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Determining Appropriate
Treatment
his chapter reviews the treatment options in the continuum of care
and offers guidelines for selecting appropriate services. There is a
remarkably wide range of activities and interventions in the substance
abuse treatment field, and it is likely that psychologists will use only a
few, depending on their own base of activity. However, it is important to
appreciate the range of possibilities if for no other reason than to give
a perspective for referral. This chapter examines how major models and
modalities arose, their assumptions about how people change, key interventions or activities, sources of information and data evaluating the effectiveness of the model, and the strengths and limits of each model.
Some of the treatment settings are more accessible to working people
with insurance, whereas others are funded by federal or state governments
for the indigent population. Ironically, the latter may offer highly innovative
programs (e.g., long-term residential programs for mothers and their
children) not usually available to the middle class or even the very wealthy.
In general, long-term programs are more common where the target population is indigent, because the clients have fewer interpersonal, social, and
T
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(2nd Ed.), by R. D. Margolis and J. E. Zweben
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vocational skills to reclaim. Thus, they are more likely to need “habilitation”
rather than rehabilitation. However, these distinctions may blur in practice.
Many clients in public sector programs were originally working class or
middle-class professionals but downwardly mobile because of their alcohol
and drug use, and they return to a working- or middle-class lifestyle once
in recovery.
TREATMENT SETTINGS AND MODALITIES
Substance abuse treatment occurs in both inpatient/residential and outpatient settings but has a unique variety of modalities. These range from
specialty clinics that use medications as an integral part of addiction
treatment to social model programs that rely heavily on recovering peers.
It is important for clinicians outside the addiction treatment system to
understand these modalities in order to make effective referrals.
Residential/Inpatient Treatment
Live-in programs include a range of treatment environments in which there
is 24-hour supervision, thereby offering a protected setting in which the
client or patient is insulated to some extent from the triggers and stressors of
drug use. These may be hospital based, such as inpatient programs offering
medical interventions (e.g., medically managed withdrawal) as well as
programming aimed at psychosocial issues. The term residential is applied
to a wide range of programs that exist outside medical settings as freestanding programs of variable duration, using a variety of approaches.
These include therapeutic communities, inpatient programs, and social
model recovery homes.
Therapeutic Communities
Therapeutic communities (TCs) are long-term residential programs that
emerged in the 1960s as an alternative treatment for heroin addiction. They
are based on a self-help model developed by Synanon founder Charles
Dederich and a group of recovering alcohol- and drug-addicted members,
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with major influences from Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and religious
healing communities dating back a considerable period of time (Deitch,
1973; de Leon, 1994a). Over time, the resident population diversified and
professionals were integrated. Currently, there are a wide range of settings,
a variety of lengths of stay, and numerous adaptations that may or may
not conform to the therapeutic community model. Two of the best-known
programs are Daytop and Phoenix House.
The traditional, long-term residential programs have been studied
continuously since their inception. Although it does not appear possible
to conduct randomized, blind clinical trials, the empirical data support
the conclusion that TCs result in the positive outcomes of reduction of
illicit drug use and other criminal activity and an increase in economically
productive behavior and other measures of positive outcome (Gerstein,
1994; Gerstein & Harwood, 1990). Newer adaptations, such as programs
serving the severely mentally ill or adaptations of the model for outpatient
settings, have been demonstrated to be effective for these challenging
populations (Sacks & Ries, 2005).
In the TC model, drug abuse is viewed as a disorder of the whole
person, which can affect some or all of the person’s functioning (de Leon,
1994a). Thus, the intervention must be comprehensive, addressing in
particular those psychological difficulties or social deficits that undermine
the ability to maintain a drug-free lifestyle. Indeed, TCs are often said to
promote habilitation rather than rehabilitation because residents frequently
had never acquired prosocial attitudes and skills. Therefore, the program
must develop qualities in its members that were never there, instead of
reclaiming those that were temporarily lost. Recovery entails a shift in
personal identity as well as lifestyle. The essential ingredient in change is
affiliation, with the community as the primary agent.
George de Leon (1994b) elaborated in detail the essential concepts in
using community as a method. Individuals contribute directly to all activities of daily life in the TC, which provides learning opportunities through
engaging in a variety of social roles (e.g., peer, friend, coordinator, tutor).
The primary sources of instruction and support for individual change are the
observations and authentic reactions by peers. In addition, each member
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of the community has the responsibility of serving as a role model to peers.
Collective formats guide individual change. Individual sessions, though they
may be available, are viewed as adjuncts to the group activities. Education,
training, and therapeutic activities occur in groups, meetings, seminars,
job functions, and recreation. Beliefs and values stressing “right living” are
explicit guidelines and are expressed in the vernacular and culture of
each TC. “Act as if you are a responsible person and you can grow into it.”
Open communication of private thoughts and feelings is an essential
feature of the TC. Relationships with particular individuals, peers, and
staff are essential to encourage the individual to engage and remain in the
change process. These relationships are also the basis for the social network
needed to sustain recovery beyond treatment. The organization of the
work (e.g., the varied job functions, chores, and management roles) needed
to maintain the daily operations of the facility is a primary vehicle for
teaching self-development. Learning occurs not only through specific
skills training but also through adhering to the orderliness of procedures
and systems, through accepting and respecting supervision, and through
behaving as a responsible member of the community on whom others
are dependent.
TCs typically define stages of treatment: orientation–induction, primary
treatment, and reentry. In contrast to the assumption that treatment
readiness can be quickly assessed, TCs assume the initial period will clarify
such issues as the resident becomes a participant in the activities of the
community. Ambivalence is a given, and the orientation period (0–60 days)
is designed to assimilate the individual and promote understanding and
acceptance of the TC’s norms. The isolation of the individual from the
wider community, often a source of misunderstanding by professionals
and significant others, is designed to bond the resident to the community
by eliminating outside influences as much as possible. Dropout is greatest
during this early period. Primary treatment (2–12 months) consists of
educational and therapeutic meetings, groups, job functions, and peer and
staff feedback. As residents display an understanding and acceptance of
both the TC perspective and the daily regimen, they ascend in status and
privileges in the leadership structure of the community, including job
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hierarchies. In this way, at the end of their stay in primary treatment, they
set an example for others. Additional privileges include things such as greater
privacy and desirable job responsibilities. The therapeutic process takes
place in all facets of community life, from groups specially designed to
focus on psychological issues (e.g., traumatic experiences, sex-role identity
and conflicts) to job performance in which the feedback process is ongoing.
The reentry process prepares the individual for more autonomous
functioning at a future time when he or she will no longer be in direct
contact with the TC. Typically there is a reduction in structure, and the
resident progresses to a looser form of affiliation. Many TCs offer gradations
such as satellite apartments, in which residents who shared the common
program experience live together without program supervision. In this way,
the culture of the TC is transplanted into the wider community setting so
that gradual transitions can promote stable progress.
Common stereotypes of the TC assume harsh confrontation, a feature
of the original Synanon model that has evolved in productive directions in
the more mature TC systems. In the 1970s, more participation by professionals led to the introduction of gestalt techniques, cognitive–behavioral
strategies, and other approaches intended to broaden the repertoire of
tools. Most TCs also endorse a family model in which the community is
seen as a substitute family, often an improved version of what residents
may have experienced in childhood. The TC family participates in holiday
rituals and graduation for those who complete the program and offers
support and caring as the context for exploration of difficult issues.
Certainly TCs vary in the extent to which they establish a healthy and
positive climate, but there are many examples in which the family spirit is
vigorous, and the TC provides a culture for all involved that is more cohesive
and inspiring than many available in the fragmented world of the typical
addicted individual.
The Minnesota Model
The dominant paradigm for short-term inpatient treatment was developed
in Minnesota during the 1950s at the fledgling facilities of Hazelden and
Willmar (McElrath, 1997). Prior to that time, the prevailing belief that
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alcoholism was a psychological vulnerability to be treated in mental health
units had failed to produce effective treatment. Guided by their successful
experiences in AA, the founders of Hazelden and Willmar adapted these
principles to create a new treatment model and brought it into hospital-based
treatment. Over time, proponents of the model refined their treatment
practices and restructured institutional relationships to emphasize the
collaboration between professionals and noncredentialed recovering
persons. By 1954, nondegreed counselors on alcoholism, usually recovering
alcoholics, shared the responsibility and decision making for the treatment.
Subsequently, national and state certification programs established training
standards and document completion by counselors without graduate or
undergraduate degrees. There are also an increasing number of licensed
professionals in recovery in clinical and administrative roles.
The essential features of the model are its goals of complete abstinence
and behavior change, its intimate link with the 12-step process of AA
(discussed in more detail in Chapter 8) and program participation, and
its multidisciplinary approach (McElrath, 1997). The Minnesota model
became the prototype for hospital-based inpatient programs. McElrath
(1997) described the key elements as follows:
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the grace of a beautiful environment that promotes respect, understanding, and acceptance of the dignity of each patient;
a treatment based essentially on the program and process of AA;
the belief that a respite from the familiar environment and association
with other alcoholics is central to recovery;
simple behavioral expectations, including making your bed, comporting
yourself “as a gentleman [sic],” attending the daily lectures on the 12 steps,
and talking with one another;
a multidisciplinary team approach;
a systematic approach to the treatment of an illness defined as a primary
disorder distinct from mental illness; and
the need for and value of an aftercare program.
With many contributions from others, a model was developed and disseminated that viewed recovery as a physical, psychosocial, and spiritual
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process with recovering personnel as the primary element in delivering
the service.
The term chemical dependency emerged during the cocaine epidemic
and was extended to apply to all mood-altering drugs. Although this term
is still used, it is not necessarily accepted by providers in other treatment
modalities. Differences in historical origin and in populations served
(e.g., heroin users on methadone maintenance) make the term alien to
some providers; hence, it should not be assumed to be generic to addiction
treatment.
A practical decision based on seasoned clinical opinion, but no data,
shaped the modality for decades to come. McElrath (1997) reported that
in the mid-1970s, when the state of Minnesota asked how much time was
necessary to treat alcoholics, the response was “at least a month.” With
the subsequent mandate of 28 days of insurance coverage in the 1970s, the
Minnesota model became more defined and proliferated. In McElrath’s
(1997) opinion, the huge expansion of inpatient programs in the 1980s also
fostered a certain rigidity as incidental elements (e.g., the 28-day duration
of treatment) diminished treatment innovation and creativity.
Much controversy existed about the necessity for 28-day rehabilitation programs even before the period of their rapid demise as a result
of changing insurance reimbursement policies. Several decades of studies
yielded equivocal results, partly because of inadequate methodological
strategies. Within the private sector, the Chemical Abuse/Addiction
Treatment Outcome Registry (CATOR) was developed to document
positive outcomes. This private Minnesota corporation contracted with
treatment programs to track individual patients. Data were collected during
treatment and transmitted to CATOR, which conducted and reported on the
follow-ups (Institute of Medicine, 1990). Although these data are useful
in exploring treatment issues, the information is often used in marketing
efforts without adequate cautions that it is unwarranted to assume that a
positive outcome reflects treatment efficacy. For example, studies following a matched sample concluded that given certain patient characteristics,
improvement will follow minimal or no intervention as well as intensive
intervention. A well-known review of outcome data comparing inpatients
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TREATING PATIENTS WITH ALCOHOL AND OTHER DRUG PROBLEMS
and outpatients concluded that, in general, the data did not justify costly
inpatient treatment (W. R. Miller & Hester, 1986). However, intensive
treatment may be differentially beneficial for those who are more severely
deteriorated and less socially stable; these are not the individuals who have
ready access to such programs. Randomized controlled trials provide
the most rigorous means of evaluating outcome, but they are expensive,
time consuming to conduct, and may be precluded by ethical concerns.
Meanwhile, managed care companies established in the 1980s to contain
rapidly escalating costs dramatically reduced access to inpatient treatment
and shifted the emphasis to outpatient modalities (Rawson, 1990–91).
Researchers are in the process of clarifying questions of how to match
people to programs or treatments, such as criteria for intensive services,
and guidelines are rapidly evolving and being refined. In the 1990s and
beyond, growing acknowledgement of the prevalence of co-occurring
psychiatric disorders led to the integration of services at the clinical level,
despite difficulties with funding mechanisms. In addition, the growing
emphasis on implementing evidence-based practices brought a questioning of rigid ideological positions in favor of utilization of data to improve
outcomes (W. R. Miller, Zweben, & Johnson, 2005). Studies do support the
efficacy of AA-based treatment (Project MATCH Research Group, 1997),
but many of these programs in the community incorporate a variety
of approaches, although they may emphasize their allegiance to the
12-step model.
The Social Model and Other Environmental Approaches
Social and community model approaches represent an important influence
on a variety of treatment and prevention activities. They can form the basis
of complete programs, or they can be components or elements in other types
of programs. The goals of social model programs are to provide recovering
people with alternative social environments that support recovery and to
promote changes in larger communities to prevent alcohol problems and
support abstinence-based recovery (Dodd, 1997). Emphasis is on the micro
and macro community rather than on the individual, who is generally the
focus of clinical model programs.
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The characteristics of social model programs are summarized as
follows (Wright, Clay, & Weir, 1990):
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Experiential knowledge about recovery is the basis of authority.
The primary therapeutic relationship is between the person and the
program rather than between the person and a staff member, therapist,
or other professional.
The program is peer oriented, and hierarchy is minimized.
The fundamental framework is derived from AA principles and emphasizes the values of honesty, tolerance, willingness to try, and emphasis
on helping others. In addition, social model programs endeavor to make
good use of community resources such as public health clinics, social
services, therapists, and any other activities that benefit participants.
A positive sober environment is crucial, with clean, homelike, comfortable
surroundings setting the tone.
Alcohol problems are not only individual problems but are also defined
in terms of families, communities, and the larger society.
The range of social model programs includes social setting detoxification,
alcohol recovery homes (short- and long-term; also referred to as halfway
houses), and community recovery centers. Social model detoxification
programs were developed initially at the Addiction Research Foundation
in Canada in 1970, and shortly thereafter a model was opened as a demonstration in Stockton, California. The goal was to create a system to provide
services to intoxicated people in crisis or emergency situations when there
was no medical indication for costly hospitalization or outpatient medical
management. This system was also designed to foster appropriate use of
alcoholism programs and other community agencies, organizing the referral
process and creating a continuum of care in a network of community
services. Consistent with the larger social model perspective, the physical
setting and environment were designed to protect the alcoholic from
the stigma frequently encountered in other settings and to promote
constructive behavior changes. “Sobering centers” provide a comfortable and supportive environment for those withdrawing from alcohol.
Medication is not used in most of these settings, but staff members are
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trained to observe warning signs of potential problems. Linkages with
hospitals permit immediate transfer in the case of medical complications
(O’Bryant & Peterson, 1990).
Alcohol recovery homes surround the alcoholic with a community
that supports the lifestyle changes needed to promote recovery. Like
therapeutic communities, residents participate fully in the operation
of the home, but the atmosphere of recovery homes tends to be less structured and less confrontational. The presence of role models and community reinforcement are key change factors. Peer influence, rather than
control by the social service, health care, or criminal justice systems, is the
dominant force.
Community recovery centers are another form of social model program
that may include the sobering services and residential services described
earlier and also a wide range of other activities identified as useful to
support recovery. Typically center staff are knowledgeable about community
resources and also willing to devise strategies to create resources that are
needed but do not currently exist. They view themselves as “guides” rather
than case managers, coaching participants in the appropriate use of
resources outside the program itself. Other activities include discussion
groups on specific topics such as parenting skills, stress reduction, women’s
issues, and recreational activities designed to promote clean and sober fun,
especially during weekends, holidays, and other times when recreation
was previously organized around drinking. Centers also create a comfortable environment to provide unstructured opportunities to relax
and meet people in a friendly, undemanding, alcohol-free setting (Wright
et al., 1990). These centers provide important safe havens in drug-infested
inner cities.
The great contribution of social model programs is to emphasize, by
example, the importance of the support system outside the boundaries of
professional treatment. In many cases, this may be entirely adequate to
promote the transition to an alcohol- and drug-free lifestyle. Clinicians
may forget that we see a subgroup of people in distress; there are many
who find the path to healing outside professional treatment. For those
who use professional assistance, social model programs provide a context
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for that effort with the potential to greatly amplify the impact of the
treatment effort. It is also a model with applicability to mental health and
other social problems.
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Outpatient Treatment
Outpatient treatment programs can be brief or long term and can stand
alone or be integrated into larger medical systems or attached to residential
programs. Their labels do not have consistent meanings, and it is important
for clinicians making referrals to inquire about the availability of specific
services, for example, medications for psychiatric conditions. Because of
the focus on cost savings in the private sector and the lack of resources in
the public sector, appropriate services may not always be available.
Outpatient/Intensive, Outpatient/Partial Hospitalization
Throughout the 1980s, 28-day programs dominated the landscape for
insured populations, and outpatient treatment was viewed as “second best.”
Under pressure to offer a service that was less disruptive to employed
patients, short-term outpatient models were developed, often by scaling
down the inpatient version and offering programming for 3 to 4 hours on
weekday evenings. These programs typically lasted 5 to 8 weeks, following
which the patient participated in aftercare of considerably reduced intensity.
In the sector serving the indigent population, outpatient programs were
of longer duration and increased their range of services as the Center for
Substance Abuse Treatment appeared in 1990 and began to encourage the
provision of comprehensive services. Current outpatient programs vary
considerably in content, intensity, and duration. The lack of standardization in program design (e.g., the same program may be called intensive
outpatient or partial hospitalization by different providers) and evaluation
methodology makes it difficult to identify effective ingredients. However,
with the development of patient placement criteria (PPC) by the American Society of Addiction Medicine (ASAM; 2001), greater consistency in
definitions can promote research efforts. For example, a matching study
using a computerized version of the PPC indicated that mismatching
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patients to a lower level of care may be associated with excessive hospital
use (Sharon et al., 2003).
Despite the variety of programs available, ASAM offers general guidelines. Level I outpatient treatment is described as a professionally directed
alcohol and other drug (AOD) treatment occurring in regularly scheduled
sessions usually totaling fewer than 9 hours a week. It consists of a combination of individual and group sessions in conjunction with self-help
group participation. Level II intensive outpatient treatment (also referred
to as partial hospitalization or day treatment) is a more structured program
with a minimum of 9 hours of treatment a week. Patients can live at home
or in special residences supervised to ensure they remain clean and sober
(ASAM, 2001). Program sites include hospital-based facilities, homeless
shelters, and community-based organizations. PPC are discussed in more
detail later.
Opioid Maintenance Treatment
Methadone maintenance is a major treatment modality for opioid users
who have tried abstinence but not succeeded. Initially it was offered to
heroin users, but the rise of prescription opiate abuse in the past decade has
brought a new group of patients to methadone maintenance. It is considered
the last resort for “intractable” heroin addicts. In the mid-1960s, the upsurge
of heroin addiction and its higher visibility in young (15–35 years old) and
middle-class populations led to increased federal efforts to develop
effective treatment modalities. This era produced the resources to establish,
proliferate, and study both methadone maintenance and therapeutic
communities, which have been the subject of continuous study since that
time. As of 2007, there were approximately 262,684 patients in methadone
maintenance treatment in 1,200 programs across the country (Substance
Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2008), more than
twice as many as reported in the first edition of this book.
Methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) was developed in the
mid-1960s by two physicians, Vincent Dole and Marie Nyswander, who
postulated that a metabolic defect accounted for the inability of heroin
addicts to remain abstinent for more than brief periods of time and intended
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for methadone to be used indefinitely as a corrective medication. As
methadone was being formally approved for clinical use, professional and
public opinion shifted to a new goal: to use it to transition heroin users to
a drug-free lifestyle. Once this was accomplished, methadone was to be
discontinued. Research in the following decades indicated that fewer than
20% of those who are on methadone will be able to discontinue methadone
and remain drug free (Zweben & Payte, 1990).
In work for which he won the Lasker Award, Dole (1988) postulated
that a receptor system dysfunction resulting from chronic heroin use leads
to permanent alterations, which the clinical community does not now
have the means to reverse. Thus, indefinite maintenance is corrective but
not curative, in much the same way that thyroid or insulin replacement
normalizes body functioning. Studies have indicated that methadone is a
relatively benign medication that shows stability of receptor occupation
and thus permits interacting systems to function normally (Martin, Zweben,
& Payte, 2009). It is this stability that results in evenness in functioning. This
distinguishes it from heroin, a short-acting narcotic producing rapid changes
that make a stable state of adaptation impossible. A user maintained on
heroin would go through 4-hour cycles of intoxication and withdrawal; even
if supplied with a clean and legal source, the short duration of action makes
heroin undesirable as a maintenance drug. Even with long-term use (20 years
or more), methadone continues to have a withdrawal prevention effect in
which patients do not experience craving or other withdrawal phenomena
and are able to function normally without somnolence (Martin et al., 2009).
MMT in combination with educational, medical, and counseling
services has been thoroughly documented to assist patients in reducing or
discontinuing illicit drug use and associated criminal activity, improving
physical and emotional well-being, becoming responsible family members,
furthering their education, obtaining and maintaining stable employment,
and resuming or establishing a productive lifestyle (Gerstein & Harwood,
1990; Hubbard et al., 1989). Despite 3 decades of research confirming its
value and safety, MMT remains perhaps the most stigmatized of all drug
treatment modalities and the one that is least understood (Murphy &
Irwin, 1992). It remains a source of contention among treatment providers,
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the general public, and health care policymakers. After a long period of
isolation from other forms of treatment and recovery interventions, the
AIDS epidemic stimulated a reexamination and renewed interest in this
modality. MMT has been demonstrated through education, reduced needle
use, and increased safer sex practices to slow the spread of HIV disease and
to slow the progression of the disease in those who have contracted it
(Batki & Selwin, 2000). On closer examination, the “controversies” about
MMT usually reflect several common misunderstandings rather than a
difference of opinion between informed parties.
One primary source of opposition is the notion that use of methadone
is “just substituting one addicting drug for another.” This notion is often
shared by the patients themselves, who may lack information and have
usually internalized the stigma. Technically, this is correct; MMT is drug
replacement therapy in which a long-acting, orally administered medication
is substituted for a short-acting illicit opioid that is used intravenously.
These differences have significant consequences. The long duration of
methadone’s action (24–36 hours) allows most patients to receive a daily
dose and function in a stable manner because their blood level remains
relatively constant. This stands in contrast to the 4-hour cycles of euphoria
and withdrawal that are characteristic of heroin use. It is this feature that
promotes lifestyle changes by permitting normal functioning.
In addition, there is widespread misconception among both the public
and professionals about what constitutes addiction. Addiction treatment
professionals increasingly distinguish between physical dependence and
addiction (see Chapter 2, this volume). Physical dependence itself is a factor
to be considered but one that in and of itself does not constitute addiction,
which is characterized by behavior that is compulsive, out of control,
and persists despite adverse consequences. The key question is whether
functioning is improved or impaired by use. Benzodiazepines are an example of a medication that is dependence-producing at therapeutic doses
but that can be used beneficially for long periods for people with anxiety
disorders. Patients with chronic pain are another example in which assessment focuses on whether the patient’s functioning is improved or impaired
rather than on physical dependence itself as the deciding factor.
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Another common misconception is that “methadone keeps you high,”
which reflects misunderstanding of a properly adjusted dose. While a
patient’s dose is being stabilized, he or she may experience some subjective
effects, but these usually diminish or disappear once stabilized. This is
precisely why methadone is a good tool: Once stabilization is achieved, the
patient should be able to function normally.
Extensive research on safety has indicated that long-term use of
methadone results in no physical or psychological impairment of any kind
that can be perceived by the patient, observed by a physician, or detected
by a scientist (Zweben & Payte, 1990). There is no impairment of balance,
coordination, mental abilities, eye–hand coordination, depth perception,
or psychomotor functioning. Patients on methadone who are identified
through workplace drug testing and threatened with negative consequences have succeeded, through advocacy efforts, in maintaining their
jobs; the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 contributes to their
protection.
Because of historical disputes and political controversies, the current treatment system is overburdened by regulations and inappropriate
expectations (Rettig & Yarmolinsky, 1995), producing a delivery system
so dehumanizing that programs usually make efforts to assist the patient
wishing to taper off methadone. However, it is important to remember
that studies have indicated that although it is common for patients to
remain opiate-free for a short time, relapse is the norm for 80% or more
(Ball & Ross, 1991; McLellan, 1983). Because a history of treatment failures
is required, only a subset of opiate users qualify for methadone maintenance,
and it is likely that neurobiological factors significantly raise the vulnerability to becoming addicted to opiates (Dole, 1988). High motivation is
necessary, but not sufficient, for successfully tapering off methadone. It is
unfortunately common for uninformed professionals, family members,
and others to encourage or coerce patients on methadone to discontinue
their medication (Zweben & Payte, 1990). The decision to taper should
be made by the patient in collaboration with professionals experienced
in methadone treatment and should not be based on bias against this
medication. The relapse rates of methadone users are so extraordinarily
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high that the risks are considerable. Therapists should be cautious about
encouraging a patient to discontinue methadone maintenance because
pressure is often applied by the family or by other treatment providers
on the basis of stigma instead of careful review of the case. The results
of misguided interventions such as these can be lethal. Therapists dealing
with patients on methadone who continue to use opiates should first
rule out the possibility of an inadequate dose of methadone, because
this can occur for a variety of reasons. The usual dose range is between
60 and 100 mg daily, with more being required for some patients. Once
the medication dose is adequate, the yield is much greater for psychosocial
intervention.
The majority of patients in the MMT system are indigent or working
class; of these, many are downwardly mobile from the middle class as a
result of their drug and alcohol use. However, depending on clinic location,
there may be surprising numbers of successful and high-functioning
individuals who conceal their participation in MMT from colleagues and
even family members. Prescription drug abusers are increasingly represented
in this group. It is possible that under better circumstances, MMT would be
the treatment of choice for multiple relapsing opioid users with more
middle-class characteristics.
Clinicians have observed such patients who flounder for long periods,
unable to maintain abstinence, or who substitute alcohol and deteriorate.
The addiction treatment programs in which they were likely to seek treatment often claimed an expertise they did not possess in treating opiate users,
particularly heroin users, and they lacked long-term follow-up studies
to assess the efficacy of their efforts. Such patients report being highly
stigmatized by the more populous cocaine users because their drug
preference was heroin, and they report being labeled “more disturbed” by
treatment staff. An Empire Blue Cross and Blue Shield (EBCBS) study
concluded there is a large population of opiate users who may be excluded
from the estimates of overall number of opiate users because they are less
likely to be counted by contact with government agencies (Eisenhandler
& Drucker, 1993). They estimated that between 1982 and 1992, EBCBS
(New York metropolitan area) insured approximately 141,000 opiate users,
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85,000 of whom were insured with them at the time of the study. They
recommended that the social characteristics of opiate users should be
reconsidered because many middle-class heroin users may be overlooked
and undertreated.
Despite progress in removing regulatory barriers and addressing stigma,
the use of methadone remains highly charged. Illicit use of oxycodone
(OxyContin) has led to high death rates in some states, resulting in physicians shifting to methadone as a way to manage pain. This in turn led to
increased quantities available for street sale, with a predictable increase in
deaths, especially when it is used with other substances (Cone et al., 2003;
Cone et al., 2004). In addition, a rapid increase in nonmedical use of opiate
medications beginning about 1995 has brought new populations into
treatment (Wunsch, Boyd, & McMasters, 2009). Many of these would not
consider, or do not have access to, methadone treatment. In this context,
buprenorphine was a welcome new addition to the tools available to
practitioners.
Buprenorphine is a partial opioid agonist that became available through
the Drug Addiction Treatment Act of 2000. It binds to the receptor but has
less strength than a full agonist such as methadone. However, buprenorphine
binds tightly to the receptor (high affinity), blocking the action of heroin
or other opiates if they are used. This has given it a significant advantage of
a high margin of safety with little chance of a lethal overdose. The ceiling on
agonist activity reduces the danger of overdose as well as the abuse liability
(Fudala & O’Brien, 2005; Stine, Greenwald, & Kosten, 2003). For example,
there is much less chance of severe drug-induced respiratory depression with
buprenorphine. Because of this, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration
permitted its administration in office settings (rather than specially licensed
clinics) by qualified physicians who have completed the educational requirements to be granted a waiver. This opened the door to widespread use by
patients who find methadone, or the settings in which it can be obtained
to treat addiction, to be unacceptable.
It is important for clinicians providing psychosocial treatment to
recognize that patients with a high opiate tolerance may find buprenorphine
inadequate to control their symptoms because of the inherent dose ceiling.
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They may experience significantly better results with methadone, though they
may be resistant to trying it. It is difficult for some patients and therapists
alike to accept that motivation is important, but brain chemistry has a
profound influence on outcomes, including the influence on the efficacy
of psychosocial interventions. It is easy to criticize opiate users for being
inconsistent in their motivation or unwilling to make full use of therapy
or the self-help system. However, many have been given poor advice by
professionals, including those in the addiction field, and have lost years or
decades in repeated struggles with relapse. High-prestige treatment settings
may be the least conducive to raising the possibility of using an opioid
agonist or may fasten on buprenorphine as the only acceptable medication
and for short term use only. Ultimately, it is important to acknowledge
that long-term maintenance on buprenorphine may be necessary for many
patients who hope that detoxification will be enough.
Smoking Cessation
Smoking cessation was initially offered mainly in primary health care settings
or by smoking cessation specialists and remained relatively unintegrated
with the rest of the addiction field. Attention began to focus on it in the
mid-1980s, as reflected in Wallace’s (1986) editorial “Smoke Gets in Our
Eyes: Professional Denial of Smoking.” He challenged the minimization
of health consequences and the complacency about addressing it, especially
given the high percentage of smokers among patients in treatment for
addiction. He also noted that the prevalence of smokers among recovering
staff members presented a troublesome role model and constituted a source
of resistance to no-smoking policies. Since that time, research has documented the significantly higher frequency of smoking among alcoholics and
polydrug users, established that smoking cessation does not in itself increase
relapse as previously feared, and refined intervention techniques to promote
success (Jarvik & Schneider, 1992). Smoking cessation has become much
more integrated into addiction treatment and also continues to be provided
by health care organizations and private practitioners. As insurers and the
government focus on the many costs associated with smoking-related
illnesses, one can expect increasing support for identification and treatment
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outside addiction treatment settings as well. In addition, recent magnetic
resonance imaging studies suggest that neurobiological recovery in abstinent
alcoholics is adversely affected by chronic smoking (Durazzo, Gazdzinski,
& Meyerhoff, 2007), thus providing added incentives for clinicians to
promote smoking cessation as a part of addiction treatment.
Short-term behavioral therapies have long been prominent in smoking
cessation. Many are able to achieve high initial cessation rates, but success
rates at 1 year averaged 15% to 30%, unrelated to the initial quit rates
(Jarvik & Schneider, 1992). This may be related to a lack of emphasis on
relapse prevention. The behavioral strategies that are effective in initiating
abstinence are different from those needed to maintain it, and reliance
on short-term treatment makes it less likely that long-term maintenance
strategies will be provided at the time they actually become relevant.
The recent development of effective pharmacological withdrawal agents
has been shown to greatly augment the success of behavioral strategies
(Fiore et al., 2008). Nicotine dependence and craving varies among smokers,
and these agents significantly decrease discomfort. Nicotine replacement in
the forms of transdermal patches, sublingual nicotine tablets and lozenges,
nasal spray, and inhalers are available. Bupropion (Zyban) is a nonnicotine
product that is effective in promoting abstinence and reducing relapse
(Hurt, Ebbert, Hays, & Dale, 2003). Varenicline (Chantix) is a partial agonist
that reduces cravings and decreases the pleasurable effects of smoking.
Clinicians are enthusiastic about the results of its use. The Smoking
Cessation Guidelines from the federal Agency for Health Care Research
and Quality (Fiore et al., 2008) summarize the issues pertaining to selection
and application of both pharmacological and psychosocial treatments.
Studies have supported the view that combination therapies show greater
effectiveness than pharmacotherapy or behavioral interventions alone.
Social support is a key element in smoking cessation, as with other drugs;
thus, the proliferation of antismoking regulations at the work site and in
other public settings will likely improve treatment success rates.
Psychiatric comorbidity has emerged as a key element in successful
smoking cessation; therefore, treatment planning should take this into
account. Strong relationships have been reported between depression and
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smoking. In the early 1990s, Glassman (1993) reported that both major
depression and depressive symptoms are associated with a high rate of
cigarette smoking, and lifetime history of major depression has an adverse
impact on smoking cessation. In this vulnerable group, there is also a
significantly higher likelihood of the patient developing a depressed mood
during the first week of withdrawal, and the entire withdrawal syndrome
was more severe. Emergence of depressive symptoms predicts failure
of the attempt to quit. Therefore, it is important that the clinician assess
depression and include appropriate interventions in the treatment plan.
For example, it may be advisable to wait until the patient has been stabilized
on antidepressant medication before encouraging action on quitting. A
variety of behavioral strategies designed to enhance affect regulation have
also been demonstrated to be effective for this group (Kahler, Leventhal,
& Brown, 2009).
Clinicians working with patients with schizophrenia have a more
complex dilemma. Although the serious health risks are indisputable,
it appears that nicotine confers some benefits that must be considered in
smoking cessation efforts. Reviews have noted the high rates of smoking
among people with schizophrenia: between 74% and 92%, compared with
35% to 54% for all psychiatric patients and 30% to 35% for the general
population (Goff, Henderson, & Amico, 1992). Current smokers with
schizophrenia received significantly higher neuroleptic doses and displayed
less parkinsonism and more akathisia (i.e., restless movements induced
by neuroleptics). Patients reported that it produces relaxation, reduces
anxiety, reduces medication side effects, and ameliorates psychiatric
symptoms (Goff et al., 1992). It has been postulated that nicotine provides
transient symptomatic relief through stimulation of cholinergic nicotinic
receptors, enhancing the gating mechanism that permits patients to filter
out irrelevant stimuli (Freedman et al., 1994). Thus, efforts to promote
smoking cessation in people with schizophrenia, especially abruptly when
they enter smoke-free hospital environments, must take into account these
complex considerations. Success will likely depend on a better understanding of the mechanisms of the positive benefits of smoking and development
of alternatives (e.g., transdermal patches for nicotine maintenance).
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In summary, the wide recognition of health consequences for smokers
and those around them, along with stricter laws targeting smoking, will
likely result in increasing demand for assistance, in which both clinicians
and researchers will play an active role.
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Psychotherapy in the Treatment of Addiction
Although psychotherapy alone is not usually considered an appropriate
treatment for addiction, in reality many therapists in the community
diagnose and attempt to address addictive behaviors ranging from mild
to severe. Increasingly, they combine their efforts with a referral or insistence
on AA or Narcotics Anonymous attendance. For many, the issue of
drinking and using is given priority and the combination of psychotherapy with self-help group participation is considered adequate, although
there is no referral to formal addiction treatment. There are no empirical
data on how often this process occurs and how effective it is. Many addiction
specialists view the community therapist as being in a prime position to do
effective early intervention, arresting problems before serious deterioration
occurs. However, it is also apparent that some therapists in the community
are not sufficiently concerned about lack of progress in changing behavior.
They do not inquire regularly about AOD use unless there has been a recent
crisis. It would be valuable to study this therapeutic process in more
detail, defining parameters for effective intervention in this context,
looking at outcome, and formulating guidelines for when referral to the
specialty system is advisable.
TREATMENT IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
The greatest expansion of addiction treatment services is occurring in the
criminal justice sector, which is rapidly becoming a major employer of
professionals. Treatment monies are diminishing steadily in the health
care system and increasing in the criminal justice system. As managed care
creates discouraging work conditions, increasing numbers of professionals
are migrating into the criminal justice sector, where they face new challenges
to provide appropriate care.
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The majority of those incarcerated have an alcohol and/or drug
problem to which their offenses are directly or indirectly related (Office of
National Drug Control Policy, 2010). It is estimated that 70% of inmates
in state prisons and 80% in federal institutions are serving time on
charges related to drug trafficking and possession (Robert Wood Johnson
Foundation, 2001). Criminal justice system interventions take place both
in the community and inside the institutions. Various forms of intervention
have been developed for different targets in the criminal justice system.
These include pretrial and diversion efforts after arrest and before trial, treatment inside jails and prisons, and community treatment for probationers
and parolees (Peters & Wexler, 2005).
It has been known for some time that treatment is effective in reducing
recidivism. A rigorous review by the Institute of Medicine in 1990 suggested
that despite disappointing findings in the overall research literature on
prison-based treatment, addiction treatment programs that are sufficiently
comprehensive and well-integrated into the criminal justice system do
achieve a significant reduction in recidivism (Anglin & Hser, 1991; Gerstein
& Harwood, 1990; Vigdal, 1995). The therapeutic community movement
has been particularly influential in prison treatment, partly because of
outcome data supporting effectiveness and partly because its tight structure makes it more acceptable to corrections personnel than more loosely
structured models. Appropriate treatment in prison leads to reduced drug
use on release and fewer arrests and episodes of reincarceration (Field, 1989;
Wexler, Falkin, & Lipton, 1992). Best results are obtained when there is
a relatively seamless transition into community treatment (Field, 1998;
Hubbard et al., 1989; Wexler, de Leon, Thomas, Kressel, & Peters, 1999).
A growing number of states have enacted legislation and provided
funding for treatment in lieu of incarceration. Drug courts and other
diversion initiatives represent ways to use the criminal justice system to
promote initiation, engagement, and retention in a treatment effort. Studies
have supported the benefit of mandated treatment in improving outcomes
(Kelly, Finney, & Moos, 2005).
Efforts to use the leverage of the criminal justice system to promote
outpatient treatment efforts began in the 1960s with the Civil Addict Pro104
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DETERMINING APPROPRIATE TREATMENT
gram, which committed addicted people to compulsory drug treatment
(Anglin & Hser, 1991; Vigdal, 1995). More recently, there has been a rapid
expansion of special problem-solving courts requiring participating in
treatment, monitoring it closely, and applying sanctions for noncompliance
and rewards for progress. Drug courts began in Miami, Florida, in 1989 and
have spread throughout the United States and abroad. Outcome data have
supported their effectiveness (Huddleston, Marlowe, & Casebolt, 2008).
The drug court model has been expanded to include other types of problemsolving courts, such as those centered on mental health, domestic violence,
truancy, veterans, and many other problems (see http://www.ncsconline.org/
D_Research/ProblemSolvingCourts/Resources.html). In these models,
the courts collaborate with community treatment providers to integrate
the treatment with legal case processing. Other community corrections
programs include contracts with the criminal justice system to purchase
residential beds or outpatient capacity outside the institutions.
Findings about the success of coerced treatment are particularly
important in the light of a belief on the part of many professionals that
such treatment does not work. In fact, in addiction treatment, retention
is the variable most highly correlated with a positive outcome. Those who
remain in treatment longer than 6 months look similar, independent of
whether the treatment attempt was initiated voluntarily or through legal
coercion. Clinicians have noted the positive effects of pressure from social
services or Supplemental Security Income, which brought many individuals into treatment who had never sought it before and influenced them to
remain long enough to begin to see benefits for themselves.
From the clinical perspective of the addiction specialist, this is not
surprising. People who are actively using alcohol and drugs do not make
good decisions. Once this cycle is interrupted and they get some distance
from alcohol and drug use, they are more likely to take a different view
of their circumstances, particularly if offered an opportunity for selfexamination in a supportive treatment setting. Many current drug users
come from families in which there may have been multiple generations of
alcohol and drug users. They have no model for an alternative lifestyle and
no conviction that a better life is possible for them. Coercion may provide
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the opportunity and impetus to enter a recovery process, the motivation
for which gradually becomes internal. The AA motto “Bring the body; the
mind will follow” is wisdom that is repeatedly confirmed in the area of
coerced treatment. It is important for the clinician to focus on the development of a new identity and life goals as recovery progresses.
Currently, the criminal justice system severely limits the clinician’s ability to determine appropriate treatment because many options are simply not
available. However, there are several reasons to believe that the wider application of existing approaches has great potential for improving treatment
outcome in criminal justice populations. Outcome studies of therapeutic
communities and methadone maintenance have consistently shown reductions in criminal behavior (Gerstein & Harwood, 1990; Hubbard et al., 1989).
Making quality treatment more available to those with criminal justice
system involvement can be expected to produce meaningful gains, reducing
the cost of long-term incarceration for some in this system.
A second promising avenue of investigation is the value of consistently
integrating treatment for psychiatric disorders within treatment efforts
focused on criminal justice populations. A large-scale epidemiological study
reported that in institutional settings comorbidity of addictive and severe
mental disorders was highest in the prison population (Regier et al., 1990).
Schizophrenia, antisocial personality disorder (APD), bipolar disorder,
and dysthymia were the most common, with a 90% concurrence of an
addictive disorder among this group. Jails may contain disproportionate
numbers of severely mentally ill persons with alcohol and drug abuse
disorders; Abram and Teplin (1991) noted that police often arrest the
mentally ill when treatment alternatives would have been preferable but
are unavailable. McFarland, Faulkner, Bloom, Hallaux, and Bray (1989)
interviewed family members about their chronically mentally ill male
relatives and documented that substance abuse significantly predicted
arrest. More than half were arrested after unsuccessful attempts by the
family to commit the patients during a crisis. In Abram and Teplin’s
(1991) analysis, the narrow parameters of the caregiving systems serve as
a formidable barrier to treatment. The mentally ill, particularly those with
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ized. Abram and Teplin noted that “jails, unlike many treatment facilities,
have no requirements or restrictions for entry” (p. 1042).
Despite the fact that comorbidity is especially high in the criminal
justice client, treatment programs still may not provide adequate services
to address the needs of both the addictive and the comorbid disorders.
This is an area in which investigation is likely to be of increasingly great
importance. Though skeptics may object that many of those in the criminal
justice system are diagnosed with APD and thus have a poor prognosis,
there are reasons to be cautious about such a conclusion. Overdiagnosis of
APD is likely to lead the clinician to assume a poor prognosis and discourage
efforts to secure quality treatment. It is crucial to assess APD independent
of substance abuse (Gerstley, Alterman, McLellan, & Woody, 1990). When
this is done rigorously, the percentage of those with a primary antisocial
disorder declines dramatically. Gerstley et al. (1990) speculated that those
whose antisocial activity is directly related to their drug use might show a
better treatment response, a view shared by other clinicians. Gerstley and
colleagues also discussed the possibility that antisocial behavior can be an
expression of an affective disorder. Another important factor is the extent
to which the context (i.e., court-related referral) biases the clinician to see
the patient’s pathology in antisocial terms (Travin & Protter, 1982). More
recently, it has become clear that those who are high on the numbing cluster
of posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms (e.g., avoidance, detachment,
restricted range of affect) can also be misdiagnosed with APD. Thus,
childhood histories of abuse may be associated with violent behavior
in adulthood. The clinical complexities of adjudicated populations are
becoming better understood as professionals have increasing access to
these populations.
GUIDELINES FOR SELECTING
APPROPRIATE TREATMENT
Before reviewing treatment options for individual patients, it is useful
to elaborate on collaboration, a skill as important as therapeutic skills
in addressing addiction. It is rare to find an addicted patient whose
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treatment does not warrant collaboration with other professionals and
systems. Precisely because addiction is a biopsychosocial disorder, the
clinician must be prepared to interact with physicians, social workers,
psychologists, lawyers, probation officers, and other addiction treatment
professionals with specialty credentials. It is useful to think of the other
disciplines as “subcultures” with their own language and assumptions
about what people need in order to change. Mental health providers often
underestimate the need for integrated addiction treatment, assuming
that if the mental health disorder were addressed, the addictive behavior
would correct itself. Physicians may underestimate the importance of
sustained participation in psychosocial interventions. In working with
the criminal justice system, divergent interests (e.g., promoting public
safety vs. individual welfare) may overshadow the common interest of
achieving stable recovery. The more the practitioner understands the
perspectives of those with whom he or she is collaborating, the greater
the likelihood of the kind of teamwork that leads to success. The individual therapist may need to be the patient’s advocate, educate other
professionals, and assist in problem solving to formulate and implement
a treatment plan.
The existing system is fraught with obstacles that multiply with the
number of problem areas in the individual patient. The separate systems
in which various disorders (e.g., psychiatric disorders, medical problems)
normally are treated have different assumptions about what goals are
desirable and how people can achieve them, a different language, and to some
extent, different values. For example, goals are formulated differently when
one focuses on a terminal illness such as AIDS than when one has a relatively
normal life expectancy. Abstinence goals, the usual organizing principle of
addiction treatment, may result in harsh treatment when inflexibly applied
to a deteriorating AIDS patient. The right of the individual to make certain
value judgments about drug use must be weighed against the social cost
of permissiveness about alcohol and drug use.
There is an abundance of other evidence that alcohol and drug use
increases medical costs in an otherwise healthy population. Indeed, a key
priority of the 2010 National Drug Control Strategy is to identify, assess,
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do brief interventions, or refer to specialty treatment the approximately
68,000,000 Americans who present in the health care system with varying
levels of “harmful use” (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2010). With
the exception of those recently trained, most mental health practitioners
are not skilled in motivating their patients to address their AOD use; this
issue was seldom addressed in their basic training. They attempt to address
the AOD use by referral to the addiction treatment system, which is not well
equipped to deal with those who are highly ambivalent in their motivation
and not prepared to make a wholehearted commitment. Thus, a large group
in need of attention and amenable to appropriate intervention does not
usually get their needs met in either system. Private practitioners or therapists in other settings are in an excellent position to develop “treatment
readiness” in the patients through the application of the motivational
enhancement strategies described in Chapter 5.
SEQUENTIAL, PARALLEL, AND
INTEGRATED TREATMENT MODELS
Although it is widely acknowledged that the social services, mental health,
addiction, and criminal justice systems are seeing many of the same people,
in many communities it is still necessary to deal with multiple systems to get
an appropriate treatment plan implemented. Many obstacles are inherent
in this process. At best, it is time consuming, and it frequently overwhelms
the patient with the task of meeting contradictory expectations. HIV adds
the dimension of fatigue and susceptibility to other people’s diseases, as well
as the inability to drive or use public transportation. By contrast, integrated
treatment models permit addressing multiple client needs within one
system. Ries (1993, 1994) discussed the strengths and limits of sequential,
parallel, and integrated models for different patient profiles and described
treatment approach similarities and differences. Private practitioners
doing psychotherapy may need to match the patient with mental health
or addiction treatment services in the community to provide missing
elements. It is important to consider which model best meets the goals
that need to be achieved.
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In sequential treatment, the patient is treated by one system (addiction
or mental health) and then by the other. Many clinicians believe that the
addiction treatment must always be initiated first, and the patient must
be abstinent before psychiatric treatment can be effective. Some psychotherapists, impressed by the futility of ignoring alcohol and drug use, insist
that the patient address the addictive behavior first before work on other
issues can proceed. Indeed, there are times that this is the preferred approach,
although the rigidity of some clinicians is cause for concern. It is more
likely that the therapist will need to make the case over a period of time for
an abstinence commitment and focus on exploring the patient’s resistance
to doing so. Patients with severe psychiatric disorders may need to have
those addressed first. First, it is important to rule out the possibility that the
symptoms are substance induced. Once this is done, it is important to
stabilize the patient who has symptoms of a mental health disorder. Addiction treatment may be ineffective until antipsychotics take effect or antidepressant blood levels are higher.
In parallel treatment, the patient is simultaneously involved in addiction
and mental health treatment. For example, a woman with depression may
be placed on antidepressants, participate in psychotherapy, and attend classes
on coping with depression at a mental health center while participating in
12-step meetings, recovery group, and alcohol- or drug-refusal classes in
an addiction treatment program. These forms of treatment are provided
by clinicians within different systems or who are peripheral to them and
who may rarely if ever communicate with each other. If the patient becomes
caught between conflicting expectations and philosophies, there may be no
obvious mechanism for resolving issues. This situation is likely to interfere
with good treatment outcome.
In integrated treatment, mental health and addiction treatment are
combined into a unified and comprehensive treatment program involving
clinicians who have been cross-trained in both approaches. This includes
a unified case management approach that makes it possible to monitor
and treat patients through both psychiatric and AOD crises. The burden of
treatment consistency and continuity is placed on staff in a setting designed
for simultaneous treatment of both disorders.
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Models for the treatment of coexisting disorders are rapidly evolving
and under extensive study, but it is not currently possible to make data-based
comparisons between models. Many clinicians working in this area are
convinced that the integration of psychiatric treatment within the treatment
and recovery setting has the greatest chance of success with most patients.
Even with aggressive case management, follow-through on referrals may be
difficult, especially because multiple diagnoses magnify stigma, and patients
are keenly sensitive to the negative attitudes they encounter. Bouncing
between two or three systems usually results in the patient being given
conflicting messages with inadequate opportunity for resolution and
diminishes the chance of compliance with any treatment plan. However,
sequential or parallel treatment may work well when patients have a severe
problem in one area but a mild problem in the other. The therapist in
private practice should be prepared to play a coordinating and advocacy
role to assist the patient who becomes caught in conflicting expectations
or practices.
Therapists searching for a good program should make a careful
inquiry when a program markets itself as “dual diagnosis” or “co-occurring
disorders.” Some programs have done nothing more than add a consulting
psychologist or psychiatrist who comes in several hours a week for patients
with obvious symptoms. The ASAM PPC, discussed later in this chapter,
describe the kinds of staffing patterns and activities appropriate to differing
levels of psychiatric severity.
The impetus to shorten the length of stay and reduce the intensity of
treatment runs counter to the needs of patients with not one but several
chronic relapsing disorders. In the addiction field, treatment outcome
research done on public sector populations over the past 3 decades has been
consistent in its findings about the relationship between retention and outcome (Gerstein & Harwood, 1990; Hubbard et al., 1989). The longer people
stay in treatment, the better they do. Gains begin to be enduring after about
6 months’ participation. Such findings suggest that in a managed care environment, many with multiple disorders will not receive care that is effective
by objective measures. The “positive outcomes” described by some managed
care organizations appear to be based on an absence of immediate casualties
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or protest by members. They do not use the same treatment outcome
criteria as the addiction or mental health provider. The National Institute
on Drug Abuse (NIDA) offers a good summary of effective principles and
practices in its Principles of Drug Addiction Treatment: A Research-Based
Guide (http://www.nida.nih.gov/PODAT/PODATIndex.html).
Individual psychotherapy can fit into the following models and
situations in a variety of ways. Often the patient arrives at the door of
the addiction treatment system referred by his or her therapist, who
may continue to see the patient during and after specialty treatment is
completed. Others seek psychotherapy after a period of sobriety, to address
many painful issues once obscured by alcohol and drug use. Limited
psychotherapy is even becoming available to adjudicated populations,
as recognition grows that inadequate resources have brought many with
psychiatric disorders into the criminal justice system as their untreated
symptoms escalated and appropriate help was unavailable. It is imperative that the individual therapist familiarize himself or herself with the
expectations and constraints of the relevant systems and be flexible
enough to tailor treatment to accommodate the extensive and sometimes
conflicting demands of the patient. Providing education, support, and
therapy for family members while a patient is away at residential treatment is an important function, especially if treatment is out of state and
family members have a hard time accessing the treatment center’s family
program.
FORMULATING A TREATMENT PLAN
We now look briefly at attempts to standardize principles for deciding
level of care and a range of services that should be included and how they
can be matched with patient needs. Although these principles are under
continuous revision, they provide sensible guidelines for current practice.
It should be noted that most of the vast literature on matching in both
alcohol and drug treatment modalities has failed to yield dependable,
practical methods for assigning patients to programs or particular treatments.
For example, a national study found that three commonly used approaches
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DETERMINING APPROPRIATE TREATMENT
were effective but for most of the hypotheses did not obtain evidence about
which matching variables indicated which treatment. Only psychiatric
severity demonstrated relevance as a matching variable (Project MATCH
Research Group, 1997). Most studies in the literature used a patient–
program matching strategy in which efforts are made to match particular
types of patients to particular types of programs. Attempts to apply these
matching principles encountered access barriers in the programs selected.
Long waiting lists made admission difficult, and geographical obstacles limited participation. Programs rapidly emerged and disappeared in the
unstable funding climate. Patient–program matching has increasingly
come to be viewed as impractical.
PROBLEM–SERVICE MATCHING
A well-known group of researchers in Philadelphia reviewed conceptual
and methodological issues in an effort to chart a more productive course
for this complex endeavor (McLellan & Alterman, 1991). Research by
this group has focused on problem–service matching, a promising strategy
that can be used by individual private providers as well as by agencies.
Despite the commitment to individualizing treatment, research has shown
that many programs do comprehensive assessment but assign patients
to the same treatment activities. In problem–service matching, specific
problem areas are identified with the Addiction Severity Index (McLellan,
Alterman, Cacciola, Metzger, & O’Brien, 1992), and a brief patient interview
(Treatment Services Review; McLellan, Kushner, et al., 1992) is used between
short intervals to make sure the patient is receiving needed services. The
programs that provided the most services that were focused on a specific
treatment problem generally showed the best outcome. Thus, the specificity and relevance of the treatment services actually delivered to each
individual appears to have a major influence on differential effectiveness.
A subsequent study demonstrated that even well-trained clinicians in
accredited programs did not necessarily match their level of attention to
the patient’s most severe problem areas in the absence of a disciplined
quality assurance process (McLellan et al., 1997).
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Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
CENTER FOR SUBSTANCE ABUSE TREATMENT
COMPREHENSIVE CARE MODEL
The Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT) offers a detailed framework for matching patient needs with services in public sector programs.
These patients typically have far more complex practical problems (e.g.,
housing, medical, educational, vocational) and often require more comprehensive services to stabilize their psychosocial functioning. In 1990,
CSAT began (as the Office for Treatment Improvement) with the task of
expanding the availability of effective services for addiction treatment.
A key element in CSAT’s mission is to facilitate the application of the vast
body of knowledge generated by the research institutes, NIDA, and the
National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. This necessitated
engaging the system of state and local government agencies and public and
private treatment providers responsible for the delivery of addiction
treatment services (Primm, 1990). In an effort to upgrade the standard
of care, CSAT articulated in detail the ingredients in effective treatment
for the population it serves.
Guidelines for model treatment programs were disseminated widely
by CSAT through vehicles such as its request for applications for funds,
treatment improvement protocols, and various other publications carrying a range of economic and other incentives. These guidelines may prove
useful for those trying to select either a public or private sector program
for a particular patient. The guidelines include comprehensive assessment,
rapid intake, provision of medical care and health education, random
drug testing, pharmacotherapeutic interventions, a variety of types of
counseling, peer support groups, liaison services, social and recreational
activities, housing, clinical supervision, and evaluation of outcomes.
A “one-stop shop” is considered the most desirable, but services are often
obtained through collaboration with other community organizations.
Thus, AOD use is the ticket through the door, but the goal is to attend to
the needs of the whole person. Implementation of these guidelines was
imperfect, but the impact was to enlarge the vision of treatment providers
and map out a process for upgrading quality. Although not all of these
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services are necessary for higher functioning patients, this is a useful framework to help evaluate the strengths and limits of particular programs.
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
AMERICAN SOCIETY OF ADDICTION MEDICINE
PATIENT PLACEMENT CRITERIA
Clinicians in the private sector rely on a variety of guidelines in selecting
appropriate settings. Decision making takes into account various barriers
to access, particularly financial limitations. Those with health insurance
coverage have access to different types of programs than those who do not,
though the relationship among quality, cost, and outcome is often elusive.
Programs with fine reputations and impressive staffing do not necessarily
produce outcomes that are superior to those that occur in populations with
good prognostic factors at the outset. Though assessments are conducted,
placement often has more to do with ideology and availability of reimbursement rather than on empirically derived matching criteria. Outcome data
have often emanated from the marketing department and have not stood
up to rigorous scrutiny. Communities vary in the options available for
the indigent population; federal funding provides more opportunities in
some locations than others. Recent efforts are intended to systematize this
process and strengthen its empirical database.
ASAM has refined a biopsychosocial model to specify the treatment which that matches the patient’s clinical severity. This necessitates
accurate assessment of the nature and severity of the patient’s medical,
psychological, and social problems and the availability of services to respond
to the needs identified. ASAM’s goal is to arrive at uniform PPC to determine appropriate levels of care. The latest revision addresses the needs
of patients with co-occurring disorders (recognized as the norm, not the
exception) and strengthens the criteria for adolescents (ASAM, 2001).
The following dimensional criteria are used to select levels of care (Mee-Lee
& Schuman, 2009):
䡲
䡲
acute intoxication and/or withdrawal potential,
coexistence of biomedical conditions or complications,
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䡲
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
emotional/behavioral conditions and complications (e.g., psychiatric
conditions, psychological or emotional/behavioral complications of
known or unknown origins, poor impulse control, changes in mental
status, transient neuropsychiatric complications),
䡲 readiness to change,
䡲 recovery environment, and
䡲 recovery/living environment.
These criteria are used to determine an appropriate level of early intervention, outpatient, intensive outpatient, inpatient, or residential care.
Staffing patterns and available services are described in detail for each
level of care.
The PPC represent a basic framework that encourages the use of multidimensional assessments to make placement decisions and provides criteria
sufficiently objective to facilitate research. The PPC are expected to be
elaborated more fully and to be continuously validated through empirical
research.
CONCLUSION
There are a variety of conceptual frameworks used in the addiction field to
determine appropriate treatment. The problem–service matching strategy permits assessment, quality assurance, and outcome evaluation to be
accomplished in a relatively straightforward manner. The CSAT comprehensive care model offers a way of identifying basic elements of treatment
that can be found in a wide variety of settings. ASAM’s PPC are widely used
as a means of determining what level of care is appropriate for the patient.
All these frameworks are used, more or less explicitly, by practitioners in
the addiction field. In the arena of coerced treatment, state-of-the-art practices combined with adequate evaluation will be important to justify allocating resources to treatment rather than to a purely punitive approach.
Clinicians will increasingly find themselves interacting with these systems
and will hopefully be able to meet the collaborative challenge.
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1. ACA Code of Ethics
Review the ACA Code of Ethics website.
URL:
http://www.counseling.org/knowledge-center/ethics
2. Online Assessment Measures
Explore the "Online Assessment Measures," located on the American Psychiatric Association
website. You will be referring to this site when completing the assignment.
URL:
http://www.psychiatry.org/practice/dsm/dsm5/online-assessment-measures
3. Utilizing the Assessment Instruments
Review "Utilizing the Assessment Instruments."
4. Determining Appropriate Treatment
Read “Determining Appropriate Treatment,” by Margolis & Zweben, from American
Psychological Association (2011).
URL:
https://lopes.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx
?direct=true&db=pzh&AN=2010-21509-004&site=ehost-live&scope=site
5. Collaborative Family Healthcare Association Commentary on the Joint Principles: Integrating
Behavioral Health Care into the Patient-Centered Medical Home
Use the following as a resource:
"Collaborative Family Healthcare Association Commentary on the 'Joint Principles: Integrating
Behavioral Health Care into the Patient-Centered Medical Home,'" by Runyan & Khatri,
from Families, Systems, & Health (2014).
URL:
https://lopes.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=p
dh&AN=2014-24217-006&site=eds-live&scope=site
6. Addressing Asian American Mental Health Disparities: Putting Community-Based Research
Principles to Work
Use the following as a resource:
"Addressing Asian American Mental Health Disparities: Putting Community-Based Research
Principles to Work," by Okazaki, Kassem, A. M., & Tu, from Asian American Journal of
Psychology (2014).
URL:
https://lopes.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=p
dh&AN=2014-12688-002&site=eds-live&scope=site
7. Some Like It Specific: The Difference Between Treatment Goals of Anxious and Depressed
Patients
Read “Some Like It Specific: The Difference Between Treatment Goals of Anxious and Depressed
Patients," by Grosse Holtforth, Wyss, Schulte, Trachsel, & Michalak, from Psychology &
Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, & Practice (2009).
URL:
https://lopes.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=p
syh&AN=2009-11615-004&site=ehost-live&scope=site
8. Case Formulation and the Diagnostic Process
Review the “Case Formulation and the Diagnostic Process” media piece in preparation for this
week’s discussion questions.
URL:
https://lc.gcumedia.com/mediaElements/gcu-sequenceapplication/v3.1/#/showcase/sequence/39/view
9. Co-occurring Disorders
Visit the SAMHSA website to learn about the importance of coordination and collaboration with
mental health services.
URL:
http://media.samhsa.gov/co-occurring/topics/healthcare-integration/index.aspx
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