers can generate
codes for this description. This analysis is useful in designing detailed descriptions for case studies,
ethnographies, and narrative research projects. Use the coding as well for generating a small
number of themes or categories—perhaps five to seven themes for a research study. These themes
are the ones that appear as major findings in qualitative studies and are often used as headings in
the findings sections of studies (or in the findings section of a dissertation or thesis). They should
display multiple perspectives from individuals and be supported by diverse quotations and specific
evidence. Beyond identifying the themes during the coding process, qualitative researchers can do
much with themes to build additional layers of complex analysis. For example, researchers
interconnect themes into a story line (as in narratives) or develop them into a theoretical model
(as in grounded theory). Themes are analyzed for each individual case and across different cases
(as in case studies) or shaped into a general description (as in phenomenology). Sophisticated
qualitative studies go beyond description and theme identification and form complex theme
connections.
◦
•
Step 5. Representing the description and themes. Advance how the description and themes will be
represented in the qualitative narrative. The most popular approach is to use a narrative passage to
convey the findings of the analysis. This might be a discussion that mentions a chronology of
events, the detailed discussion of several themes (complete with subthemes, specific illustrations,
multiple perspectives from individuals, and quotations) or a discussion with interconnecting
themes. Many qualitative researchers also use visuals, figures, or tables as adjuncts to the
discussions. They present a process model (as in grounded theory), advance a drawing of the
specific research site (as in ethnography), or convey descriptive information about each participant
in a table (as in case studies and ethnographies).
Specific coding procedures. As shown in Table 9.4
(http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint-56#s9781506386720.i1213) ,
Tesch (1990) provided the eight steps typically used in forming codes. In addition, give some attention to
the types of codes to develop when analyzing a text transcript or a picture (or other type of visual object).
We tend to think about codes as falling into three categories:
◦
Expected codes. Code on topics that readers would expect to find, based on the literature and
common sense. When studying bullying in the schools, we might code some segments as “attitudes
toward oneself.” This code would be expected in a study about bullying in the schools.
◦
Surprising codes. Code on findings that are surprising and could not be anticipated before the study
began. In a study of leadership in nonprofit organizations, we might learn about the impact of geowarming on the building of the organization and how this shapes the location and proximity of
individuals to one another. Without going out to the building before the study begins and looking at
it, we would not necessarily think about the codes of geo-warming and location of offices in my
study of leadership.
◦
Codes of unusual or of conceptual interest. Code unusual ideas, and those that are, in and of
themselves, of conceptual interest to readers. We will use one of the codes that we discovered in
our qualitative study of a campus’s response to a gunman (Asmussen & Creswell, 1995). We did not
anticipate the code “retriggering” to emerge in our study, and it surfaced from the perspective of a
psychologist called into the campus to assess the response. The fact that individuals were
reminded of past traumatic incidents—retriggering—prompted us to use the term as an important
code and ultimately a theme in our analysis.
◦
On using predetermined codes. Another issue about coding is whether the researcher should (a)
develop codes only on the basis of the emerging information collected from participants, (b) use
predetermined codes and then fit the data to them, or (c) use some combination of emerging and
predetermined codes. The traditional approach in the social sciences is to allow the codes to
emerge during the data analysis. In the health sciences, a popular approach is to use
predetermined codes based on the theory being examined. In this case, the researchers might
develop a qualitative codebook, a table that contains a list of predetermined codes that
researchers use for coding the data. Guest and colleagues (2012) discussed and illustrated the use
of codebooks in qualitative research. The intent of a codebook is to provide definitions for codes
and to maximize coherence among codes—especially when multiple coders are involved. This
codebook would provide a list of codes, a code label for each code, a brief definition of it, a full
definition of it, information about when to use the code and when not to use it, and an example of a
quote illustrating the code. This codebook can evolve and change during a study based on close
analysis of the data when the researcher is not starting from an emerging code perspective. For
researchers who have a distinct theory they want to test in their projects, we would recommend
developing a preliminary codebook for coding the data and then permitting the codebook to
develop and change based on the information learned during the data analysis.
◦
Coding visual images. As mentioned earlier, visual data are becoming used more frequently in
qualitative research. These data sources represent images drawn from photographs, videos, film,
and drawing (Creswell, 2016). Participants might be handed a camera and asked to take pictures of
what they see. Alternatively, they may be asked to draw a picture of the phenomenon under study,
or reflect on a favorite picture or object that would elicit responses. Challenges in using visual
images do arise in qualitative research. Images may reflect trends of the culture or society rather
than the perspectives of a single individual. It is difficult to respect anonymity when images of
individuals and places represent qualitative data. Permissions are needed to respect the privacy of
individuals providing visual data.
Despite these concerns, once the qualitative researcher obtains the visual data, the process of
coding comes into play. These steps often follow this procedure:
◾
Step 1. Prepare your data or analysis. If hand coding, print each image with a wide margin
(or affix it to a larger piece of paper) to allow space to assign the code labels. If using a
computer, import all images into the application.
◦
◾
Step 2. Code the image by tagging areas of the image and assigning code labels. Some
codes might involve meta-details (e.g., the camera angle).
◾
Step 3. Compile all of the codes for the images on a separate sheet.
◾
Step 4. Review the codes to eliminate redundancy and overlap. This step also begins to
reduce the codes to potential themes.
◾
Step 5. Group codes into themes that represent a common idea.
◾
Step 6. Assign the codes/themes to three groups: expected codes/themes, surprising
codes/themes, and unusual codes/themes. This step helps to ensure the qualitative
“findings” will represent diverse perspectives.
◾
Step 7. Array the codes/themes into a conceptual map that shows the flow of ideas in the
“findings” section. The flow might represent presenting the themes from a more general
picture to a more specific picture.
◾
Step 8. Write the narrative for each theme that will go into the “findings” section of a study
or for a general summary that will go into the “discussion” section as the overall findings in
the study. (Creswell, 2016, pp. 169–170).
Further data analysis by type of approach. A helpful conceptualization to advance in the method
section is that qualitative data analysis will proceed on two layers: (a) the first basic layer is the
more general procedure (see above) in analyzing the data, and (b) the second more advanced layer
would be the analysis steps embedded within specific qualitative designs. For example, narrative
research employs restorying the participants’ stories using structural devices, such as plot, setting,
activities, climax, and denouement (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). Phenomenological research uses
the analysis of significant statements, the generation of meaning units, and the development of
what Moustakas (1994) called an essence description. Grounded theory has systematic steps
(Corbin & Strauss, 2015; Strauss & Corbin, 1990, 1998). These involve generating categories of
information (open coding), selecting one of the categories and positioning it within a theoretical
model (axial coding), and then explicating a story from the interconnection of these categories
(selective coding). Case study and ethnographic research involve a detailed description of the
setting or individuals, followed by analysis of the data for themes or issues (see Stake, 1995;
Wolcott, 1994). A complete description of the data analysis in a proposal, when the inquirer is
using one of these strategies, would be to first describe the general process of analysis followed by
the specific steps within the strategy.
9.7 Interpretation
Interpretation in qualitative research involves several procedures: summarizing the overall findings, comparing
the findings to the literature, discussing a personal view of the findings, and stating limitations and future research.
In terms of overall findings, the question “What were the lessons learned?” captures the essence of this idea
(Lincoln & Guba, 1985). These lessons could be the researcher’s personal interpretation, couched in the
understanding that the inquirer brings to the study from a personal culture, history, and experiences.
It could also be a meaning derived from a comparison of the findings with information gleaned from the literature
or theories. In this way, authors suggest that the findings confirm past information or diverge from it. It can also
suggest new questions that need to be asked—questions raised by the data and analysis that the inquirer had not
foreseen earlier in the study. Ethnographers can end a study, Wolcott (1994) said, by stating further questions. The
questioning approach is also used in transformative approaches to qualitative research. Moreover, when qualitative
researchers use a theoretical lens, they can form interpretations that call for action agendas for reform and change.
Researchers might describe how the narrative outcome will be compared with theories and the general literature
on the topic. In many qualitative articles, researchers also discuss the literature at the end of the study (see
Chapter 2 (s9781506386720.i658.xhtml) ). Thus, interpretation in qualitative research can take many forms; be
adapted for different types of designs; and be flexible to convey personal, research-based, and action meanings.
Finally, part of interpretation involves suggesting limitations in a project and advancing future research directions.
Limitations often attach to the methods of a study (e.g., inadequate sample size, difficulty in recruitment), and they
represent weaknesses in the research that the author acknowledges so that future studies will not suffer from the
same problems. Suggestions for future research propose research themes that studies might address to advance the
literature, to remedy some of the weaknesses in the present study, or to advance new leads or directions that can
point to useful applications or knowledge.
9.8 Validity and Reliability
Although validation of findings occurs throughout the steps in the research process, this discussion focuses on how
the researcher writes a passage in a proposal or study on the procedures to be undertaken to validate the proposed
study’s findings. Researchers need to convey the steps they will take in their studies to check for the accuracy and
credibility of their findings. Validity does not carry the same connotations in qualitative research that it does in
quantitative research; nor is it a companion to reliability (examining stability) or generalizability (the external
validity of applying results to new settings, people, or samples), topics discussed in Chapter 8
(s9781506386720.i1063.xhtml) . Qualitative validity means that the researcher checks for the accuracy of the
findings by employing certain procedures, whereas qualitative reliability indicates that the researcher’s approach
is consistent across different researchers and among different projects (Gibbs, 2007).
•
Defining qualitative validity. Validity is one of the strengths of qualitative research and is based on
determining whether the findings are accurate from the standpoint of the researcher, the participant, or the
readers of an account (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Terms abound in the qualitative literature that address
validity, such as trustworthiness, authenticity, and credibility (Creswell & Miller, 2000), and it is a muchdiscussed topic (Lincoln, Lynham, & Guba, 2011).
•
Using multiple validity procedures. A procedural perspective that we recommend for research proposals is
to identify and discuss one or more strategies available to check the accuracy of the findings. Researchers
should actively incorporate validity strategies into their proposals. We recommend the use of multiple
approaches, which should enhance the researcher’s ability to assess the accuracy of findings as well as
convince readers of that accuracy. There are eight primary strategies, organized from those used most
frequently and easiest to implement to those used occasionally and more difficult to implement:
◦ Triangulate different data sources by examining evidence from the sources and using it to build a
coherent justification for themes. If themes are established based on converging several sources of
data or perspectives from participants, then this process can be claimed as adding to the validity of
the study.
◦
Use member checking to determine the accuracy of the qualitative findings by taking the final
report or specific descriptions or themes back to participants and determining whether these
participants feel that they are accurate. This does not mean taking back the raw transcripts to
check for accuracy; instead, the researcher takes back parts of the polished or semi-polished
product, such as the major findings, the themes, the case analysis, the grounded theory, the cultural
description, and so forth. This procedure can involve conducting a follow-up interview with
participants in the study and providing an opportunity for them to comment on the findings.
◦
Use a rich, thick description to convey the findings. This description may transport readers to the
setting and give the discussion an element of shared experiences. When qualitative researchers
provide detailed descriptions of the setting, for example, or offer many perspectives about a theme,
the results become more realistic and richer. This procedure can add to the validity of the findings.
◦
Clarify the bias the researcher brings to the study. This self-reflection creates an open and honest
narrative that will resonate well with readers. Reflexivity has already been mentioned as a core
characteristic of qualitative research. Good qualitative research contains comments by the
researchers about how their interpretation of the findings is shaped by their background, such as
their gender, culture, history, and socioeconomic origin.
◦
Present negative or discrepant information that runs counter to the themes. Because real life is
composed of different perspectives that do not always coalesce, discussing contrary information
adds to the credibility of an account. A researcher can accomplish this by discussing evidence
about a theme. Most evidence will build a case for the theme; researchers can also present
information that contradicts the general perspective of the theme. By presenting this contradictory
evidence, the account becomes more realistic and more valid.
•
•
◦
Spend prolonged time in the field. In this way, the researcher develops an in-depth understanding
of the phenomenon under study and can convey detail about the site and the people that lends
credibility to the narrative account. The more experience that a researcher has with participants in
their settings, the more accurate or valid will be the findings.
◦
Use peer debriefing to enhance the accuracy of the account. This process involves locating a person
(a peer debriefer) who reviews and asks questions about the qualitative study so that the account
will resonate with people other than the researcher. This strategy—involving an interpretation
beyond the researcher and invested in another person—adds validity to an account.
◦
Use an external auditor to review the entire project. As distinct from a peer debriefer, this auditor is
not familiar with the researcher or the project and can provide an objective assessment of the
project throughout the process of research or at the conclusion of the study. The role is similar to
that of a fiscal auditor, and specific questions exist that auditors might ask (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
The procedure of having an independent investigator look over many aspects of the project (e.g.,
accuracy of transcription, the relationship between the research questions and the data, the level of
data analysis from the raw data through interpretation) enhances the overall validity of a
qualitative study.
Using qualitative reliability. How do qualitative researchers check to determine if their approaches are
reliable (i.e., consistent or stable)? Yin (2009) suggested that qualitative researchers need to document the
procedures of their case studies and to document as many of the steps of the procedures as possible. He
also recommended setting up a detailed case study protocol and database, so that others can follow the
procedures. Gibbs (2007) suggested several qualitative reliability procedures:
◦ Check transcripts to make sure that they do not contain obvious mistakes made during
transcription.
◦
Make sure that there is not a drift in the definition of codes, a shift in the meaning of the codes
during the process of coding. This can be accomplished by continually comparing data with the
codes and by writing memos about the codes and their definitions (see the discussion on a
qualitative codebook).
◦
For team research, coordinate the communication among the coders by regular documented
meetings and by sharing the analysis.
◦
Cross-check codes developed by different researchers by comparing results that are derived
independently. Proposal writers need to include several of these procedures as evidence that they
will have consistent results in their proposed study. We recommend that several procedures be
mentioned in a proposal and that single researchers find another person who can cross-check their
codes for what is called intercoder agreement (or cross-checking) (also see Guest et al., 2012;
Creswell, 2016). Such an agreement might be based on whether two or more coders agree on codes
used for the same passages in the text. It is not that they code the same passage of text; rather they
determine whether another coder would code it with the same or a similar code. Reliability
subprograms in qualitative computer software packages can then be used to determine the level of
consistency of coding. Miles and Huberman (1994) recommended that the consistency of the
coding be in agreement at least 80% of the time for good qualitative reliability.
Qualitative generalization is a term used in a limited way in qualitative research, since the intent of this
form of inquiry is not to generalize findings to individuals, sites, or places outside of those under study (see
Gibbs, 2007, for his cautionary note about qualitative generalizability). In fact, the value of qualitative
research lies in the particular description and themes developed in the context of a specific site.
Particularity rather than generalizability (Greene & Caracelli, 1997) is the hallmark of good qualitative
research. However, there are a few discussions in the qualitative literature about generalizability, especially
as applied to case study research in which the inquirer studies several cases. Yin (2009), for example, felt
that qualitative case study results can be generalized to some broader theory. The generalization occurs
when qualitative researchers study additional cases and generalize findings to the new cases. It is the same
as the replication logic used in experimental research. However, to repeat a case study’s findings in a new
case setting requires good documentation of qualitative procedures, such as a protocol for documenting the
problem in detail and the development of a thorough case study database.
9.9 Writing the Qualitative Report
A plan for qualitative methods should end with some comments about the narrative that will emerge from the data
analysis. Numerous varieties of narratives exist, and examples from scholarly journals illustrate these models. In a
plan for a study, consider advancing several points about the narrative:
•
The basic procedure in reporting the results of a qualitative study are to develop descriptions and themes
from the data (see Figure 9.1 (http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint56#s9781506386720.i1201) ), to present these descriptions and themes that convey multiple perspectives
from participants and detailed descriptions of the setting or individuals. Using a qualitative strategy of
inquiry, these results may also provide a chronological narrative of an individual’s life (narrative research),
a detailed description of their experiences (phenomenology), a theory generated from the data (grounded
theory), a detailed portrait of a culture-sharing group (ethnography), or an in-depth analysis of one or
more cases (case study).
•
Given these different strategies, the findings and interpretation sections of a plan for a study might discuss
how the sections will be presented: as objective accounts, fieldwork experiences (Van Maanen, 1988), a
chronology, a process model, an extended story, an analysis by cases or across cases, or a detailed
descriptive portrait.
•
At the specific level, there might be some inclusion in the proposal or project about writing strategies that
will be used to convey the qualitative research. These might include the following:
◦ Quotes: From short to long embedded passages
◦
Dialogue that reflects the culture of participants, their language, and a sensitivity to their culture or
ethnicity, and the interweaving of words from participants and the author’s interpretations
◦
Varied narrative forms, such as matrices, comparison tables, and diagrams
◦
First person “I” or collective “we” pronouns in the narration
◦
Metaphors and analogies (see, for example, Richardson, 1990)
◦
Narrative forms associated with specific qualitative strategies (e.g., description in case studies and
ethnographies, a detailed story in narrative research)
Example 9.1 (http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint-59#s9781506386720.i1223)
is a complete qualitative method section that was included in a proposal by Miller (1992). It contains most of the
topics for a good qualitative method section addressed in this chapter.
Example 9.1 Qualitative Procedures
Miller’s project was an ethnographic study of first-year experiences of the president of a 4-year college. As we
present this discussion, we refer back to the sections addressed in this chapter and highlight them in
boldfaced type. Also, we have maintained Miller’s use of the term informant, although today, the more
appropriate term participant should be used.
The Qualitative Research Paradigm
The qualitative research paradigm has its roots in cultural anthropology and American sociology
(Kirk & Miller, 1986). It has only recently been adopted by educational researchers (Borg & Gall,
1989). The intent of qualitative research is to understand a particular social situation, event, role,
group, or interaction (Locke, Spirduso, & Silverman, 1987). It is largely an investigative process
where the researcher gradually makes sense of a social phenomenon by contrasting, comparing,
replicating, cataloguing and classifying the object of study (Miles & Huberman, 1984). Marshall and
Rossman (1989) suggest that this entails immersion in the everyday life of the setting chosen for the
study; the researcher enters the informants’ world and through ongoing interaction, seeks the
informants’ perspectives and meanings. [Qualitative assumptions are mentioned.]
Scholars contend that qualitative research can be distinguished from quantitative methodology by
numerous unique characteristics that are inherent in the design. The following is a synthesis of
commonly articulated assumptions regarding characteristics presented by various researchers.
1.
Qualitative research occurs in natural settings, where human behavior and events occur.
2.
Qualitative research is based on assumptions that are very different from quantitative designs. Theory
or hypotheses are not established a priori.
3.
The researcher is the primary instrument in data collection rather than some inanimate mechanism
(Eisner, 1991; Fraenkel & Wallen, 1990; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 1988).
4.
The data that emerge from a qualitative study are descriptive. That is, data are reported in words
(primarily the participant’s words) or pictures, rather than in numbers (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1990;
Locke et al., 1987; Marshall & Rossman, 1989; Merriam, 1988).
5.
The focus of qualitative research is on participants’ perceptions and experiences, and the way they
make sense of their lives (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1990; Locke et al., 1987; Merriam, 1988). The attempt is
therefore to understand not one, but multiple realities (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
6.
Qualitative research focuses on the process that is occurring as well as the product or outcome.
Researchers are particularly interested in understanding how things occur (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1990;
Merriam, 1988).
7.
Idiographic interpretation is utilized. In other words, attention is paid to particulars; and data is
interpreted in regard to the particulars of a case rather than generalizations.
8.
Qualitative research is an emergent design in its negotiated outcomes. Meanings and interpretations
are negotiated with human data sources because it is the subjects’ realities that the researcher
attempts to reconstruct (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 1988).
9.
This research tradition relies on the utilization of tacit knowledge (intuitive and felt knowledge)
because often the nuances of the multiple realities can be appreciated most in this way (Lincoln &
Guba, 1985). Therefore, data are not quantifiable in the traditional sense of the word.
10.
Objectivity and truthfulness are critical to both research traditions. However, the criteria for judging a
qualitative study differ from quantitative research. First and foremost, the researcher seeks
believability, based on coherence, insight and instrumental utility (Eisner, 1991) and trustworthiness
(Lincoln & Guba, 1985) through a process of verification rather than through traditional validity and
reliability measures. [Qualitative characteristics are mentioned.]
The Ethnographic Research Design
This study will utilize the ethnographic research tradition. This design emerged from the field of
anthropology, primarily from the contributions of Bronislaw Malinowski, Robert Park and Franz
Boas (Jacob, 1987; Kirk & Miller, 1986). The intent of ethnographic research is to obtain a holistic
picture of the subject of study with emphasis on portraying the everyday experiences of individuals
by observing and interviewing them and relevant others (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1990). The
ethnographic study includes in-depth interviewing and continual and ongoing participant
observation of a situation (Jacob, 1987) and in attempting to capture the whole picture reveals how
people describe and structure their world (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1990). [The author used the
ethnographic approach.]
The Researcher’s Role
Particularly in qualitative research, the role of the researcher as the primary data collection
instrument necessitates the identification of personal values, assumptions and biases at the outset of
the study. The investigator’s contribution to the research setting can be useful and positive rather
than detrimental (Locke et al., 1987). My perceptions of higher education and the college presidency
have been shaped by my personal experiences. From August 1980 to May 1990 I served as a college
administrator on private campuses of 600 to 5,000 students. Most recently (1987–1990), I served as
the Dean for Student Life at a small college in the Midwest. As a member of the President’s cabinet, I
was involved with all top level administrative cabinet activities and decisions and worked closely
with the faculty, cabinet officers, president and board of trustees. In addition to reporting to the
president, I worked with him through his first year in office. I believe this understanding of the
context and role enhances my awareness, knowledge and sensitivity to many of the challenges,
decisions and issues encountered as a first year president and will assist me in working with the
informant in this study. I bring knowledge of both the structure of higher education and of the role of
the college presidency. Particular attention will be paid to the role of the new president in initiating
change, relationship building, decision making, and providing leadership and vision.
Due to previous experiences working closely with a new college president, I bring certain biases to
this study. Although every effort will be made to ensure objectivity, these biases may shape the way I
view and understand the data I collect and the way I interpret my experiences. I commence this
study with the perspective that the college presidency is a diverse and often difficult position.
Though expectations are immense, I question how much power the president has to initiate change
and provide leadership and vision. I view the first year as critical; filled with adjustments,
frustrations, unanticipated surprises and challenges. [Author reflected on her role in the study.]
Bounding the Study
Setting
This study will be conducted on the campus of a state college in the Midwest. The college is situated
in a rural Midwestern community. The institution’s 1,700 students nearly triple the town’s
population of 1,000 when classes are in session. The institution awards associate, bachelor and
master’s degrees in 51 majors.
Actors
The informant in this study is the new President of a state college in the Midwest. The primary
informant in this study is the President. However, I will be observing him in the context of
administrative cabinet meetings. The president’s cabinet includes three Vice Presidents (Academic
Affairs, Administration, Student Affairs) and two Deans (Graduate Studies and Continuing
Education).
Events
Using ethnographic research methodology, the focus of this study will be the everyday experiences
and events of the new college president, and the perceptions and meaning attached to those
experiences as expressed by the informant. This includes the assimilation of surprising events or
information, and making sense of critical events and issues that arise.
Processes
Particular attention will be paid to the role of the new president in initiating change, relationship
building, decision making, and providing leadership and vision. [Author mentioned data collection
boundaries.]
Ethical Considerations
Most authors who discuss qualitative research design address the importance of ethical
considerations (Locke et al., 1982; Marshall & Rossman, 1989; Merriam, 1988; Spradley, 1980). First
and foremost, the researcher has an obligation to respect the rights, needs, values, and desires of the
informant(s). To an extent, ethnographic research is always obtrusive. Participant observation
invades the life of the informant (Spradley, 1980) and sensitive information is frequently revealed.
This is of particular concern in this study where the informant’s position and institution are highly
visible. The following safeguards will be employed to protect the informant’s rights: 1) the research
objectives will be articulated verbally and in writing so that they are clearly understood by the
informant (including a description of how data will be used), 2) written permission to proceed with
the study as articulated will be received from the informant, 3) a research exemption form will be
filed with the Institutional Review Board (Appendixes B1 and B2), 4) the informant will be informed
of all data collection devices and activities, 5) verbatim transcriptions and written interpretations
and reports will be made available to the informant, 6) the informant’s rights, interests and wishes
will be considered first when choices are made regarding reporting the data, and 7) the final decision
regarding informant anonymity will rest with the informant. [Author addressed ethical issues and IRB
review.]
Data Collection Strategies
Data will be collected from February through May, 1992. This will include a minimum of bi-monthly,
45 minute recorded interviews with the informant (initial interview questions, Appendix C),
bimonthly two hour observations of administrative cabinet meetings, bi-monthly two hour
observations of daily activities and bi-monthly analysis of the president’s calendar and documents
(meeting minutes, memos, publications). In addition, the informant has agreed to record
impressions of his experiences, thoughts and feelings in a taped diary (guidelines for recorded
reflection, Appendix D). Two follow-up interviews will be scheduled for the end of May 1992 (See
Appendix E for proposed timeline and activity schedule). [The author proposed to use face-to-face
interviews, participate as observer, and obtain private documents.]
To assist in the data collection phase I will utilize a field log, providing a detailed account of ways I
plan to spend my time when I am on-site, and in the transcription and analysis phase (also
comparing this record to how time is actually spent). I intend to record details related to my
observations in a field notebook and keep a field diary to chronicle my own thinking, feeling,
experiences and perceptions throughout the research process. [The author recorded descriptive and
reflective information.]
Data Analysis Procedures
Merriam (1988) and Marshall and Rossman (1989) contend that data collection and data analysis
must be a simultaneous process in qualitative research. Schatzman and Strauss (1973) claim that
qualitative data analysis primarily entails classifying things, persons, and events and the properties
which characterize them. Typically throughout the data analysis process ethnographers index or
code their data using as many categories as possible (Jacob, 1987). They seek to identify and
describe patterns and themes from the perspective of the participant(s), then attempt to understand
and explain these patterns and themes (Agar, 1980). During data analysis the data will be organized
categorically and chronologically, reviewed repeatedly, and continually coded. A list of major ideas
that surface will be chronicled (as suggested by Merriam, 1988). Taped interviews and the
participant’s taped diary will be transcribed verbatim. Field notes and diary entries will be regularly
reviewed. [Author described steps in data analysis.]
In addition, the data analysis process will be aided by the use of a qualitative data analysis computer
program called HyperQual. Raymond Padilla (Arizona State University) designed HyperQual in 1987
for use with the Macintosh computer. HyperQual utilizes HyperCard software and facilitates the
recording and analysis of textual and graphic data. Special stacks are designated to hold and organize
data. Using HyperQual the researcher can directly “enter field data, including interview data,
observations, researcher’s memos, and illustrations . . . (and) tag (or code) all or part of the source
data so that chunks of data can be pulled out and then be reassembled in a new and illuminating
configuration” (Padilla, 1989, pp. 69–70). Meaningful data chunks can be identified, retrieved,
isolated, grouped and regrouped for analysis. Categories or code names can be entered initially or at
a later date. Codes can be added, changed or deleted with HyperQual editor and text can be searched
for key categories, themes, words or phrases. [Author mentions the proposed use of computer software
for data analysis.]
Verification
In ensuring internal validity, the following strategies will be employed:
1.
Triangulation of data—Data will be collected through multiple sources to include interviews,
observations and document analysis;
2.
Member checking—The informant will serve as a check throughout the analysis process. An ongoing
dialogue regarding my interpretations of the informant’s reality and meanings will ensure the truth
value of the data;
3.
Long terms and repeated observations at the research site—Regular and repeated observations of
similar phenomena and settings will occur on-site over a four month period of time;
4.
Peer examination—a doctoral student and graduate assistant in the Educational Psychology
Department will serve as a peer examiner;
5.
Participatory modes of research—The informant will be involved in most phases of this study, from
the design of the project to checking interpretations and conclusions; and
6.
Clarification of researcher bias—At the outset of this study researcher bias will be articulated in
writing in the dissertation proposal under the heading, “The Researcher’s Role.”
The primary strategy utilized in this project to ensure external validity will be the provision of rich, thick,
detailed descriptions so that anyone interested in transferability will have a solid framework for comparison
(Merriam, 1988). Three techniques to ensure reliability will be employed in this study. First, the researcher
will provide a detailed account of the focus of the study, the researcher’s role, the informant’s position and
basis for selection, and the context from which data will be gathered (LeCompte & Goetz, 1984). Second,
triangulation or multiple methods of data collection and analysis will be used, which strengthens reliability as
well as internal validity (Merriam, 1988). Finally, data collection and analysis strategies will be reported in
detail in order to provide a clear and accurate picture of the methods used in this study. All phases of this
project will be subject to scrutiny by an external auditor who is experienced in qualitative research methods.
[Author identified strategies of validity to be used in the study.]
Reporting the Findings
Lofland (1974) suggests that although data collection and analysis strategies are similar across
qualitative methods, the way the findings are reported is diverse. Miles and Huberman (1984)
address the importance of creating a data display and suggest that narrative text has been the most
frequent form of display for qualitative data. This is a naturalistic study. Therefore, the results will be
presented in descriptive, narrative form rather than as a scientific report. Thick description will be
the vehicle for communicating a holistic picture of the experiences of a new college president. The
final project will be a construction of the informant’s experiences and the meanings he attaches to
them. This will allow readers to vicariously experience the challenges he encounters and provide a
lens through which readers can view the subject’s world. [Outcomes of the study were mentioned.]
Summary
This chapter explored the components that go into developing and writing a qualitative method section for a
proposal. Recognizing the variation that exists in qualitative studies, the chapter advances a general guideline
for procedures. This guideline includes a discussion about the general characteristics of qualitative research if
audiences are not familiar with this approach to research. These characteristics are that the research takes
place in the natural setting, relies on the researcher as the instrument for data collection, employs multiple
methods of data collection, is both inductive and deductive, is based on participants’ meanings, includes
researcher reflexivity, and is holistic. The guideline recommends discussing a research design, such as the
study of individuals (narrative, phenomenology); the exploration of processes, activities, and events (case
study, grounded theory); or the examination of broad culture-sharing behavior of individuals or groups
(ethnography). The choice of design needs to be presented and defended. Further, the proposal or study needs
to address the role of the researcher: past experiences, history, culture, and how this potentially shapes
interpretations of the data. It also includes a discussion about personal connections to the site, steps to gain
entry, and anticipation of sensitive ethical issues. Discussion of data collection should advance the purposeful
sampling approach and the forms of data to be collected (i.e., observations, interviews, documents, and
audiovisual and digital materials). It is useful to also indicate the types of data recording protocols that will be
used.
Data analysis is an ongoing process during research. It involves analyzing participant information, and
researchers typically employ general analysis steps as well as those steps found within a specific design. More
general steps include organizing and preparing the data; an initial reading through the information; coding the
data; developing from the codes a description and thematic analysis; using computer programs; representing
the findings in tables, graphs, and figures; and interpreting the findings. These interpretations involve stating
lessons learned, comparing the findings with past literature and theory, raising questions, offering personal
perspective, stating limitations, and advancing an agenda for reform. The project should also contain a section
on the expected outcomes for the study. Finally, an additional important step in planning a proposal is to
mention the strategies that will be used to validate the accuracy of the findings and demonstrate the reliability
of codes and themes.
Writing Exercises
1.
Write a plan for the procedure to be used in your qualitative study. After writing the plan, use Table
9.1 (http://content.thuzelearning.com/books/Creswell.5819.18.1/sections/navpoint50#s9781506386720.i1178) as a checklist to determine the comprehensiveness of your plan.
2.
Develop a table that lists, in a column on the left, the steps you plan to take to analyze your data. In a
column on the right, indicate the steps as they apply directly to your project, the research strategy you
plan to use, and data that you have collected.
Additional Readings
Creswell, J. W. (2016). The 30 essential skills for the qualitative researcher. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
This is John Creswell’s most applied book. It includes specific steps for conducting many of the most
important qualitative inquiry procedures. It discusses the essential nature of qualitative research, specific
procedures for conducting an observation and interview, the detailed procedures of data analysis, the uses of
computer programs for assisting in qualitative data analysis, validity strategies, and procedures for intercoder
agreement checks.
Creswell, J. W., & Poth, C. N. (2018). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches
(4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
The basic premise of this book is that all qualitative research is not the same, and, over time, variations in
procedures of conducting qualitative inquiry have evolved. This book discusses five approaches to qualitative
research: (a) narrative research, (b) phenomenology, (c) grounded theory, (d) ethnography, and (e) case
studies. A process approach is taken throughout the book in which the reader proceeds from broad
philosophical assumptions and on through the steps of conducting a qualitative study (e.g., developing
research questions, collecting and analyzing data, and so forth). The book also presents comparisons among
the five approaches so that the qualitative research can make an informed choice about what strategy is best
for a particular study.
Flick, U. (Ed.). (2007). The Sage qualitative research kit. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
This is an eight-volume kit—edited by Uwe Flick—that is authored by different world-class qualitative
researchers and was created to collectively address the core issues that arise when researchers actually do
qualitative research. It addresses how to plan and design a qualitative study, the collection and production of
qualitative data, the analysis of data (e.g., visual data, discourse analysis), and the issues of quality. Overall, it
presents a recent, up-to-date window into the field of qualitative research.
Guest, G., MacQueen, K. M., & Namey, E. E. (2012). Applied thematic analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
This book provides a practical and detailed study of themes and data analysis in qualitative research. It
contains detailed passages about the development of codes, codebooks, and themes, as well as approaches to
enhancing the validity and reliability (including intercoder agreement) in qualitative research. It explores data
reduction techniques and a comparison of themes. It presents useful information about qualitative data
analysis software tools as well as procedures for integrating quantitative and qualitative data.
Marshall, C., & Rossman, G. B. (2011). Designing qualitative research (5th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Catherine Marshall and Gretchen Rossman introduce the procedures for designing a qualitative study and a
qualitative proposal. The topics covered are comprehensive. They include building a conceptual framework
around a study; the logic and assumptions of the overall design and methods; methods of data collection and
procedures for managing, recording, and analyzing qualitative data; and the resources needed for a study, such
as time, personnel, and funding. This is a comprehensive and insightful text from which both beginners and
more experienced qualitative researchers can learn.
https://edge.sagepub.com/creswellrd5e (https://edge.sagepub.com/creswellrd5e)
Students and instructors, please visit the companion website for videos featuring John W. Creswell, full-text
SAGE journal articles, quizzes and activities, plus additional tools for research design.
Habitus as Topic and Tool: Reflections on
Becoming a Prizefighter.
Authors:
Wacquant, Loïc1,2 (AUTHOR) loic@uclink4.berkeley.edu
Source:
Qualitative Research in Psychology. 2011, Vol. 8 Issue 1, p81-92. 12p.
Document Type:
Article
Subject Terms:
*HABITUS (Sociology)
*BOXING
*APPRENTICESHIP programs
*SOCIAL action
*SOCIOLOGISTS
*FIELD work (Research)
Author-Supplied
apprenticeship
Keywords:
carnal sociology
ethnography
habitus
social action
subjectivity
theory
Reviews &
BODY & Soul (Book)
Products:
NAICS/Industry
611513 Apprenticeship Training
Codes:
611690 All other schools and instruction
People:
BOURDIEU, Pierre, 1930-2002
Abstract:
This article recounts how I took up the ethnographic craft; stumbled upon the
Chicago boxing gym that is the central scene and character of my field study
of prizefighting in the black American ghetto; and designed the book Body and
Soul so as to both deploy methodologically and elaborate empirically Pierre
Bourdieu's signal concept of habitus. Habitus is the topic of investigation: the
book dissects the forging of the corporeal and mental dispositions that make
up the competent pugilist in the crucible of the gym. It is also the tool of
investigation: the practical acquisition of those dispositions by the analyst
serves as technical vehicle for better penetrating their social production and
assembly. The apprenticeship of the sociologist is a methodological mirror of
the apprenticeship undergone by the empirical subjects of the study; the
former is mined to dig deeper into the latter and unearth its inner logic and
subterranean properties; and both in turn test the robustness and fruitfulness
of habitus as guide for probing the springs of social conduct. Properly used,
habitus not only illuminates the variegated logics of social action but also
grounds the distinctive virtues of deep immersion in, and carnal entanglement
with, the object of ethnographic inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
Author Affiliations:
1University
2Centre
of California, Berkeley, California
européen de sociologie et de science politique, Paris
ISSN:
1478-0887
DOI:
10.1080/14780887.2010.544176
Accession Number: 59362561
Publisher Logo:
Plum Print
Habitus as Topic and Tool: Reflections on
Becoming a Prizefighter.
Listen
American Accent
This article recounts how I took up the ethnographic craft; stumbled upon the Chicago boxing
gym that is the central scene and character of my field study of prizefighting in the black
American ghetto; and designed the book Body and Soul so as to both deploy
methodologically and elaborate empirically Pierre Bourdieu's signal concept of habitus.
Habitus is the topic of investigation: the book dissects the forging of the corporeal and mental
dispositions that make up the competent pugilist in the crucible of the gym. It is also the tool
of investigation: the practical acquisition of those dispositions by the analyst serves as
technical vehicle for better penetrating their social production and assembly. The
apprenticeship of the sociologist is a methodological mirror of the apprenticeship undergone
by the empirical subjects of the study; the former is mined to dig deeper into the latter and
unearth its inner logic and subterranean properties; and both in turn test the robustness and
fruitfulness of habitus as guide for probing the springs of social conduct. Properly used,
habitus not only illuminates the variegated logics of social action but also grounds the
distinctive virtues of deep immersion in, and carnal entanglement with, the object of
ethnographic inquiry.
Keywords: apprenticeship; carnal sociology; ethnography; habitus; social action; subjectivity;
theory
In this article, I recount how I took up the ethnographic craft; stumbled upon the Chicago
boxing gym that is the main scene and character of my ethnography of prizefighting in the
black American ghetto; and designed the book Body and Soul that reports on its findings so
as to both deploy methodologically and elaborate empirically Pierre Bourdieu's signal concept
of habitus ([33]). I draw out some of the biographical, intellectual, and analytic connections
between this research project on a plebeian bodily craft, the theoretical framework that
informs it, and the macro-comparative inquiry into urban marginality of which it is an
unplanned offshoot. I sketch how the practicalities of fieldwork led me from the ghetto as
implement of ethnoracial domination to embodiment as a problem and resource for social
inquiry. Through this reflection on becoming a prizefighter, I argue for the use of fieldwork as
an instrument of theoretical construction, the potency of carnal knowledge, and the imperative
of epistemic reflexivity. I also stress the need to expand the textual genres and styles of
ethnography so as to better capture the Strum und Drang of social action as it is
manufactured and lived.
The concept of habitus supplied at once the anchor, the compass, and the course of the
ethnographic journey recapped in Body and Soul. It is the topic of investigation: the book
dissects the forging of the corporeal and mental dispositions that make up the competent
boxer in the crucible of the gym. But it is also the tool of investigation: the practical acquisition
of those dispositions by the analyst serves as technical vehicle for better penetrating their
social production and assembly. In other words, the apprenticeship of the sociologist is a
methodological mirror of the apprenticeship undergone by the empirical subjects of the study;
the former is mined to dig deeper into the latter and unearth its inner logic and subterranean
properties; and both in turn test the robustness and fruitfulness of habitus as guide for probing
the springs of social conduct. Contrary to a commonly held view that it is a vague notion that
mechanically replicates social structures, effaces history, and operates as a "black box" that
obviates observation and confounds explanation (see [15] for a standard regurgitation of
these nostrums), it emerges that Bourdieu's sociological reworking of this classic
philosophical concept is a powerful tool to steer social inquiry and trace out operant social
mechanisms. Properly used, habitus not only illuminates the variegated logics of social
action; it also grounds the distinctive virtues of deep immersion in and carnal entanglement
with the object of ethnographic inquiry.
From the South Pacific to the South Side of Chicago
Since the notion of habitus proposes that human agents are historical animals who carry
within their bodies acquired sensibilities and categories that are the sedimented products of
their past social experiences, it is useful to begin with how I came to ethnographic research
and what intellectual interests and expectations I brought with me to the South Side of
Chicago. My initiation to fieldwork predates my entry in graduate school at the University of
Chicago in 1985. To fulfill my military duties (as every French male had to do back then), by a
stroke of luck I was assigned to do a stint of civilian service in the South Pacific as a
sociologist in a research center of ORSTOM, France's former "office of colonial research." I
spent two years in New Caledonia, a French island northeast of New Zealand, in a small
research team—there were only three of us—at the time of the Kanak uprising of November
1984. This means that I lived and worked in a brutal and archaic colonial society, because
New Caledonia in the 1980s was a colony of the 19th-century type that had survived virtually
intact to the end of the 20th century (see [ 8] for an account). It was an extraordinary social
experience for an apprentice-sociologist to carry out research on the school system,
urbanization, and social change in the context of an insurrection, under a state of emergency,
and to observe in real time the struggles between the colonials and the independence forces,
and to have to reflect in a concrete way about the civic role of social science. For instance, I
was privileged to participate in a closed congress of the Kanak Socialist National Liberation
Front in Canala at the height of the clash, and I also traveled all the way around the "Grande
Terre" (the main island) and made several sojourn in Lifou Island at the home of friends who
were long-time Kanak militants at a time when practically no one was moving about in the
territory.
The New Caledonian crucible sensitized me to ethnoracial inequality and to spatial
consignment as a vector of social control—the Kanaks were largely relegated to isolated rural
reservations and hypersegregated neighborhoods in the capital city of Nouméa. It also alerted
me to the variegated workings of rigid hierarchies of color and honor in everyday life and to
the crucial place of the body as a target, receptacle, and fount of asymmetric power relations.
And it exposed me to extreme forms of deprecative racial imagery: the native Melanesians
were typically pictured as "super-primitives" devoid of culture and history, even as they were
rising to seize their historical fate ([ 5]). All of this would prove immensely useful later, on the
South Side of Chicago, where germane treatments of African Americans were current. It is in
New Caledonia that I read the classics of ethnology, Mauss, Mead, Malinowski, RadcliffeBrown, Bateson, etc. (especially works on the South Pacific: the Trobriand Islands were just
nearby) and that I kept my first field notebooks. The very first was scribbled among the tribe
of Luecilla, in the Bay of Wé, at Christmas 1983, about a year before the independentist
uprising (its highlight was a section on going bat-hunting and having to eat the roasted
proceeds of our expedition at dinner that evening). Field notations found their way into my
first publications on educational inequality, colonial conflict, and the transformation of
Melanesian communities under the press of capitalist expansion and French rule.
At the close of my Caledonian sojourn, I got a four-year fellowship to go do my doctorate at
the University of Chicago, the cradle of U.S. sociology and home of the main tradition of
urban ethnography. When I arrived in Upton Sinclair's town, my intention was to work on a
historical anthropology of colonial domination in New Caledonia, but I got unexpectedly
derailed and detoured into America's dark ghetto. On the one side, the New Caledonian gates
were abruptly shut after I filed a complaint against the mediocre bureaucrat who was my
supervisor in Nouméa and had forced his name as co-author of a monograph on the school
system that I had carried out by myself ([20]). The directors of the Institute in Paris hastened
to cover up for the cheater and effectively banned me from the island. On the other side, I
found myself confronted day-to-day with the gruesome reality of Chicago's ghetto, or what
was left of it. I was assigned the last student-housing unit available on campus, the one
nobody had wanted, and so lived I on 61st Street, at the edge of the poor black district of
Woodlawn. It was a constant tremor and puzzlement to have right under my window this
quasi-lunar urban landscape, with its unbelievable decay, misery, and violence, backed by a
totally hermetic separation between the white, prosperous, and privileged world of the
university and the abandoned African-American neighborhoods all around it. Coming from
Western Europe where such levels of urban blight, material destitution, and ethnic
segregation are unknown, this questioned me profoundly on a quotidian level, intellectually
and politically. It is at this point that the second decisive encounter of my intellectual life took
place, the one with William Julius Wilson (the first was with Pierre Bourdieu, five years earlier,
when I decided to convert from economics to sociology after hearing a public lecture by him,
see [31]).
Wilson is the most eminent African-American sociologist of the second half of the 20th
century and the foremost expert on the nexus of race and class in the United States. His
analysis of "Blacks and American Institutions" in The Declining Significance of Race ([38]) set
the parameters for that subfield of social research in 1978. He was one of the faculty who had
initially attracted me to Chicago, and so when he offered me a chance to work with him on the
big research project on urban poverty he had just started (roughly, the agenda marked out by
his book The Truly Disadvantaged; [39]), I jumped at the opportunity and quickly became his
close collaborator and co-author. This allowed me to get straight to the core of the subject
and also to get a close-up look at how this scientific and policy debate operated at the highest
level, especially in the philanthropic foundations and "think tanks" that shaped the resurgence
of the problematic of race, class, and poverty in the inner city. That is how I started my
investigations, first as an acolyte of Wilson and then by myself, on the transformation of the
dark ghetto after the riots of the 1960s, by striving to break with the pathologizing vision that
pervaded and distorted research on the question.
I owe a huge personal and intellectual debt to Bill Wilson, who was a mentor at once
demanding and generous. He stimulated and supported me, and he also gave me the
freedom to diverge from his analyses and at times to go in a direction diametrically opposed
to his. By example, he taught me intellectual courage: to pursue the big picture, to dig deep
into the details, to ask the hard questions, even when this entails ruffling a few social and
academic feathers along the way. He also invited Pierre Bourdieu to speak to his research
team on his Algerian research on urbanization and proletarianization from the early 1960s ([
6]). As it turned out, Bourdieu had tried to get The Declining Significance of Race translated
into French a few years earlier. This meeting and the ensuing discussion solidified my sense
that I could make a link between Bourdieu's early anthropological inquiries into the lifepaths of
Algerians subproletarians and the contemporary predicament of the residents Chicago's black
ghetto which preoccupied Wilson. But I did not know just how yet.
Ethnography played a pivotal role at that juncture, on two counts. On the one hand, I took
more anthropology than sociology courses because the sociology department at the
University of Chicago was dull intellectually and because I was viscerally committed to a
unitary conception of social science inherited from my French training. The courses, works,
and encouragements of John and Jean Comaroff, Marshall Sahlins, Bernard Cohn, and
Raymond Smith pushed me toward fieldwork. On the other hand, I wanted to quickly find a
direct observation post inside the ghetto because the existing literature on the topic was the
product of a "gaze from afar" that seemed to me fundamentally biased if not blind ([26]). That
literature was dominated by the statistical approach, deployed from on high, by researc...
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