Essay must have the following elements:
1. An essay title.
2. An introductory paragraph in which you introduce the topic you are writing about.
3. A thesis statement at the end of your introductory paragraph that begins, “In this essay, I
will argue that…” Your argument has to address the question you choose to answer. Stating
your argument is the only time in your essay when you should use the first person singular
(“I”).
4. Several well-written paragraphs in which you support your argument with sufficient
evidence by discussing and analyzing primary source texts we’ve read in class. Be sure to
correctly identify specific primary sources by their authors’ names, titles of the primary
sources, and years of publication. You should also draw upon factual information from
secondary sources we’ve read and course lectures.
5. You must have a concluding paragraph in which you summarize your paper and your
argument.
List of questions:
1. Was Olympe de Gouges a feminist for the time in which she lived? To answer this
question, you must draw upon at least two primary sources and Smart’s essay.
2. What were the social and political traditions of the ancien regime that the French
Revolution did the most to eradicate? In answering this question, you must use at
least three primary sources.
3. What would defenders of the ancien regime have objected to the most had they
read Diderot’s definition of the Encyclopédie? To answer this question, use Diderot’s
text in addition to two other sources.
4. 4. What role did religion play in the English Civil War and Revolution? In answering
this question, use at least three primary sources. (The excerpts from Hobbes and
Locke in the lecture can count as primary sources for this question.)
Western Civilization: A Concise History Volume 3
Original Author: Dr. Christopher Brooks
Last Modified: February 2020
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Western Civilization: A Concise History
Open Educational Resource released under the Creative Commons
License (Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International)
Licensed by Portland Community College
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Table of Contents
Introduction
3
Chapter 1: Napoleon
16
Chapter 2: The Industrial Revolution
28
Chapter 3: Political Ideologies and Movements
43
Chapter 4: The Politics of the Nineteenth Century
66
Chapter 5: Culture, Science, and Pseudo-Science
91
Chapter 6: Imperialism
115
Chapter 7: World War I
135
Chapter 8: The Early Twentieth Century
154
Chapter 9: Fascism
173
Chapter 10: World War II
192
Chapter 11: The Holocaust
210
Chapter 12: The Soviet Union and the Cold War
222
Chapter 13: Postwar Conflict
240
Chapter 14: Postwar Society
258
Chapter 15: Toward the Present
276
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The Idea of Western Civilization
Introduction
What is “Western Civilization”? Furthermore, who or what is part of it? Like all ideas,
the concept of Western Civilization itself has a history, one that coalesced in college textbooks
and curriculums for the first time in the United States in the 1920s. In many ways, the very idea
of Western Civilization is a “loaded” one, opposing one form or branch of civilization from others
as if they were distinct, even unrelated. Thus, before examining the events of Western
Civilization’s history, it is important to unpack the history of the concept itself.
Where is the West?
The obvious question is “west of what”? Likewise, where is “the east”? Terms used in
present-day geopolitics regularly make reference to an east and west, as in “Far East,” and
“Middle East,” as well as in “Western” ideas or attitudes. The obvious answer is that “the West”
has something to do with Europe. If the area including Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Israel Palestine, and Egypt is somewhere called the “Middle” or “Near” East, doesn't that imply that it
is just to the east of something else?
In fact, we get the original term from Greece. Greece is the center-point, east of the
Balkan Peninsula was east, west of the Balkans was west, and the Greeks were at the center of
their self-understood world. Likewise, the sea that both separated and united the Greeks and
their neighbors, including the Egyptians and the Persians, is still called the Mediterranean,
which means “sea in the middle of the earth” (albeit in Latin, not Greek - we get the word from a
later "Western" civilization, the Romans). The ancient civilizations clustered around the
Mediterranean treated it as the center of the world itself, their major trade route to one another
and a major source of their food as well.
To the Greeks, there were two kinds of people: Greeks and barbarians (the Greek word
is barbaros). Supposedly, the word barbarian came from Greeks mocking the sound of
non-Greek languages: “bar-bar-bar-bar.” The Greeks traded with all of their neighbors and
knew perfectly well that the Persians and the Egyptians and the Phoenicians, among others,
were not their inferiors in learning, art, or political organization, but the fact remains that they
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were not Greek, either. Thus, one of the core themes of Western Civilization is that right from
its inception, of the east being east of Greece and the west being west of Greece, and of the
world being divided between Greeks and barbarians, there was an idea of who is central and
superior, and who is out on the edges and inferior (or at least not part of the best version of
culture).
In a sense, then, the Greeks invented the idea of west and east, but they did not extend
the idea to anyone but themselves, certainly including the “barbarians” who inhabited the rest of
Europe. In other words, the Greeks did not have a concept of “Western Civilization,” just Greek
vs. barbarian. Likewise, the Greeks did not invent “civilization” itself; they inherited things like
agriculture and writing from their neighbors. Neither was there ever a united Greek empire:
there was a great Greek civilization when Alexander the Great conquered what he thought was
most of the world, stretching from Greece itself through Egypt, the Middle East, as far as
western India, but it collapsed into feuding kingdoms after he died. Thus, while later cultures
came to look to the Greeks as their intellectual and cultural ancestors, the Greeks themselves
did not set out to found “Western Civilization” itself.
Mesopotamia
While many traditional Western Civilization textbooks start with Greece, this one does
not. That is because civilization is not Greek in its origins. The most ancient human civilizations
arose in the Fertile Crescent, an area stretching from present-day Israel - Palestine through
southern Turkey and into Iraq. Closely related, and lying within the Fertile Crescent, is the
region of Mesopotamia, which is the area between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in
present-day Iraq. In these areas, people invented the most crucial technology necessary for the
development of civilization: agriculture. The Mesopotamians also invented other things that are
central to civilization, including:
●
Cities: note that in English, the very word “civilization” is closely related to the word
“civic,” meaning “having to do with cities” as in "civic government" or "civic duty." Cities
were essential to sophisticated human groups because they allowed specialization: you
could have some people concentrate all of their time and energy on tasks like art,
building, religious worship, or warfare, not just on farming.
●
Bureaucracy: while it seems like a prosaic subject, bureaucracy was and remains the
most effective way to organize large groups of people. Civilizations that developed large
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Western Civilization: A Concise History
and efficient bureaucracies grew larger and lasted longer than those that neglected
bureaucracy. Bureaucracy is, essentially, the substitution of rules in place of individual
human decisions. That process, while often frustrating to individuals caught up in it,
does have the effect of creating a more efficient set of processes than can be achieved
through arbitrary decision-making. Historically, bureaucracy was one of the most
important "technologies" that early civilizations developed.
●
Large-scale warfare: even before large cities existed, the first towns were built with
fortifications to stave off attackers. It is very likely that the first kings were war leaders
allied with priests.
●
Mathematics: without math, there cannot be advanced engineering, and without
engineering, there cannot be irrigation, walls, or large buildings. The ancient
Mesopotamians were the first people in the world to develop advanced mathematics in
large part because they were also the most sophisticated engineers of the ancient world.
●
Astronomy: just as math is necessary for engineering, astronomy is necessary for a
sophisticated calendar. The ancient Mesopotamians began the process of
systematically recording the changing positions of the stars and other heavenly bodies
because they needed to be able to track when to plant crops, when to harvest, and when
religious rituals had to be carried out. Among other things, the Mesopotamians were the
first to discover the 365 (and a quarter) days of the year and set those days into a fixed
calendar.
●
Empires: an empire is a political unit comprising many different “peoples,” whether
“people” is defined linguistically, religiously, or ethnically. The Mesopotamians were the
first to conquer and rule over many different cities and “peoples” at once.
The Mesopotamians also created systems of writing, of organized religion, and of
literature, all of which would go on to have an enormous influence on world history, and in turn,
Western Civilization. Thus, in considering Western Civilization, it would be misleading to start
with the Greeks and skip places like Mesopotamia, because those areas were the heartland of
civilization in the whole western part of Eurasia.
Greece and Rome
Even if we do not start with the Greeks, we do need to acknowledge their importance.
Alexander the Great was one of the most famous and important military leaders in history, a
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man who started conquering “the world” when he was eighteen years old. When he died his
empire fell apart, in part because he did not say which of his generals was to take over after his
death. Nevertheless, the empires he left behind were united in important ways, using Greek as
one of their languages, employing Greek architecture in their buildings, putting on plays in the
Greek style, and of course, trading with one another. This period in history was called the
Hellenistic Age. The people who were part of that age were European, Middle Eastern, and
North African, people who worshiped both Greeks gods and the gods of their own regions,
spoke all kinds of different languages, and lived as part of a hybrid culture. Hellenistic
civilization demonstrates the fact that Western Civilization has always been a blend of different
peoples, not a single encompassing group or language or religion.
Perhaps the most important empire in the ancient history of Western Civilization was
ancient Rome. Over the course of roughly five centuries, the Romans expanded from the city of
Rome in the middle of the Italian peninsula to rule an empire that stretched from Britain to Spain
and from North Africa to Persia (present-day Iran). Through both incredible engineering, the
hard work of Roman citizens and Roman subjects, and the massive use of slave labor, they built
remarkable buildings and created infrastructure like roads and aqueducts that survive to the
present day.
The Romans are the ones who give us the idea of Western Civilization being something
ongoing – something that had started in the past and continued into the future. In the case of
the Romans, they (sometimes grudgingly) acknowledged Greece as a cultural model; Roman
architecture used Greek shapes and forms, the Roman gods were really just the Greek gods
given new names (Zeus became Jupiter, Hades became Pluto, etc.), and educated Romans
spoke and read Greek so that they could read the works of the great Greek poets, playwrights,
and philosophers. Thus, the Romans deliberately adopted an older set of ideas and considered
themselves part of an ongoing civilization that blended Greek and Roman values. Like the
Greeks before them, they also divided civilization itself in a stark binary: there was
Greco-Roman culture on the one hand and barbarism on the other, although they made a
reluctant exception for Persia at times.
The Romans were largely successful at assimilating the people they conquered. They
united their provinces with the Latin language, which is the ancestor of all of the major
languages spoken in Southern Europe today (French, Italian, Spanish, Romanian, etc.), Roman
Law, which is the ancestor of most forms of law still in use today in Europe, and the Roman form
of government. Along with those factors, the Romans brought Greek and Roman science,
learning, and literature. In many ways, the Romans believed that they were bringing civilization
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itself everywhere they went, and because they made the connection between Greek civilization
and their own, they played a significant role in inventing the idea of Western Civilization as
something that was ongoing.
That noted, the Romans did not use the term “Western Civilization” and as their empire
expanded, even the connection between Roman identity and Italy itself weakened. During the
period that the empire was at its height the bulk of the population and wealth was in the east,
concentrated in Egypt, Anatolia (the region corresponding to the present-day nation of Turkey)
and the Levant. This shift to the east culminated in the move of the capital of the empire from
the city of Rome to the Greek town of Byzantium, renamed Constantinople by the empire who
ordered the move: Constantine. Thus, while the Greco-Roman legacy was certainly a major
factor in the development of the idea of Western Civilization much later, “Roman” was certainly
not the same thing as “western” at the time.
The Middle Ages and Christianity
Another factor in the development of the idea of Western Civilization came about after
Rome ceased to exist as a united empire, during the era known as the Middle Ages. The
Middle Ages were the period between the fall of Rome, which happened around 476 CE, and
the Renaissance, which started around 1300 CE. During the Middle Ages, another concept of
what lay at the heart of Western Civilization arose, especially among Europeans. It was not just
the connection to Roman and Greek accomplishments, but instead, to religion. The Roman
Empire had started to become Christian in the early fourth century CE when the emperor
Constantine converted to Christianity. Many Europeans in the Middle Ages came to believe
that, despite the fact that they spoke different languages and had different rulers, they were
united as part of “Christendom”: the kingdom of Christ and of Christians.
Christianity obviously played a hugely important role in the history of Western
Civilization. It inspired amazing art and music. It was at the heart of scholarship and learning
for centuries. It also justified the aggressive expansion of European kingdoms. Europeans truly
believed that members of other religions were infidels (meaning "those who are unfaithful,"
those who worshipped the correct God, but in the wrong way, including Jews and Muslims, but
also Christians who deviated from official orthodoxy) or pagans (those who worshipped false
gods) who should either convert or be exterminated. For instance, despite the fact that Muslims
and Jews worshiped the same God and shared much of the same sacred literature, medieval
Europeans had absolutely no qualms about invading Muslim lands and committing horrific
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atrocities in the name of their religion. Likewise, medieval anti-Semitism (prejudice and hatred
directed against Jews) eventually drove many Jews from Europe itself to take shelter in the
kingdoms and empires of the Middle East and North Africa. Historically it was much safer and
more comfortable for Jews in places like the predominantly Muslim Ottoman Empire than it was
in most of Christian Europe.
A major irony of the idea that Western Civilization is somehow inherently Christian is that
Islam is unquestionably just as “Western.” Islam’s point of origin, the Arabian Peninsula, is
geographically very close to that of both Judaism and Christianity. Its holy writings are also
closely aligned to Jewish and Christian values and thought. Perhaps most importantly, Islamic
kingdoms and empires were part of the networks of trade, scholarship, and exchange that linked
together the entire greater Mediterranean region. Thus, despite the fervor of European
crusaders, it would be profoundly misleading to separate Islamic states and cultures from the
rest of Western Civilization.
The Renaissance and European Expansion
Perhaps the most crucial development in the idea of Western Civilization in the
pre-modern period was the Renaissance. The idea of the “Middle Ages” was invented by
thinkers during the Renaissance, which started around 1300 CE. The great thinkers and artists
of the Renaissance claimed to be moving away from the ignorance and darkness of the Middle
Ages – which they also described as the “dark ages” - and returning to the greatness of the
Romans and Greeks. People like Leonardo Da Vinci, Michelangelo, Christine de Pizan, and
Petrarch proudly connected their work to the work of the Romans and Greeks, claiming that
there was an unbroken chain of ideas, virtues, and accomplishments stretching all the way back
thousands of years to people like Alexander the Great, Plato, and Socrates.
During the Renaissance, educated people in Europe roughly two thousand years after
the life of the Greek philosopher Plato based their own philosophies and outlooks on Plato's
philosophy, as well as that of other Greek thinkers. The beauty of Renaissance art is directly
connected to its inspiration in Roman and Greek art. The scientific discoveries of the
Renaissance were inspired by the same spirit of inquiry that Greek scientists and Roman
engineers had cultivated. Perhaps most importantly, Renaissance thinkers proudly linked
together their own era to that of the Greeks and Romans, thus strengthening the concept of
Western Civilization as an ongoing enterprise.
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In the process of reviving the ideas of the Greeks and Romans, Renaissance thinkers
created a new program of education: “humanist” education. Celebrating the inherent goodness
and potentialities of humankind, humanistic education saw in the study of classical literature a
source of inspiration for not just knowledge, but of morality and virtue. Combining the practical
study of languages, history, mathematics, and rhetoric (among other subjects) with the
cultivation of an ethical code the humanistics traced back to the Greeks, humanistic education
ultimately created a curriculum meant to create well-rounded, virtuous individuals. That
program of education remained intact into the twentieth century, with the study of the classics
remaining a hallmark of elite education until it began to be displaced by the more specialized
disciplinary studies of the modern university system that was born near the end of the
nineteenth century.
It was not Renaissance ideas, however, that had the greatest impact on the globe at the
time. Instead, it was European soldiers, colonists, and most consequentially, diseases. The
first people from the Eastern Hemisphere since prehistory to travel to the Western Hemisphere
(and remain - an earlier Viking colony did not survive) were European explorers who, entirely by
accident, “discovered” the Americas at the end of the fifteenth century CE. It bears emphasis
that the “discovery” of the Americas is a misnomer: millions of people already lived there, as
their ancestors had for thousands of years, but geography had left them ill-prepared for the
arrival of the newcomers. With the European colonists came an onslaught of epidemics to
which the Native peoples of the Americas had no resistance, and within a few generations the
immense majority - perhaps as many as 90% - of Native Americans perished as a result. The
subsequent conquest of the Americas by Europeans and their descendents was thus made
vastly easier. Europeans suddenly had access to an astonishing wealth of land and natural
resources, wealth that they extracted in large part by enslaving millions of Native Americans and
Africans.
Thanks largely to the European conquest of the Americas and the exploitation of its
resources and its people, Europe went from a region of little economic and military power and
importance to one of the most formidable in the following centuries. Following the Spanish and
Portuguese conquest of Central and South America, the other major European states embarked
on their own imperialistic ventures in the following centuries. “Trade empires” emerged over the
course of the seventeenth century, first and foremost those of the Dutch and English, which
established the precedent that profit and territorial control were mutually reinforcing priorities for
European states. Driven by that conjoined motive, European states established huge, and
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growing, global empires. By 1800, roughly 35% of the surface of the world was controlled by
Europeans or their descendants.
The Modern Era
Most of the world, however, was off limits to large-scale European expansion. Not only
were there prosperous and sophisticated kingdoms in many regions of Africa, but (in an ironic
reversal of the impact of European diseases on Americans) African diseases ensured that
would-be European explorers and conquerors were unable to penetrate beyond the coasts of
most of sub-Saharan African entirely. Meanwhile, the enormous and sophisticated empires and
kingdoms of China, Japan, Southeast Asia, and South Asia (i.e. India) largely regarded
Europeans as incidental trading partners of relatively little importance. The Middle East was
dominated by two powerful and “western” empires of its own: Persia and the Ottoman Empire.
The explosion of European power, one that coincided with the fruition of the idea that
Western Civilization was both distinct from and better than other branches of civilization, came
as a result of a development in technology: the Industrial Revolution. Starting in Great Britain in
the middle of the eighteenth century, Europeans learned how to exploit fossil fuels in the form of
coal to harness hitherto unimaginable amounts of energy. That energy underwrote a vast and
dramatic expansion of European technology, wealth, and military power, this time built on the
backs not of outright slaves, but of workers paid subsistence wages.
Over the course of the nineteenth century, the industrial revolution underwrote and
enabled the transformation of Europe from regional powerhouse to global hegemon. By the
early twentieth century, Europe and the American nations founded by the descendents of
Europeans controlled roughly 85% of the globe. Europeans either forced foreign states to
concede to their economic demands and political influence, as in China and the Ottoman
Empire, or simply conquered and controlled regions directly, as in South Asia (i.e. India) and
Africa. None of this would have been possible without the technological and energetic
revolution wrought by industrialism.
To Europeans and North Americans, however, the reason that they had come to enjoy
such wealth and power was not because of a (temporary) monopoly of industrial technology.
Instead, it was the inevitable result of their inherent biological and cultural superiority. The idea
that the human species was divided into biologically distinct races was not entirely invented in
the nineteenth century, but it became the predominant outlook and acquired all the trappings of
a “science” over the course of the 1800s. By the year 1900, almost any person of European
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descent would have claimed to be part of a distinct, superior “race” whose global dominance
was simply part of their collective birthright.
That conceit arrived at its zenith in the first half of the twentieth century. The European
powers themselves fell upon one another in the First World War in the name of expanding, or at
least preserving, their share of global dominance. Soon after, the new (related) ideologies of
fascism and Nazism put racial superiority at the very center of their worldviews. The Second
World War was the direct result of those ideologies, when racial warfare was unleashed for the
first time not just on members of races Europeans had already classified as “inferior,” but on
European ethnicities that fascists and Nazis now considered inferior races in their own right,
most obviously the Jews. The bloodbath that followed resulted in approximately 55 million
deaths, including the 6 million Jewish victims of the Holocaust and at least 25 million citizens of
the Soviet Union, another “racial” enemy from the perspective of the Nazis.
Western Civilization Is “Born”
It was against the backdrop of this descent into what Europeans and Americans
frequently called “barbarism” - the old antithesis of the “true” civilization that started with the
Greeks - that the history of Western Civilization first came into being as a textbook topic and,
soon, a mainstay of college curriculums. Prominent scholars in the United States, especially
historians, came to believe that the best way to defend the elements of civilization with which
they most strongly identified, including certain concepts of rationality and political equality, was
to describe all of human existence as an ascent from primitive savagery into enlightenment, an
ascent that may not have strictly speaking started in Europe, but which enjoyed its greatest
success there. The early proponents of the “Western Civ” concept spoke and wrote explicitly of
European civilization as an unbroken ladder of ideas, technologies, and cultural achievements
that led to the present. Along the way, of course, they included the United States as both a
product of those European achievements and, in the twentieth century, as one of the staunchest
defenders of that legacy.
That first generation of historians of Western Civilization succeeded in crafting what was
to be the core of history curriculums for most of the twentieth century in American colleges and
universities, not to mention high schools. The narrative in the introduction in this book follows
its basic contours, without all of the qualifying remarks: it starts with Greece, goes through
Rome, the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, then on to the growth in European power leading up
to the recent past. The traditional story made a hard and fast distinction between Western
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Civilization as the site of progress, and the rest of the world (usually referred to as the “Orient,”
simply meaning “east,” all the way up until textbooks started changing their terms in the 1980s)
which invariably lagged behind. Outside of the West, went the narrative, there was despotism,
stagnation, and corruption, so it was almost inevitable that the West would eventually achieve
global dominance.
This was, in hindsight, a somewhat surprising conclusion given when the narrative was
invented. The West’s self-understanding as the most “civilized” culture had imploded with the
world wars, but the inventors of Western Civilization as a concept were determined to not only
rescue its legacy from that implosion, but to celebrate it as the only major historical legacy of
relevance to the present. In doing so, they reinforced many of the intellectual dividing lines
created centuries earlier: there was true civilization opposed by barbarians, there was an
ongoing and unbroken legacy of achievement and progress, and most importantly, only people
who were born in or descended from people born in Europe had played a significant historical
role. The entire history of most of humankind was not just irrelevant to the narrative of
European or American history, it was irrelevant to the history of the modern world for everyone.
In other words, even Africans and Asians, to say nothing of the people of the Pacific or Native
Americans, could have little of relevance to learn from their own history that was not somehow
“obsolete” in the modern era. And yet, this astonishing conclusion was born from a culture that
unleashed the most horrific destruction (self-destruction) ever witnessed by the human species.
The Approach of This Book (with Caveats)
This textbook follows the contours of the basic Western Civilization narrative described
above in terms of chronology and, to an extent, geography because it was written to be
compatible with most Western Civilization courses as they exist today. It deliberately breaks,
however, from the “triumphalist” narrative that describes Western Civilization as the most
successful, rational, and enlightened form of civilization in human history. It casts a wider
geographical view than traditional Western Civilization textbooks, focusing in many cases on the
critical historical role of the Middle East, not just Europe. It also abandons the pretense that the
history of Western Civilization was generally progressive, with the conditions of life and
understanding of the natural world of most people improving over time (as a matter of fact, they
did not).
The purpose of this approach is not to disparage the genuine breakthroughs,
accomplishments, and forms of “progress” that did originate in “the West.” Technologies as
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diverse and important as the steam engine and antibiotics originated in the West. Major
intellectual and ideological movements calling for religious toleration, equality before the law,
and feminism all came into being in the West. For better and for worse, the West was also the
point of origin of true globalization (starting with the European contact with the Americas, as
noted above). It would be as misleading to dismiss the history of Western Civilization as
unimportant as it is to claim that only the history of Western Civilization is important.
Thus, this textbook attempts to present a balanced account of major events that
occurred in the West over approximately the last 10,000 years. “Balance” is in the eye of the
reader, however, so the account will not be satisfactory to many. The purpose of this
introduction is to make explicit the background and the framework that informed the writing of
the book, and the author chooses to release it as an Open Education Resource in the
knowledge that many others will have the opportunity to modify it as they see fit.
Finally, a note on the kind of history this textbook covers is in order. For the sake of
clarity and manageability, historians distinguish between different areas of historical study:
political, intellectual, military, cultural, artistic, social, and so on. Historians have made
enormous strides in the last sixty years in addressing various areas that were traditionally
neglected, most importantly in considering the histories of the people who were not in power,
including the common people of various epochs, of women for almost all of history, and of
slaves and servants. The old adage that “history is written by the winners” is simply untrue history has left behind mountains of evidence about the lives of those who had access to less
personal autonomy than did social elites. Those elites did much to author some of the most
familiar historical narratives, but those traditional narratives have been under sustained critique
for several decades.
This textbook tries to address at least some of those histories, but here it will be found
wanting by many. Given the vast breadth of history covered in its chapters, the bulk of the
consideration is on “high level” political history, charting a chronological framework of major
states, political events, and political changes. There are two reasons for that approach. First,
the history of politics lends itself to a history of events linked together by causality: first
something happened, and then something else happened because of it. In turn, there is a
fundamental coherence and simplicity to textbook narratives of political history (one that
infuriates many professional historians, who are trained to identify and study complexity).
Political history can thus serve as an accessible starting place for newcomers to the study of
history, providing a relatively easy-to-follow chronological framework.
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The other, related, reason for the political framing of this textbook is that history has long
since declined as a subject central to education from the elementary through high school levels
in many parts of the United States. It is no longer possible to assume that anyone who has
completed high school already has some idea of major (measured by their impact at the time
and since) events of the past. This textbook attempts to use political history as, again, a starting
point in considering events, people, movements, and ideas that changed the world at the time
and continue to exert an influence in the present.
To be clear, not all of what follows has to do with politics in so many words.
Considerable attention is also given to intellectual, economic, and to an extent, religious history.
Social and cultural history are covered in less detail, both for reasons of space and the simple
fact that the author was trained as an intellectual historian interested in political theory. These,
hopefully, are areas that will be addressed in future revisions.
Original Version: March 2019
Notes on the Second Edition
The Second Edition of this textbook attempts to redress some of the “missing pieces”
noted in the conclusion of the introduction above. First, greater emphasis is placed on the
history of the Middle East, especially in the period after the collapse of the political authority of
the Abbasid Caliphate in the ninth century CE. The textbook now addresses the histories of
Persia (Iran) and the Ottoman Empire in considerable detail, emphasizing both their own
political, religious, and economic developments and their respective relationships with other
cultures. Second, much greater focus is given to the history of gender roles and to women’s
history.
From the perspective of the author, the new material on the Middle East integrates
naturally with the narrative because it remains focused mostly on political history. The material
on gender and women’s history is sometimes a more awkward fit in that women were almost
entirely excluded from traditional “high-level” political histories precisely because so few women
were ever in positions of political authority until the recent past. The shift in focus to include
more women’s history necessarily entails greater emphasis not just on gender roles, but on the
social history of everyday life, stepping away at times from the political history framework of the
volumes as a whole. The result is a broader and more robust historical account than that of the
earlier edition, although the overarching narrative is still driven by political developments.
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Finally, a note on grammatical conventions: in keeping with most American English
approaches, the writing errs on the side of capitalizing proper nouns. For example, terms like
“the Church” when referring to the Catholic Church in its institutional presence, specific regions
like “Western Europe,” and historical eras like “the Middle Ages” and “the Enlightenment” are all
capitalized. When possible, the names of individuals are kept as close to their authentic
spelling and/or pronunciation as possible, hence “Chinggis Khan” instead of “Genghis Khan,”
“Wilhelm I” instead of “William I,” and “Nikolai I” instead of “Nicholas I.” Some exceptions have
been made to avoid confusion where there is a prevailing English version, as in “Joseph Stalin”
instead of the more accurate “Iosif Stalin.” Diacritical marks are kept when possible in original
spellings, as in the term “Führer” when discussing Adolf Hitler. Herculean efforts have been
made to reduce the number of semicolons in the text, to little avail.
Dr. Christopher Brooks
Faculty Member in History, Portland Community College
Second Edition: February 2020
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Chapter 1: Napoleon
Considering that he would go on to become one of the most significant French rulers of
all time, there is considerable irony in the fact that Napoleon Bonaparte was not born in France
itself, but on the island of Corsica in the Mediterranean. A generation earlier, Corsica had been
won by France as a prize in one of its many wars, and Napoleon was thus born a French
citizen. His family was not rich, but did have a legitimate noble title that was recognized by the
French state, meaning Napoleon was eligible to join the ranks of noble-held monopolies like the
officer corps of the French army. Thus, as a young man, his parents sent him to France to train
as an artillery officer. There, he endured harassment and hazing from the sons of "real" French
nobles, who belittled his Corsican accent and treated him as a foreign interloper. Already
pugnacious and incredibly stubborn, the hazing contributed to his determination to someday
arrive at a position of unchallenged authority. Thanks to his relentless drive, considerable
intellectual gifts, and more than a little luck, he would eventually achieve just that.
Napoleon was a great contrast. On the one hand, he was a man of the French
Revolution. He had achieved fame only because of the opportunities the revolutionary armies
provided; as a member of a minor Corsican noble family, he would never have risen to
prominence in the pre-revolutionary era. Likewise, with his armies he “exported” the Revolution
to the rest of Europe, undermining the power of the traditional nobility and instituting a law code
based on the principle of legal equality. Decades later, as a prisoner in a miserable British
island-prison in the South Atlantic, Napoleon would claim in his memoirs that everything he had
done was in the name of France and the Revolution.
On the other hand, Napoleon was a megalomaniac who indulged his every political whim
and single-mindedly pursued personal power. He appointed his family members to run
newly-invented puppet states in Europe after he had conquered them. He ignored the beliefs
and sentiments of the people he conquered and, arguably, of the French themselves, who
remained loyal because of his victories and the stability and order he had returned to France
after the tumult of the 1790s. He micro-managed the enormous empire he had created with his
armies and trusted no one besides his older brother and the handful of generals who had
proved themselves over years of campaigning for him. Thus, while he may have truly believed
in the revolutionary principles of reason and efficiency, and cared little for outdated traditions,
there was not a trace of the revolution’s democratic impulse present in his personality or in the
imperial state that he created.
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The Rise of Napoleon's Empire
Napoleon had entered the army after training as an artillery officer before the revolution.
He rose to prominence against the backdrop of crisis and war that affected the French Republic
in the 1790s. As of 1795, political power had shifted again in the revolutionary government, this
time to a five-man committee called the Directorate. The war against the foreign coalition,
which had now grown to include Russia and the Ottoman Empire, ground on endlessly even as
the economic situation in France itself kept getting worse.
Napoleon first came to the attention of the revolutionary government when he put down
a royalist insurrection in Paris in 1795. He went on in 1796 and 1797 to lead French armies to
major victories in Northern Italy against the Austrians. He also led an attack on Ottoman
Turkish forces in Egypt in 1797, where he was initially victorious, only to have the French fleet
sunk behind him by the British (he was later recalled to France, leaving behind most of his army
in the process). Even in defeat, however, Napoleon proved brilliant at crafting a legend of his
exploits, quickly becoming the most famous of France’s revolutionary generals thanks in large
part to a propaganda campaign he helped finance.
In 1799, Napoleon was hand-picked to join a new three-man conspiracy that succeeded
in seizing power in a coup d’etat; the new government was called the Consulate, its members
"consuls" after the most powerful politicians in the ancient Roman Republic. Soon, it became
apparent that Napoleon was dominating the other two members completely, and in 1802 he was
declared (by his compliant government) Consul for Life, assuming total power. In 1804, as his
forces pushed well beyond the French borders, he crowned himself (the first ever) emperor of
France. He thought of himself as the spiritual heir to Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar,
declaring that, a member of the “best race of the Caesars,” he was a founder of empires.
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Napoleon on his imperial throne. He was not one for subtlety.
Even as he was cementing his hold on political power, Napoleon was leading the French
armies to victory against the foreign coalition. He continued the existing focus on total war that
had begun with the levée en masse, but he enhanced it further by paying for the wars (and new
troops) with loot from his successful conquests. He ended up controlling a million soldiers by
1812, the largest armed force ever seen. From 1799 to 1802, he defeated Austrian and British
forces and secured a peace treaty from both powers, one that lasted long enough for him to
organize a new grand strategy to conquer not only all of continental Europe, but (he hoped),
Britain as well. That treaty held until late 1805, when a new coalition of Britain, Austria, and
Russia formed to oppose him.
His one major defeat during this early period was when he lost the ability to threaten
Britain itself: in October of 1805, at the Battle of Trafalgar, a British fleet destroyed a larger
French and allied Spanish one. The British victory was so decisive that Napoleon was forced to
abandon his hope of invading Britain and had to try to indirectly weaken it instead. Even the
fact that the planned invasion never came to pass did not slow his momentum, however, since
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the enormous army of seasoned troops he assembled for it was available to carry out conquests
of states closer to home in Central Europe.
Thus, despite the setback at Trafalgar, the years of 1805 and 1806 saw stunning
victories for Napoleon. In a series of major battles in 1805, Napoleon defeated first Austria and
then Russia. The Austrians were forced to sign a treaty and Vienna itself was occupied by
French forces for a short while, while the Russian Tsar Alexander I worked on raising a new
army. The last major continental power, Prussia, went to war in 1806, but its army was no
match for Napoleon, who defeated the Prussians at the Battle of Jena and then occupied Berlin.
Fully 96% of the over 170,000 soldiers in the Prussian army were lost, the vast majority (about
140,000) taken prisoner by the French. In 1806, following his victories over the Austrians and
Prussians, Napoleon formally dissolved the (almost exactly 1,000-years-old) Holy Roman
Empire, replacing much of its territory with a newly-invented puppet state he called the
Confederation of the Rhine.
After another (less successful) battle with the Russians, Napoleon negotiated an alliance
with Tsar Alexander in 1807. He now controlled Europe from France to Poland, though the
powerful British navy continued to dominate the seas. His empire stretched from Belgium and
Holland in the north to Rome in the south, covering nearly half a million square miles and
boasting a population of 44 million. In some places Napoleon simply expanded French borders
and ruled directly, while in others he set up puppet states that ultimately answered to him (he
generally appointed his family members as the puppet rulers). Despite setbacks discussed
below, Napoleon’s forces continued to dominate continental Europe through 1813; attempts by
the Prussians and, to a lesser extent, Austrians to regain the initiative always failed thanks to
French military dominance.
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Napoleon’s empire at its height. The regions in dark green were governed directly by
Napoleon’s imperial government, while the regions in light green were puppet states that
answered to France.
Military Strategy
Napoleon liked to think that he was a genius in everything. Where he was actually a
genius was in his powers of memory, his tireless focus, and his mastery of military logistics: the
movement of troops and supplies in war. He memorized things like the movement speed of his
armies, the amount of and type of supplies needed by his forces, the rate at which they would
lose men to injury, desertion, and disease, and how much ammunition they needed to have on
hand. He was so skilled at map-reading that he could coordinate multiple army corps to march
separately, miles apart, and then converge at a key moment to catch his enemies by surprise.
He was indifferent to luxury and worked relentlessly, often sleeping only four or five hours a
night, and his intellectual gifts (astonishing powers of memory foremost among them) were such
that he was capable of effectively micro-managing his entire empire through written directives to
underlings.
Unlike past revolutionary leaders, Napoleon faced no dissent from within his government
or his forces, especially the army. Simply put, Napoleon was always able to rely on the loyalty
of his troops. He took his first step toward independent authority in the spring of 1796, when he
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announced that his army would be paid in silver rather than the paper money issued by the
French Republic that had lost almost all of its value. Napoleon led his men personally in most of
the most important battles, and because he lived like a soldier like them, most of his men came
to adore him. His victories kept morale high both among his troops and among the French
populace, as did the constant stream of pro-Napoleonic propaganda that he promoted through
imperial censorship.
Napoleon’s military record matched his ambition: he fought sixty battles in the two
decades he was in power, winning all but eight (the ones he lost were mostly toward the end of
his reign). His victories were not just because of his own command of battlefield tactics, but
because of the changes introduced by the French Revolution earlier. The elimination of noble
privilege enabled the French government to impose conscription and to increase the size and
flexibility of its armies. It also turned the officer corps into a true meritocracy: now, a capable
soldier could rise to command regardless of his social background. Mass conscription allowed
the French to develop permanent divisions and corps, each combining infantry, cavalry, artillery,
and support services. On campaign these large units of ten to twenty thousand men usually
moved on separate roads, each responsible for extracting supplies from its own area, but
capable of mutual support. This kind of organization multiplied Napoleon's operational choices,
facilitating the strategies of dispersal and concentration that bewildered his opponents.
In some ways, however, his strengths came with related weaknesses. In hindsight, it
seems clear that his greatest problem was that he could never stop: he always seemed to need
one more victory. While supremely arrogant, he was also self-aware and savvy enough to
recognize that his rule depended on continued conquests. For the first several years of his rule,
Napoleon appeared to his subjects as a reformer and a leader who, while protecting France's
borders, had ended the war with the other European powers and imposed peace settlements
with the Austrians and the British which were favorable to France. By 1805, however, it was
clear to just about everyone that he intended to create a huge empire far beyond the original
borders of France.
Civil Life
Napoleon was not just a brilliant general, he was also a serious politician with a keen
mind for how the government had to be reformed for greater efficiency. He addressed the
chronic problem of inflation by improving tax collection and public auditing, creating the Bank of
France in 1800, and substituting silver and gold for the almost worthless paper notes. He
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introduced a new Civil Code of 1804 (as usual, named after himself as the Code Napoleon),
which preserved the legal egalitarian principles of 1789.
Despite the rapacity of the initial invasions, French domination brought certain beneficial
reforms to the puppet states created by France, all of them products of the French Revolution’s
innovations a decade earlier: single customs areas, unified systems of weights and measures,
written constitutions, equality before the law, the abolition of archaic noble privileges,
secularization of church property, the abolition of serfdom, and religious toleration. At least for
the early years of the Napoleonic empire, many conquered peoples - most obviously
commoners - experienced French conquest as (at least in part) a liberation.
In education, his most noteworthy invention was the lycée, a secondary school for the
training of an elite of leaders and administrators, with a secular curriculum and scholarships for
the sons of officers and civil servants and the most gifted pupils of ordinary secondary schools.
A Concordat (agreement) with the Pope in 1801 restored the position of the Catholic Church in
France, though it did not return Church property, nor did it abandon the principle of toleration for
religious minorities. The key revolutionary principle that Napoleon imposed was efficiency - he
wanted a well-managed, efficient empire because he recognized that efficiency translated to
power. Even his own support for religious freedom was born out of that impulse: he did not care
what religion his subjects professed so long as they worked diligently for the good of the state.
Napoleon was no freedom-lover, however. He imposed strict censorship of the press
and had little time for democracy. He also took after the leading politicians in the revolutionary
period by explicitly excluding women from the political community - his 1804 law code made
women the legal subjects of their fathers and then their husbands, stating that a husband owed
his wife protection and a wife owed her husband obedience. In other words, under the Code
Napoleon, women had the same legal status as children. From all of his subjects, men and
women alike, Napoleon expected the same thing demanded of women in family life: obedience.
The Fall of Napoleon's Empire
Unable to invade Britain after the Battle of Trafalgar, Napoleon tried to economically
strangle Britain with a European boycott of British goods, creating what he hoped would be a
self-sustaining internal European economy: the “Continental System.” By late 1807 all
continental European nations, except Denmark, Sweden, and Portugal, had closed their ports to
British commerce. But far from buckling under the strain of the Continental System, Britain was
getting richer, seizing the remains of the French Empire in the Caribbean and smuggling cheap
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but high-quality manufactured goods into Europe. Napoleon's own quartermasters (i.e. the
officers who purchased supplies) bought the French army's uniforms from the British!
Napoleon demanded that Denmark and Portugal comply with his Continental System.
Britain countered by bombarding Copenhagen and seizing the Danish fleet, an example that
encouraged the Portuguese to defy Napoleon and to protect their profitable commerce with
Britain. Napoleon responded with an invasion of the Iberian peninsula in 1808 (initially an ally of
the Spanish monarchy, Napoleon summarily booted the king from his throne and installed his
own brother Joseph as the new monarch), which in turn sparked an insurrection in deeply
conservative Spain. The British sent a small but effective expeditionary force under the Duke of
Wellington to support the insurrection, and Napoleon found himself tied down in a guerrilla war the term “guerrilla,” meaning “little war,” was invented by the Spanish during the conflict.
Napoleon's forces ended up trapped in this new kind of war, one without major battles or
a clear enemy army. The financial costs of the invasion and occupation were enormous, and
over the next seven years almost 200,000 French soldiers lost their lives in Spain. Even as
Napoleon envisioned the further expansion of his empire, most of his best soldiers were stuck in
Spain. Napoleon came to refer to the occupation as his "Spanish ulcer," a wound in his empire
that would not stop bleeding.
Francisco Goya’s “The Third of May,” commemorating the massacre of Spanish villagers by
French troops.
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The problem for the French forces was that they had consistently defeated enemies who
opposed them in large open battles, but that kind of battle was in short supply in Spain. Instead,
the guerrillas mastered the art of what is now called "asymmetrical warfare," in which a weaker
but determined force defeats a stronger one by whittling them down over time. The French
controlled the cities and most of the towns, but even a few feet beyond the outskirts of a French
camp they could fall victim to a sudden ambush. French soldiers were picked off piecemeal as
the years went on despite the fact that the Spanish did not field an army against them. In turn,
the French massacred villagers suspected of collaborating with the guerrillas, but all the
massacres did was turn more Spanish peasants against them. Napoleon poured hundreds of
thousands of men into Spain in a vain attempt to turn the tide and pacify it; instead, he found his
best troops caught in a war that refused to play by his rules.
Meanwhile, while the Spanish ulcer continued to fester, Napoleon faced other setbacks
of his own design. In 1810, he divorced his wife Josephine (who had not produced a male heir)
and married the princess of the Habsburg dynasty, Marie-Louise. This prompted suspicion,
muted protest, and military desertion since it appeared to be an open betrayal of anti-monarchist
revolutionary principles: instead of defying the kings of Europe, he was trying to create his own
royal line by marrying into one! In the same year, Napoleon annexed the Papal States in central
Italy, prompting Pope Pius VII to excommunicate him. Predictably, this alienated many of his
Catholic subjects.
Russia, Elba, and Waterloo
Meanwhile, the one continental European power that was completely outside of his
control was Russia. Despite the obvious problem of staging a full-scale invasion - Russia was
far from France, it was absolutely enormous, and it remained militarily powerful - Napoleon
concluded that it had come time to expand his empire's borders even further. In this, he not
only saw Russia as the last remaining major power on the continent that opposed him, but he
hoped to regain lost inertia and popularity. His ultimate goal was to conquer not just Russia, but
the European part (i.e. Greece and the Balkans) of the Ottoman Empire. He hoped to
eventually control Constantinople and the Black Sea, thereby re-creating most of the ancient
Roman Empire, this time under French rule. To do so, he gathered an enormous army, 600,000
strong, and in the summer of 1812 it marched for Russia.
Napoleon faced problems even before the army left, however. Most of his best troops
were fighting in Spain, and more than half of the "Grand Army" created to invade Russia was
recruited from non-French territories, mostly in Italy and Germany. Likewise, many of the
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recruits were just that: new recruits with insufficient training and no military background. He
chased the Russian army east, fighting two actual battles (the second of which, the Battle of
Borodino in August of 1812, was extremely bloody), but never pinning the Russians down or
receiving the anticipated negotiations from the Tsar for surrender. When the French arrived in
Moscow in September, they found it abandoned and largely burned by the retreating Russians,
who refused to engage in the "final battle" Napoleon always sought. As the first snowflakes
started falling, the French held out for another month, but by October Napoleon was forced to
concede that he had to turn back as supplies began running low.
The French retreat was a horrendous debacle. The Russians attacked weak points in
the French line and ambushed them at river crossings, disease swept through the ranks of the
malnourished French troops, and the weather got steadily worse. Tens of thousands starved
outright, desertion was ubiquitous, and of the 600,000 who had set out for Russia, only 40,000
returned to France. In contrast to regular battles, in which most lost soldiers could be
accounted for as either captured by the enemy or wounded, but not dead, at least 400,000 men
lost their lives in the Russian campaign. In the aftermath of this colossal defeat, the anti-French
coalition of Austria, Prussia, Britain, and Russia reformed.
Napoleon’s retreat.
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Amazingly, Napoleon succeeded in raising still more armies, and France fought on for
two more years. Increasingly, however, the French were losing, the coalition armies now trained
and equipped along French lines and anticipating French strategy. In April of 1814, as coalition
forces closed in, Napoleon finally abdicated. He even attempted suicide, drinking the poison he
had carried for years in case of capture, but the poison was mostly inert from its age and it
merely sickened him (after his recovery, his self-confidence quickly returned). Fearing that his
execution would make him a martyr to the French, the coalition’s leadership opted to exile him
instead, and he was sent to a manor on the small Mediterranean island of Elba, near his native
Corsica.
He stayed less than a year. In March of 1815, bored and restless, Napoleon escaped
and returned to France. The anti-Napoleonic coalition had restored the Bourbons to the throne
in the person of the unpopular Louis XVIII, younger brother of the executed Louis XVI, and
when a French force sent to capture Napoleon instead defected to him, the coalition realized
that they had not really won. Napoleon managed to scrape together one more army, but was
finally defeated by a coalition force of British and Prussian soldiers in June of 1815 at the Battle
of Waterloo. Napoleon was imprisoned on the cold, miserable island of Saint Helena in the
South Atlantic, where he finally died in 1821 after composing his memoirs.
The Aftermath
What were the effects of Napoleon’s reign? First, despite the manifest abuses of
occupied territories, the Napoleonic army still brought with it significant reform. It brought a
taste for a more egalitarian social system with it, a law code based on rationality instead of
tradition, and a major weakening of the nobility. It also directly inspired a growing sense of
nationalism, especially since the Napoleonic Empire was so clearly French despite its
pretensions to universalism. Napoleon's tendency to loot occupied territories to enrich the
French led many of his subjects to recognize the hypocrisy of his "egalitarian" empire, and in the
absence of their old kings they began to think of themselves as Germans and Italians and
Spaniards rather than just subjects to a king.
The myth of Napoleon was significant as well – he became the great romantic hero,
despite his own decidedly unromantic personality, thought of as a modern Julius Caesar or
Alexander the Great (just as he had hoped). He gave France its greatest hour of dominance in
European history, and for more than fifty years the rest of Europe lived in fear of another French
invasion. This was the context that the kingdoms that had allied against him were left with in
1815. At a series of meetings known as the Congress of Vienna, Britain, Russia, Prussia, and
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Austria gathered together in the Austrian capital of Vienna to try to rebuild the European order.
What they could not do, however, was undo everything that Napoleon’s legacy completely, and
so European (and soon, world) history’s course was changed by a single unique man from
Corsica.
Image Citations (Creative Commons):
Napoleon on his Throne - Public Domain
Napoleonic Empire - Trajan 117
Third of May - Public Domain
Napoleon's Retreat - Public Domain
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Chapter 2: The Industrial Revolution
Big Changes
One of the most vexing questions for historians is how to identify the causes of
nineteenth-century European dominance: how does one explain the simple fact that Europe
controlled a staggering amount of territory all around the globe by 1900? The old Eurocentric
viewpoint was that there was something unique about European culture that gave it a
competitive edge in the world. The even older version, popular among Europeans themselves
in the late nineteenth century, was openly racist and chauvinistic: it claimed that European
civilization was the bearer of critical thought itself, of technological know-how, of piercing insight
and practical sense. All other civilizations were, in this model, regarded as either hopelessly
backward or stuck in a previous stage of cultural or even biological evolution.
That explanation was, obviously, not just self-serving but inaccurate. Nineteenth-century
Europeans rarely lived up to their own inflated view of themselves, and more to the point, their
dominance was extremely short-lived. Europe had a technological lead on most other world
regions for less than a century. The Industrial Revolution began in England in about 1750, took
almost a century to spread to other parts of western Europe (a process that began in earnest
around 1830), and reached maturity by the 1850s and 1860s. In turn, European industrial power
was overwhelming in comparison to the rest of the world, except the United States starting in
the last decades of the nineteenth century, from about 1860 - 1914. After that, Europe’s
competitive edge began a steady decline, one that coincided with the collapse of its global
empires after World War II.
A more satisfying explanation for the explosion of European power than one that claims
that Europeans had some kind of inherent cultural advantage has to do with energy. For about
a century, Europe and, eventually, the United States, had almost exclusive access to what
amounted to unlimited energy in the form of fossil fuels. The iconic battles toward the end of the
century between rifle-wielding European soldiers and the people they conquered in Africa and
parts of Asia were not just about the rifles; they were about the factories that made those rifles,
the calories that fed the soldiers, the steamships that transported them there, the telegraph lines
that conveyed orders for thousands of miles away, the medicines that kept them healthy, and so
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on, all of which represented an epochal shift from the economic and technological reality of the
people trying to resist European imperialism. All of those inventions could be produced in
gigantic quantities thanks to the use of coal and, later, oil power.
While many historians have taken issue with the term “revolution” in describing what was
much more of a slow evolution at the time, there is no question that the changes industrial
technology brought about really were revolutionary. Few things have mattered as much as the
Industrial Revolution, because it fundamentally transformed almost everything about how
human beings live, perhaps most strikingly including humankind’s relationship with nature.
Whole landscapes can be transformed, cities constructed, species exterminated, and the entire
natural ecosystem fundamentally changed in a relatively short amount of time.
Likewise, “the” Industrial Revolution was really a linking together of distinct “revolutions”
– technology started it, but the effects of those technological changes were economic and
social. All of society was eventually transformed, leading to the phrase “industrial society,” one
in which everything is in large part based on the availability of a huge amount of cheap energy
and an equally huge number of mass-produced commodities (including people, insofar as
workers can be replaced). To sum up, the Industrial Revolution was as momentous in human
history as was the agricultural revolution that began civilization back in about 10,000 BCE.
Even if it was a revolution that took over a century to come to fruition, from a long-term
world-historical perspective, it still qualifies as revolutionary.
Geography of the Industrial Revolution
The Industrial Revolution occurred first in Great Britain, and that simple fact goes a long
way toward explaining why Britain became the single most powerful European country of the
nineteenth century. Britain was well positioned to serve as the cradle of industrialism. One of
the background causes of the Industrial Revolution was the combination of rapidly increasing
populations and more efficient agriculture providing more calories to feed that population. Even
fairly rudimentary improvements in sanitation in the first half of the eighteenth century resulted in
lower infant mortality rates and lower disease rates in general. The Little Ice Age of the early
modern period ended in the eighteenth century as well, increasing crop yields. Despite the fact
that more commercially-oriented agriculture, something that was well underway in Britain by the
middle of the eighteenth century, was often experienced as a disaster by peasants and farmers,
the fact is that it did increase the total caloric output of crops at the same time. In short,
agriculture definitively left the subsistence model behind and became a commercial enterprise in
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Britain by 1800. Thus, there was a “surplus population” (to quote Ebenezer Scrooge of A
Christmas Carol, speaking of the urban poor) of peasants who were available to work in the first
generations of factories.
English workers arriving for their shift in 1900. Note the young boy on the right, employed by
the factory in lieu of being in school.
In addition, Britain has abundant coal deposits concentrated in northern England. In a
very lucky coincidence for British industry, northern England in the eighteenth century was the
heart of the existing British textile industry, which became the key commercial force in the early
period of industrialization. The northern English coal deposits are part of an underground band
of coal that reaches across to Belgium, eastern France, and western Germany. This stretch of
land would become the industrial heartland of Europe - one can draw a line down a map of
Western Europe from England stretching across the English Channel toward the Alps and trace
most of the industrial centers of Europe in the first half of the nineteenth century.
Britain had coal, and the English and Scottish had long known that you could burn it and
produce heat. For many centuries, however, it was an unpopular fuel source. Coal produces a
noxious, toxic smoke, along with heaps of black ash. It has to be mined, and coal mines in
northwestern Europe tended to rapidly fill with water as they dipped below the water table,
requiring cumbersome pumping systems. In turn, conditions in those mines were extremely
dangerous and difficult. Thus, coal was only used in small amounts in England until well into
the Renaissance period.
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What changed was, simply, Britain ran out of forests. Thanks to the need for firewood
and charcoal for heat, as well as timber for building (especially shipbuilding; Britain's navy
consumed a vast quantity of wood in construction and repairs), Britain was forced to import
huge quantities of wood from abroad by the end of the seventeenth century. As firewood
became prohibitively expensive, British people increasingly turned to coal. Already by the
seventeenth century, former prejudices against coal as dirty and distasteful had given way to the
necessity of its use as a fuel source for heat. As the Industrial Revolution began in the latter
half of the eighteenth century, thanks to a series of key inventions, the vast energy capacity of
coal was unleashed for the first time. By 1815, annual British coal production yielded energy
equivalent to what could be garnered from burning a hypothetical forest equal in area to all of
England, Scotland, and Wales.
There were a series of technological breakthroughs that powered the expansion of the
Industrial Revolution, all of them originating in Britain. Most importantly, a Scottish engineer
named James Watt developed an efficient steam engine in 1763, which was subsequently
manufactured in 1775 (Watt was not the inventor of the concept, but his design was vastly more
effective than earlier versions). Steam engines were originally used to pump water out of
mines, but soon it was discovered that they could be used to substitute for water-power itself at
mills, with Watt developing a rotary (spinning) mechanism tied to the engine. In turn, this
enabled the conversion of thermal energy unleashed by burning a fossil fuel like coal into kinetic
energy (the energy of movement). With a steam engine, coal did not just provide heat, it
provided power. Watt, in turn, personally invented the term “horsepower” in order to explain to
potential customers what his machine could do. Almost anything that moved could now be tied
to coal power instead of muscle power, and thus began the vast and dramatic shift toward the
modern world’s dependence on fossil fuels.
The first and most important industry to benefit from coal power besides mining itself
was the northern English textile industry, which harnessed steam power to drive new machines
that processed the cotton and transformed it into finished cloth. Building on various other
machine breakthroughs, an inventor named Edmund Cartwright developed the power loom in
1787, the first large-scale textile machine that could process an enormous amount of cotton
fiber. By the end of the 1800s, a single “mule” (a spinning invention linked to steam power in
1803) could produce thread 200 to 300 times as fast as could be done by hand. By 1850 Britain
was producing 200 times as much cotton cloth than it had in 1780.
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Power looms in 1835. Female labor was preferred by factory-owners because women could be
paid less than men for doing the same work.
In turn, textiles were the basis of the Industrial Revolution for straightforward practical
reasons: raw material was available from the American south thanks to slave labor, and there
was an endless market for textiles all across Europe. British cloth processed by the new
machines was of very high quality and, because of the vast quantity that British mills could
produce, it was far cheaper than textiles produced by hand. Thus, British cloth rapidly cornered
the market everywhere in Europe, generating tremendous profits for British industrialists. The
impact on Britain’s economy was enormous, as was its textile industry’s growing dominance
over its European rivals. France initially tried to keep British fabric out of its own markets, but in
1786 the two kingdoms negotiated the Eden Treaty, which allowed the importation of British
manufactured goods. The result was a tidal wave of British cloth in French markets, which
forced French manufacturers to implement industrial technology in their own workshops.
In its first century, the areas in Europe that benefited the most from the Industrial
Revolution were the ones closest to coal. Besides access to coal, the other major factors
driving industrial expansion in Britain were political and cultural. The reason that Britain was far
and away the leading industrial power is that its parliament was full of believers in the principles
of free trade, which meant that commercial enterprises were not hampered by archaic
restrictions or cultural prejudices. Britain was also the richest society in Europe in terms of
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available capital: money was available through reliable, trustworthy banking institutions. Thus,
investors could build up a factory after securing loans with fair interest rates and they knew that
they had a legal system that favored their enterprise. Finally, taxes were not arbitrary or
extremely high (as they were in most parts of Spain and Italy, for example).
The other major reason that Britain enjoyed such an early and long-lasting lead in
industrialization is that British elites, especially the powerful gentry class of landowners, were
not hostile to commercial enterprise. In many kingdoms on the continent, members of the
nobility were banned from actively practicing commerce until the period of the French
Revolution. Even after the Napoleonic wars, when noble titles could no longer be lost by
engaging in commerce, banking, or factory ownership, there remained deep skepticism and
arrogance among continental nobles about the new industries. In short, nobles often looked
down on those who made their wealth not from land, but from factories. This attitude helped to
slow the advent of industrialism for decades.
The only continental region to industrialize in earnest before the 1840s was the southern
swath of the Netherlands, which became the newly-created nation of Belgium in 1830 after a
revolution. That region, immediately a close ally of Great Britain, had usable waterways, coal
deposits, and a skilled artisanal workforce. By the 1830s the newly-minted country was rapidly
industrializing. Belgium’s neighbor to the southwest, France, was comparatively slow to follow
despite its large population and considerable overall wealth, however. The traditional elites who
dominated the restored monarchy were deeply skeptical of British-style commercial and
industrial innovations. Despite Napoleon’s having established the first national bank in 1800,
the banking system as a whole was rudimentary and capital was restricted. In turn, the
transportation of goods across France itself was prohibitively expensive due to the lack of
navigable waterways and the existence of numerous tolls.
There were also important cultural factors that impeded industrial expansion in France.
Whereas Britain’s large population of landless rural laborers and poor peasants had little option
but to seek factory work, most French peasants were independent farmers who had no interest
in going to cities to work in miserable conditions. Second, French industry had always
concentrated on high-quality luxury goods, and French artisans fiercely resisted the spread of
lower-quality and lower-skilled work and goods. Industrialization was thus limited to the
northeastern part of the country, which had coal deposits, until the second half of the century.
In the German lands, it was not until the establishment of the Zollverein, a customs
union, in 1834 that trade could flow freely enough to encourage industrial growth in earnest.
Following its creation, railroads spread across the various kingdoms of northern Germany.
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Western Germany had extensive coal deposits, and by 1850 German industry was growing
rapidly, especially in the Ruhr valley near the border with France.
Meanwhile, outside of Western Europe, there was practically no large-scale industry. It
took until the late nineteenth century for the Industrial Revolution to "arrive" in places like
northern Italy and the cities of western Russia, with some countries like Spain missing out
entirely until the twentieth century.
While the UK enjoyed the early lead in industrial manufacturing, its share of global output had
dropped by 1900. The United States became the major industrial power of the world in the first
two decades of the twentieth century.
Transportation and Communication
The Industrial Revolution began with mining and textiles, but its effects were probably
most dramatic in transportation. The first experimental railroad was put in use in 1820, and the
first passenger railroad followed in 1830, traveling between the industrial cities of Manchester
and Liverpool in northern England. By the middle of the century some trains could go 50 MPH,
far faster than any human had ever gone before (except when falling from a great height).
About 6,500 miles of rail was built in Britain between 1830 and 1850, just 20 years, and railroad
expansion soon followed suit on the continent. The construction of railroads became a massive
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industry unto itself, fueling both profitable investment and the occasional disastrous financial
collapse.
Above and beyond their economic impact, railroads had a myriad of social and cultural
effects. The British developed the system of time zones, based on Greenwich (part of London)
Mean Time as the “default,” because the railroads had to be coordinated to time departures and
arrivals. This was the first time when a whole country, and soon a whole continent, had to have
a precise shared sense of timing.
Likewise, the telegraph was invented in 1830 and used initially to warn train stations
when multiple trains were on the track. Telegraphs allowed almost instant communication over
huge distances - they sent a series of electrical impulses over a wire as "long" and "short"
signals. The inventor of the telegraph, Samuel Morse, invented a code based off of those
signals that could be translated into letters and, as a result, be used to send messages. Morse
Code thus enabled the first modern mass communications device. This was the first time when
a message could travel faster than a messenger on horseback, vastly increasing the speed by
which information could be shared and disseminated.
Simultaneously, steamships were transforming long-distance commerce. The first sailed
in 1816, going about twice as fast as the fastest sailing ship could. This had obvious
repercussions for trade, because it became cheaper to transport basic goods via steamship
than it was to use locally-produced ones; this had huge impacts on agriculture and forestry,
among other industries. Soon, it became economically viable to ship grain from the United
States or Russia across oceans to reach European markets. The first transatlantic crossing
was a race between two steamships going from England to New York in 1838; soon, sailing
vessels became what they are today: archaic novelties.
Two other advances in transportation are often overlooked when considering
industrialization: paved roads and canals. A Scottish engineer invented a way to cheaply pave
roads in the 1830s, and in the 1850s an overland, pan-European postal service was established
that relied on “post roads” with stations for changing horses. Thus, well before the invention of
cars, road networks were being built in parallel to railroads. Likewise, even though canals had
been around since ancient times, there was a major canal-building boom in the second half of
the eighteenth century and first half of the nineteenth century. Canals linked Manchester to coal
fields, the Erie Canal was built in the US to link the Great Lakes to the eastern seaboard, and
even Russia built a canal between Moscow and St. Petersburg.
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The net effect of these innovations was that travel was vastly cheaper, simpler, and
faster than it had ever been in human history. In essence, every place on earth was closer
together than ever before.
Social Effects
The most noteworthy transformation that occurred in quotidian life due to the Industrial
Revolution was urbanization, which absolutely exploded in the nineteenth century. Manchester,
in northern England, is the quintessential example of an industrial city. It was close to major
coal deposits, it had a large textile industry, it was linked to the sea via canal as of 1761, and it
had an army of artisans and laborers because of its historic role as a site of wool production. In
1750 it had a population of 20,000, by 1775 it was 40,000, by 1831 it was 250,000, and by 1850
it was 400,000 - a 200% increase in a century.
View of Manchester in 1840. While the painting is in the Romantic style, with the nature scene
in the foreground, the masses of factory smokestacks are visible in the distance.
The living conditions, however, were abysmal. Whole families were crammed into
one-room cellars, hovels, and cheap apartments. Pollution produced by the new factories
streamed unfiltered into the air and water. Soot and filth covered every surface - early
evolutionary biologists noted that certain moths that had a mutation that made them soot-brown
survived and multiplied while their normal lightly-colored cousins died off. To deal with the
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pollution, factory owners simply started building taller smokestacks, which spread the pollution
farther. Waste from mining (which was often toxic) was simply left in “slag heaps,” through
which rainwater ran and from which toxic runoff reached water supplies. A coal miner who
entered the mines as a teenager would almost certainly be dead by “middle age,” (40 at the
oldest) since his or her lungs were ridden with toxic coal dust.
Landlords in the cities took advantage of the influx of laborers and their families by
building cheap tenements in which several families often lived in a single room. There was no
running water and sanitation was utterly inadequate. Food was expensive, in part because of
an 1815 act in the British Parliament called the Corn Laws that banned the importation of grain
and kept prices up (the wealthy, land-owning gentry class had pushed the law through
parliament). Given the incredible squalor, epidemics were frequent. In turn, wages were paid at
a near-subsistence level until after (roughly) 1850. Whenever there was a market downturn,
sometimes lasting for years (e.g. 1839 – 1842), workers were summarily fired to cut costs, and
some starved as a result.
The English poet William Blake famously referred to the factories as “satanic mills.”
Likewise, the English novelist Charles Dickens used the grim reality of cities like Manchester as
inspiration and setting for his novels like Hard Times and Oliver Twist. Since real wages did not
increase among working people until fairly late in the century, the actual living conditions of the
majority of the population generally worsened in industrial regions until the second half of the
century. In Britain, laws were passed to protect horses before they were passed to protect
children working in mines and factories.
The major cause of this misery was simple: the ruthless pursuit of profit by factory
owners and manufacturers. The aim of the early factory owners and managers was to simplify
the stages of the manufacturing process so that they could be executed by cheap, unskilled
labor. Many skilled workers or artisans experienced the factory system as a disaster, bringing in
its wake subjection to harsh work discipline, the degradation of craft skills, long hours, cheap
wages, and the abuse of young women and children (who worked under the same conditions as
did adult men).
While they had little reason to consider it, the industrial workers of northern England
lived in a state of misery that was tied to another that was even worse across the Atlantic: the
slave-based cotton economy of the American south which provided the raw material. Despite
the British ban on the trans-Atlantic slave trade in 1807, the existing population of
African-American slaves was sustained by natural reproduction and remained locked in a
position of complete legal subservience, enforced with brutal violence. In a startling parallel, the
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efficiency of cotton production increased to keep pace with textile manufacturing in Britain
despite the absence of major new technologies besides the invention of the cotton gin in 1794.
That increase was due to the application of ever-increasing degrees of brutality, as slaves were
forced to pick and process cotton at unprecedented speed, spurred on by raw violence at the
hands of overseers.
Back in Europe, one unforeseen effect of the Industrial Revolution, tied to the misery of
working conditions, was the creation of social classes. Until the modern era “class” was usually
something one was born into; it was a legally-recognized and enforced “estate.” With
industrialization, the enormous numbers of dirt-poor industrial workers began to recognize that
their social identity was defined by their poverty and their working conditions, just as rich
industrialists and tenement-owning slumlords recognized that they were united by their wealth
and their common interest in controlling the workers. The non-noble rich and middle class came
to distinguish themselves both from the working class and the old nobility by taking pride in their
morality, sobriety, work ethic, and cleanliness. They often regarded the workers as little better
than animals, but some also regarded the old nobles as corrupt, immoral, and increasingly
archaic.
The middle classes that arose out of industrialization were the ranks of engineers,
foremen, accountants, and bureaucrats that were in great demand for building, overseeing, and
running new industrial and commercial operations. Some were genuine “self-made men” who
worked their way up, but most came from families with at least some wealth to begin with. The
most vulnerable group were the so-called “petty bourgeoisie,” shop-owners and old-style
artisans, whose economic life was precarious and who lived in constant fear of losing everything
and being forced to join the working class.
From this context, socialism, the political belief that government should be deeply
invested in the welfare of the common people, emerged. Well before mass socialist parties
existed, there were struggles and even massacres over working conditions; one notorious event
was the Peterloo Massacre of 1819 in which hundreds of protesting workers in Manchester
were gunned down by middle-class volunteer cavalry. Another famous group, the Luddites,
destroyed factory equipment in a vain attempt to turn back the clock on industrialization and go
back to hand-work by artisans.
Appalled more by the sexual impropriety of young girls and women being around male
workers in mines and factories than by the working conditions per se, the British parliament did
pass some laws mandating legal protections. The Factory Act of 1833 limited child labor in
cotton mills, the Miners Act of 1842 banned the employment of girls and women (and boys
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under 10) underground, and in 1847 a Ten Hour Law limited the workday for women and
children. These were exceptional laws; further legal protections for workers took decades and
constant struggle by the emerging socialist groups and parties to achieve.
Image of a girl hauling a “tub” of coal up a narrow mine shaft. The image originates with the
British parliament’s investigation of working conditions in mines.
Gender
The Industrial Revolution had very different effects on gender roles depending on social
class. Women in the working class, as noted above, labored alongside or even in lieu of men in
factories, in mines, and in mills, almost always doing the same or similar work for lower wages
(laws banning wage differentials based solely on sex were not put in place the late nineteenth
century at the earliest, and they were rarely enforced even then). Women industrial workers
were still expected to carry out domestic labor as well, tending to children, cooking, and
cleaning, a nearly impossible combination of demands that made life for women in the industrial
cities even harder than it was for men.
The hardest workers of all, however, were probably the legions of domestic servants that
toiled in the houses of others. A “maid of all work” in a middle-class household could expect to
rise before dawn to light the home’s hearth and cookfire, cook and clean throughout the day, run
errands if necessary, and finally collapse after up to seventeen hours of nearly nonstop work.
Domestic service was the single largest employment sector in nineteenth-century Britain, yet
economic thinkers (even communists like the great theorist Karl Marx) routinely ignored
servants - they were both taken for granted and effectively invisible, replaceable when injured or
sick, and paid so little that they were only a minor item in a household budget. As late as 1940,
more than half of European women who earned an income were domestic servants of one kind
or another.
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These “maids” were necessary because of the growth of the middle classes and a
concomitant shift in gender roles. A badge of honor for the middle classes was that the woman
of the house did not have to work for wages, nor was she to perform hard work around the
house if possible. Thus, a servant was believed to be essential. “Idleness” was still thought of
as dangerous and sinful, however, so middle-class women were increasingly involved with
raising their own children, maintaining the social relationships that demonstrated membership in
the polite classes, and involving themselves in charity. A cult of “sentimentality” grew
throughout the nineteenth century associated with family life, with middle-class women leading
the way in placing greater emphasis on loving bonds between family members. That cultural
shift was a byproduct of two factors brought about by industrialism: the wealth that allowed
middle-class women to “outsource” the drudgery of domestic duties to a poor servant girl, and
medical and sanitary advances that saw more children survive infancy.
Men, meanwhile, often struggled to maintain their own sense of masculine worth in the
face of the changes brought about by industrial society. For the working classes, it was almost
impossible for a family to survive on one man’s wages, so while men stubbornly insisted on their
leadership of the family unit, they were codependent on their wives (and, all too often, their
children) to work as well. Artisanal skills were slowly but surely rendered obsolete, and as
noted above it took until the second half of the nineteenth century for socialist movements to
grow large and strong enough to effect meaningful improvements in the daily lives of most
working people. Thus, all too often working class men turned to alcohol as their consolation; it
is no coincidence the the first-wave feminist movement (described in a subsequent chapter) was
closely tied to the temperance movement that sought legal bans on alcohol. Simply put, too
many women saw their male family members plummet into alcoholism, leading to even greater
financial struggles and horrific scenes of domestic violence.
Cultural Effects
The Industrial Revolution was responsible for enormous changes in how people lived
their everyday lives, not just how they made a living or how the things they used were made.
Many of those changes were due to the spread of the transportation and communication
technologies noted above. The speed of railway travel made everything "closer" together, and
in doing so it started a long, slow process of tying together distant regions. People could travel
to the capital cities of their kingdom or, later, their "nations," and the intense localism of the past
started to fade. For the first time, members of the middle classes could travel just for fun -
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middle-class vacations were an innovation made possible by the railroad, and the first
beneficiaries were the English middle class, who "went on holiday" to the seashore whenever
they could.
Simultaneously, new, more advanced printing presses and cheaper paper made
newspapers and magazines available to a mass reading public. That encouraged the spread of
not just information and news, but of shared written languages. People had to be able to read
the "default" language of their nation, which encouraged the rise of certain specific vernaculars
at the expense of the numerous dialects of the past. For example, "French" was originally just
the language spoken in the area around the city of Paris, just as "Spanish" was just the dialect
spoken around Madrid. Rulers had long fought, unsuccessfully, to impose their language as the
daily vernacular in the regions over which they ruled, but most people continued to speak
regional dialects that often had little in common with the language of their monarch. With the
centers of newspaper production often being in or near capital cities, usually written in the
official language of state, more and more people at least acquired a decent working knowledge
of those languages over time.
Those capital cities grew enormously, especially in the second half of the nineteenth
century. Industry, finance, government itself, and railroads all converged on capitals. Former
suburbs were simply swallowed up as the cities grew, and there was often a sense among
cultural elites that the only places that mattered were the capitals: London, Paris, Berlin, Vienna,
St. Petersburg, etc. One peculiar phenomenon arising from the importance of capital cities was
that political revolutions often began as revolutions of a single city - if a crowd could take over
the streets of Paris, for example, they might well send the king running for the proverbial hills
and declare themselves to be a new government (which happened in 1830 and 1848). In some
cases, the rest of the nation would read about the revolution in their newspapers or via
telegraph after the revolution had already succeeded.
While all of the cultural effects of the Industrial Revolution are too numerous to detail
here, one other effect should be noted: the availability of food. With cheap and fast railway and
steamship transport, not only could food travel hundreds or even thousands of miles from where
it was grown or farmed or caught to where it was consumed, but the daily diet itself underwent
profound changes. Tea grown in India became cheap enough for even working people to drink it
daily; the same was true of South American coffee on the continent. Fruit appeared in markets
halfway across the world from where it was grown, and the long term effect was a more varied
(although not always more nutritious) diet. Whole countries sometimes became economic
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appendages of a European empire, producing a single product: for a time, New Zealand (which
became a British colony in 1840) was essentially the British Empire’s sheep ranch.
The great symbol of changes in the history of food brought on by the Industrial
Revolution is that quintessential English invention: fish and chips. Caught in the Atlantic or
Pacific, packed on steamships, and transported to Britain, the more desirable parts of fish were
sold at prices the upper and middle classes could afford. The other bits - tails, fins and all were fried up with chunks of potato, heavily salted, and wrapped in the now-cheap newspaper.
The result was the world's first greasy, cheap, and wildly popular fast food.
Image Citations (Creative Commons):
Workers Arriving - Public Domain
Power Looms - Public Domain
Output Graph - TwoOneTwo
Manchester - Public Domain
Coal Mine - Public Domain
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Chapter 3: Political Ideologies and
Movements
After the Revolution
The French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars profoundly shook Europe. The French
Revolution was seen by the European great powers as both threatening and, as it progressed
and radicalized, morally repulsive, but at least it had largely stayed confined to France. From the
perspective of elites, Napoleon's conquests were even worse because everywhere the French
armies went the traditional order of society was overturned. France may have been the greatest
economic beneficiary, but Napoleon's Italian, German, and Polish subjects (among others) also
had their first taste of a society in which one's status was not defined by birth. The kings and
nobles of Europe had good cause to fear that the way of life they presided over, a social order
that had lasted for roughly 1,000 years, was disintegrating in the course of a generation.
Thus, after Napoleon's defeat, there had to be a reckoning. Only the most stubborn
monarch or noble thought it possible to completely undo the Revolution and its effects, but there
was a shared desire among the traditional elites to re-establish stability and order based on the
political system that had worked in the past. They knew that there would have to be some
concessions to a generation of people who had lived with equality under the law, but they
worked to reinforce traditional political structures while only granting limited compromises.
Conservatism
That being noted, how did elites understand their own role in society? How did they
justify the power of kings and nobles over the majority of the population? This was not just
about wealth, after all, since there were many non-noble merchants who were as rich, or richer,
than many nobles. Nor was it viable for most nobles to claim that their rights were logically
derived from their mastery of warfare, since only a small percentage of noblemen served in
royal armies (and those that did were not necessarily very good officers!). Instead, European
elites at the time explained their own social role in terms of peace, tradition, and stability. Their
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ideology came to be called conservatism: the idea that what had worked for centuries was
inherently better at keeping the peace both within and between kingdoms than were the forces
unleashed by the French Revolution.
Conservatism held that the old traditions of rule were the best and most desirable
principles of government, having proven themselves relatively stable and successful over the
course of 1,000 years of European history. It was totally opposed to the idea of universal legal
equality, let alone ...
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