7/13/2020 President Kennedy's Address to the People of Berlin (June 28, 1963) President Kennedy's Address to the People of Berlin (June 28, 1963) When the news of the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 reached the United States, no contingency plan had been developed for such an undertaking. President Kennedy immediately sent Vice President Johnson to Berlin. The president himself later visited the city in June 1963, only a few months before he was assassinated. When planning this speech, President Kennedy's advisors had asked him to tone down the Cold War rhetoric. At the last moment, however, Kennedy asked his translator in Berlin how to say, "I am a Berliner" in German. The result was one of the finest speeches Kennedy ever gave: It won him and the United States the hearts of a new generation of Europeans. I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin. And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed. Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was "civus Romanus sum." [I am a Roman citizen]. Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is "Ich bin ein Berliner." I appreciate my interpreter translating my German! There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin. Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of West Berlin. While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system, for all the world to see, we take no satisfaction in it, for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together. What is true of this city is true of Germany—real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people. You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main. So let me ask you as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind. Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades. All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words "Ich bin ein Berliner." Copyright © 2009 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved. https://media.pearsoncmg.com/pls/az/gcu/1323178368/JFK_Address_to_People_of_Berlin.html 1/2 7/13/2020 President Kennedy's Address to the People of Berlin (June 28, 1963) https://media.pearsoncmg.com/pls/az/gcu/1323178368/JFK_Address_to_People_of_Berlin.html 2/2 7/13/2020 Executive Discussions on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) Executive Discussions on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) In 1959, Fidel Castro seized power in Cuba and eventually sought close ties with the USSR. For the Soviet government, having an ally 90 miles off the coast of the Union States and in a position to influence the western Caribbean was a great advantage. In 1962, the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and Castro negotiated the placement of Soviet nuclear missiles that could reach targets in the United States almost as soon as their launch could be detected. These missiles not only could have altered the Cold War balance of power, but they also could have become a great propaganda coup. Historians still debate the exact motives for stationing the missiles on Cuba. What sort of U.S. reaction the Soviet government expected is unclear, although Khrushchev had not been impressed with Kennedy's statesmanship at their meeting in Vienna the previous year. When the U.S. government discovered the missiles, the events of October 1962 brought the world as close to the brink of nuclear war as it has ever been. As these documents show, it was difficult for the Kennedy administration to determine a course of action that would neither show weakness nor lead to war. First, the government had to assess the threat, and then the President had to inform the American people of that threat and of the U.S. government's response. The first document is a transcript of what was said at a meeting of the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (Excomm), a group of the president's closest advisors, held in the early stages of the conflict. The second is President Kennedy's address to the American people, broadcast live on television on October 22, 1962. BUNDY: But, the, uh, question I would like to ask is, quite aside from what we've said-and we're very hard-locked into it, I know-What is the strategic impact on the position of the United States of MRBMs [medium-range ballistic missiles] in Cuba? How gravely does it change the strategic balance? MCNAMARA: Mac, I asked the Chiefs that this afternoon, in effect. And they said, substantially. My own personal view is not at all. BUNDY: Not so much. MCNAMARA: And, I think this is an important element here. . . . [discussion of the psychological impact of Soviet weapons in Cuba] DOUGLAS DILLON: Yeah. That is the point. EDWIN M. MARTIN: Yeah. The psychological factor of our having taken it. DILLON: Taken it, that's the best. RFK: Well, and the fact that if you go there, we're gonna fire it. JFK: What's that again, Ed? What are you saying? MARTIN: Well, it's a psychological factor that we have sat back and let 'em do it to us, that is more important than the direct threat . . . JFK: [unintelligible] I said we weren't going to. MARTIN: [unintelligible] BUNDY(?): That's something we could manage. JFK: Last month I said we weren't going to. https://media.pearsoncmg.com/pls/az/gcu/1323178368/Cuban_Missile_Crisis_1962.html 1/3 7/13/2020 Executive Discussions on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) [laughter] JFK: Last month I should have said . . . [UNIDENTIFIED]: Well . . . JFK: . . . that we don't care. But when we said we were not going to and they go ahead and do it, and then we do nothing, then . . . [UNIDENTIFIED]: That's right. JFK: . . . I would think that our risks increase. Oh, I agree. What difference does it make? They've got enough to blow us up now anyway. I think it's just a question of . . . After all this is a political struggle as much as military. . . . [McNamara advocates examining political response-"We haven't discussed it fully today."] MCNAMARA: I, I, I'll be quite frank. I don't think there is a military problem here. This is my answer to Mac's question. ... BUNDY: That's my honest [judgment(?)]. MCNAMARA: . . . and therefore, and I've gone through this today, and I asked myself, Well what is it then if it isn't a military problem? Well, it's just exactly this problem, that, that, uh, if Cuba should possess a capacity to carry out offensive actions against the U.S., the U.S. would act. [UNIDENTIFIED]: That's right. [UNIDENTIFIED]: That's right. MCNAMARA: Now, it's that problem, this . . . [UNIDENTIFIED]: You can't get around that one. MCNAMARA: . . . this is a domestic political problem. . . . [McNamara suggested blockade and 24-hour surveillance. George Ball pointed out that 24-hour surveillance has holescan't monitor during darkness.] MCNAMARA: Oh, well, it's really the, yes, it isn't the surveillance, it's the ultimatum that is . . . BALL (?): Yeah. MCNAMARA: . . . the key part of this. BALL (?): Yeah. MCNAMARA: And what I tried to do was develop a little package that meets the action requirement of the paragraph I read. [UNIDENTIFIED]: Yeah. MCNAMARA: Because, as I suggested, I don't believe it's primarily a military problem. It's primarily a, a domestic, political problem. President Kennedy's Address to the American people, October 22, 1962 Good evening, my fellow citizens. This Government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet military build-up on the island of Cuba. Within the past week unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The purposes of these bases can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere. Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning [October 16] at 9:00 A.M., I directed that our surveillance be stepped up. And now having confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence https://media.pearsoncmg.com/pls/az/gcu/1323178368/Cuban_Missile_Crisis_1962.html 2/3 7/13/2020 Executive Discussions on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) and our decision on a course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail. The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of installations. Several of them include medium-range ballistic missiles capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical miles. Each of these missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D.C., the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean area. Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate-range ballistic missiles capable of traveling more than twice as far-and thus capable of striking most of the major cities in the Western Hemisphere, ranging as far north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far south as Lima, Peru. In addition, jet bombers, capable of carrying nuclear weapons, are now being uncrated and assembled in Cuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared. This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base-by the presence of these large, long-range, and clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction-constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas, in flagrant and deliberate defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this nation and Hemisphere, the Joint Resolution of the Eighty-seventh Congress, the Charter of the United Nations, and my own public warnings to the Soviets on September 4 and 13. This action also contradicts the repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, both publicly and privately delivered, that the arms build-up in Cuba would retain its original defensive character and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire to station strategic missiles on the territory of any other nation. . . . In that sense missiles in Cuba add to an already clear and present danger-although it should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a potential nuclear threat. But this secret, swift, and extraordinary build-up of Communist missiles-in an area well known to have a special and historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy-this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil-is a deliberately provocative and unjustifiable change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country if our courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe. Copyright © 2009 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved. https://media.pearsoncmg.com/pls/az/gcu/1323178368/Cuban_Missile_Crisis_1962.html 3/3 Running head: THE EFFECTS OF URBAN SPRAWL ON THE UNITED STATES The Effects of Urban Sprawl on the United States Daniel Preston Grand Canyon University HIS-450 1 THE EFFECTS OF URBAN SPRAWL ON THE UNITED STATES 2 The Effects of Urban Sprawl on the United States Research Proposal Introduction Urban sprawl is the unlimited growth in urban areas of commercial developments, housing, and roads over a large land area, with improper urban planning. In the United States (US), it occurred between 1920 and 2012 (Fertner et al., 2016). Since industrialization began, sprawl had direct disadvantages to the residents of the city, forcing them to migrate to rural areas. This research project will give an overview of the urban sprawl and its effects in the US. Problem Statement Urban sprawl has devastating impacts on a city (Debbage, Bereitschaft & Shepherd, 2017). In the US, many white middle-class people and businesses migrated to the suburbs, where they could find less spacious homes and pay fewer taxes. Therefore, there is a need to understand and evaluate the effects of urban sprawl on the US. Research Objectives • To recognize the causes of urban sprawl. • To evaluate the effects of Urban sprawl on the US. • To examine the mitigation strategies for the effects of urban sprawl. Research Questions • What factors led to urban sprawl? • What were the effects of Urban sprawl on the US? THE EFFECTS OF URBAN SPRAWL ON THE UNITED STATES • What can be the mitigation strategies for the effects of urban sprawl? Preliminary Literature Review This part will summarize past relevant research on the effects of urban sprawl, their strength, weakness and justification of the study. Methodology This research will use secondary sources of data to establish the possible mitigation strategies. 3 THE EFFECTS OF URBAN SPRAWL ON THE UNITED STATES References Debbage, N., Bereitschaft, B., & Shepherd, J. M. (2017). Quantifying the spatiotemporal trends of urban sprawl among large US metropolitan areas via spatial metrics. Applied Spatial Analysis and Policy, 10(3), 317-345. Fertner, C., Jorgensen, G., Nielsen, T. A. S., & Nilsson, K. S. B. (2016). Urban sprawl and growth management–drivers, impacts, and responses in selected European and US cities. Future cities and environment, 2(1), 9. 4 HIS-450 Annotated Bibliography Scoring Guide REQUIREMENTS: POSSIBLE A clear and well-delineated Annotated Bibliography 1) At least 10-15 sources listed 10 2) Appropriate academic and primary sources 10 3) Includes both primary and secondary sources 10 4) Properly categorized as either primary or secondary sources 5 5) Reflects the use of multiple avenues of approach in finding sources 5 6) Solid academic writing and formatted correctly in Turabian style 5 TOTAL 45 Instructor Comments: © 2015. Grand Canyon University. All Rights Reserved. ACTUAL 7/13/2020 John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address (1961) John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address (1961) John F. Kennedy won the presidency by a tiny margin in 1960. He had promised "to get the country moving again" during his campaign, telling the nation that "We stand on the edge of a New Frontier." He cultivated an image of youthful vitality, designed to distinguish him from the Eisenhower-Nixon administration. His inaugural address, written by aide Theodore C. Sorensen, captured the themes and goals of his campaign and presidency.SOURCE: Public Papers of the Presidents: John F. Kennedy (1961). We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom - symbolizing an end as well as a beginning - signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe - the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans - born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage - and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge - and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do - for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom - and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required - not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of the border, we offer a special pledge - to convert our good words into good deeds - in a new alliance for progress - to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. https://media.pearsoncmg.com/pls/az/gcu/1323178368/JFK_Inaugural_Address_1961.html 1/3 7/13/2020 John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address (1961) To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support - to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective - to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak - and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course - both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew - remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah - to "undo the heavy burdens... [and] let the oppressed go free." And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again - not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need, - not as a call to battle, though embattled we are - but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation" - a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility - I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it - and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. https://media.pearsoncmg.com/pls/az/gcu/1323178368/JFK_Inaugural_Address_1961.html 2/3 7/13/2020 John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address (1961) And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own. Copyright © 2009 Pearson Education, Inc. 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