History Question


Brite Divinity School of Texas Christian University

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Write 3 pages of content. The assignment directions have been attached. I have also attached the primary source. Follow the instructions.

History Question
History Question
History Question
History Question

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PRIMARY SOURCE # 1: Red Cloud was chief of the Oglala Teton Sioux. He was an important leader who opposed white incursions into Native American lives and territory, although he openly advocated peace whenever possible and did not support the more violent actions of Crazy Horse and his followers. Red Cloud was noted as a warrior and a speaker. In the excerpt below, he explains the plight of his—and indeed all—Native American peoples in the last decades of the 1800s. Chief Red Cloud's Speech I will tell you the reason for the trouble. When we first made treaties with the Government, our old life and our old customs were about to end; the game on which we lived was disappearing; the whites were closing around us, and nothing remained for us but to adopt their ways,-the Government promised us all the means necessary to make our living out of the land, and to instruct us how to do it, and with abundant food to support us until we could take care of ourselves. We looked forward with hope to the time we could be as independent as the whites, and have a voice in the Government. The army officers could have helped better than anyone else but we were not left to them. An Indian Department was made with a large number of agents and other officials drawing large salaries-then came the beginning of trouble; these men took care of themselves but not of us. It was very hard to deal with the government through them-they could make more for themselves by keeping us back than by helping us forward. We did not get the means for working our lands; the few things they gave us did little good. Our rations began to be reduced; they said we were lazy. That is false. How does any man of sense suppose that so great a number of people could get work at once unless they were at once supplied with the means to work and instructors enough to teach them? Our ponies were taken away from us under the promise that they would be replaced by oxen and large horses; it was long before we saw any, and then we got very few. We tried with the means we had, but on one pretext or another, we were shifted from one place to another, or were told that such a transfer was coming. Great efforts were made to break up our customs, but nothing was done to introduce us to customs of the whites. Everything was done to break up the power of the real chiefs. Those old men really wished their people to improve, but little men, so-called chiefs, were made to act as disturbers and agitators. Spotted Tail wanted the ways of the whites, but an assassin was found to remove him. This was charged to the Indians because an Indian did it, but who set on the Indian? I was abused and slandered, to weaken my influence for good. This was done by men paid by the government to teach us the ways of the whites. I have visited many other tribes and found that the same things were done amongst them; all was done to discourage us and nothing to encourage us. I saw men paid by the government to help us, all very busy making money for themselves, but doing nothing for us. . . . The men who counted (census) told all around that we were feasting and wasting food. Where did he see it? How could we waste what we did not have? We felt we were mocked in our misery; we had no newspaper and no one to speak for us. Our rations were again reduced. You who eat three times a day and see your children well and happy around you cannot understand what a starving Indian feels! We were faint with hunger and maddened by despair. We held our dying children and felt their little bodies tremble as their soul went out and left only a dead weight in our hands. They were not very heavy but we were faint and the dead weighed us down. There was no hope on earth. God seemed to have forgotten. Some one had been talking of the Son of God and said He had come. The people did not know; they did not care; they snatched at hope; they screamed like crazy people to Him for mercy they caught at the promise they heard He had made. The white men were frightened and called for soldiers. We begged for life and the white men thought we wanted theirs; we heard the soldiers were coming. We did not fear. We hoped we could tell them our suffering and could get help. The white men told us the soldiers meant to kill us; we did not believe it but some were frightened and ran away to the Bad Lands. The soldiers came. They said: "don't be afraid-we come to make peace, not war." It was true; they brought us food. But the hunger-crazed who had taken fright at the soldiers' coming and went to the Bad Lands could not be induced to return to the horrors of reservation life. They were called Hostiles and the Government sent the army to force them back to their reservation prison. __________________ PRIMARY SOURCES #2 and #3 The Sand Creek Massacre at Fort Lyon, Colorado (1864), like most historical events, can be described differently depending on the point of view of the person doing the describing. As a case in point, below is a report of the event published by a local newspaper, The Rocky Mountain News, shortly after the bloodshed came to an end. Following its conclusion, read Helen Hunt Jackson’s account of the massacre, which is taken from her book, A Century of Dishonor. A Century of Dishonor brought national attention to the plight of Native Americans when it was published in 1881. As you will see, Jackson depicts the events at Fort Lyon in a far less glorious light that the author of the editorial in The Rocky Mountain News. Editorial from the Rocky Mountain News (1864) Among the brilliant feats of arms in Indian warfare, the recent campaign of our Colorado volunteers will stand in history with few rivals, and none to exceed it in final results. We are not prepared to write its history, which can only be done by some one who accompanied the expedition, but we have gathered from those who participated in it and from others who were in that part of the country, some facts which will doubtless interest many of our readers ... At Fort Lyon the force [of Colorado volunteers] was strengthened by about two hundred and fifty men of the first regiment, and at nine o'clock in the evening the command set out for the Indian village. The course was due north, and their guide was the Polar star. As daylight dawned they came in sight of the Indian camp, after a forced midnight march of forty-two miles, in eight hours, across the rough, unbroken plain. But little time was required for preparation. The forces had been divided and arranged for battle on the march, and just as the sun rose they dashed upon the enemy with yells that would put a Comanche army to blush. Although utterly surprised, the savages were not unprepared, and for a time their defense told terribly against our ranks. Their main force rallied and formed in line of battle on the bluffs beyond the creek, where they were protected by rudely constructed rifle-pits, from which they maintained a steady fire until the shells from company C's (third regiment) howitzers began dropping among them, when they scattered and fought each for himself in genuine Indian fashion. As the battle progressed the field of carriage widened until it extended over not less than twelve miles of territory. The Indians who could escaped or secreted themselves, and by three o'clock in the afternoon the carnage had ceased. It was estimated that between three and four hundred of the savages got away with their lives. Of the balance there were neither wounded nor prisoners. Their strength at the beginning of the action was estimated at nine hundred. Their village consisted of one hundred and thirty Cheyenne and with Arapahoe lodges. These, with their contents, were totally destroyed. Among their effects were large supplies of flour, sugar, coffee, tea, &c. Women's and children's clothing were found; also books and many other articles which must have been taken from captured trains or houses. One white man's scalp was found which had evidently been taken but a few days before. The Chiefs fought with unparalleled bravery, falling in front of their men. One of them charged alone against a force of two or three hundred, and fell pierced with balls far in advance of his braves ... Among the killed were all the Cheyenne chiefs, Black Kettle, White Antelope, Little Robe, Left Hand, Knock Knee, One Eye, and another, name unknown. Not a single prominent man of the tribe remains, and the tribe itself is almost annihilated. The Arapahoes probably suffered but little. It has been reported that the chief Left Hand, of that tribe, was killed, but Colonel Chivington is of the opinion that he was not. Among the stock captured were a number of government horses and mules, including the twenty or thirty stolen from the command of Lieutenant Chase at Jimmy's camp last summer. The Indian camp was well supplied with defensive works. For half a mile along the creek there was an almost continuous chain of rifle-pits, and another similar line of works crowned the adjacent bluff. Pits had been dug at all the salient points for miles. After the battle twenty-tree dead Indians were taken from one of these pits and twenty-seven from another. Whether viewed as a march or as a battle, the exploit has few, if any, parallels. A march of 260 miles in but a fraction more than five days, with deep snow, scanty forage, and no road, is a remarkable feat, whilst the utter surprise of a large Indian village is unprecendented. In no single battle in North America, we believe, have so many Indians been slain … A thousand incidents of individual daring and the passing events of the day might be told, but space forbids. We leave the task for eye-witnesses to chronicle. All acquitted themselves well, and Colorado soldiers have again covered themselves with glory. Helen Hunt Jackson's Account of Sand Creek (1881) . . .The Governor of Colorado called for military aid, and for authority to make a campaign against the Indians, which was given him. But as there was no doubt that many of the Indians were still peaceable and loyal, and he desired to avoid every possibility of their sharing in the punishment of the guilty, he issued a proclamation in June, requesting all who were friendly to come to places which he designated, where they were to be assured of safety and protection. This proclamation was sent to all the Indians of the plains. In consequence of it, several bands of friendly Arapahoes and Cheyennes came to Fort Lyon, and were there received by the officer in charge, rationed, and assured of safety. Here there occurred, on the 29th of November, one of the foulest massacres which the world has seen. This camp of friendly Indians was surprised at daybreak, and men, women, and children were butchered in cold blood. Most of those who escaped fled to the north, and, joining other bands of the tribe, proceeded at once to take most fearful, and, it must be said, natural revenge. . . . In October of the next year some of the bands, having first had their safety assured by an old and tried friend, I. H. Leavenworth, Indian Agent for the Upper Arkansas, gathered together to hold a council with United States Commissioners on the Little Arkansas. The commissioners were empowered by the President to restore to the survivors of the Sand Creek massacre full value for all the property then destroyed; "to make reparation," so far as possible. To each woman who had lost a husband there they gave one hundred and sixty acres of land; to each child who had lost a parent, the same. Probably even an Indian woman would consider one hundred and sixty acres of land a poor equivalent for a murdered husband; but the offers were accepted in good part by the tribe, and there is nothing in all the history of this patient race more pathetic than the calm and reasonable language employed by some of these Cheyenne and Arapahoe chiefs at this council. Said Black Kettle, the chief over whose lodge the American flag, with a white flag tied below, was floating at the time of the massacre, "I once thought that I was the only man that persevered to be the friend of the white man; but since they have come and cleaned out our lodges, horses, and everything else, it is hard for me to believe white men any more. All my friends, the Indians that are holding back, they are afraid to come in; are afraid that they will be betrayed as I have been. I am not afraid of white men, but come and take you by the hand." Elsewhere, Black Kettle spoke of Colonel Chivington's troops as "that fool-band of soldiers that cleared out our lodges and killed our women and children. This is hard on us." With a magnanimity and common-sense which white men would have done well to imitate in their judgments of the Indians, he recognized that it would be absurd, as well as unjust, to hold all white men in distrust on account of the acts of that "fool-band of soldiers." __________________ PRIMARY SOURCE #4: In the early years of the mining and cattle towns of the West, probably a majority of the women in those towns were prostitutes. Like the cowboys and miners they serviced, most of the prostitutes were unmarried and young (in their teens or twenties). Many worked for themselves. A few were able to marry into respectable society; some bought or rented brothels or became madams. In Helena, Montana, one of the most prosperous real estate speculators was an Irish-born former prostitute known as “Chicago Joe.” For most, however, prostitution was literally a dead-end job. Two-thirds of the women engaged in prostitution died young from sexually transmitted diseases, botched abortions, alcohol abuse, narcotics abuse, suicide, or murder. Moreover, at the towns developed and the population grew, the era of independent prostitutes gave way to a system characterized by central ownership. More and more prostitutes worked for pimps or landlords, who took most of the profits derived from prostitution in the West. The West was a place of complexities and contradictions. Many people came from somewhere else, and the mixture of cultures contributed to the uniquely American character of the West. The new communities of the West threw people into contact with characters they would never have met had they stayed in the East. This document is from the reminiscences of Nannie Tiffany Alderson. The daughter of a Confederate officer who was killed as the first Battle of Bull Run, Alderson was born in 1860, in the part of Virginia that would later become West Virginia. While visiting a sister who had married and moved to Kansas, she met Walter Alderson, whom she later married. Walter Alderson went to Montana to select a site to begin a cattle ranch. When Nannie joined him in 1883, only seven years had passed since the defeat of George Armstrong Custer at the Little Bighorn. The Aldersons found it difficult to establish themselves, and they lived in several locations over the next number of years. Many years later, Alderson told her story to Helena Huntington Smith, who published them as A Bride Goes West (1942). In the excerpt below, Alderson describes an incident that occurred while her husband was building a new house and she was staying alone in Miles City, Montana. The product of an established southern family, Nannie Alderson had traditional social attitudes. Her experiences in the West, however, exposed her to many people and customs that were completely alien to her upbringing. In the incident related below, Nannie unknowingly falls into the company of a kept woman who had apparently worked as a prostitute. Nannie Alderson, from A Bride Goes West (1942) I had two more rather unusual experiences in Miles City. The first one was not without its humor. After all I have said in praise of broadmindedness, it may well appear that the joke was on me. Once a week during that summer I stayed at the Macqueen House, I would take the baby into the hotel parlor for the morning, while the chambermaid gave my room a thorough cleaning. One morning when I had moved in there with my sewing . . . a dark-haired, dark-eyed young woman came into the room. She was striking in appearance and smartly dressed. I had seen her before, and knew she was staying at the hotel, but had never had occasion to speak to her. She got down on her knees and began making a fuss over the baby, who was of course delighted. Then she started talking to me. She told me she was waiting for her husband, who was on his way up the trail from Texas with cattle. She didn’t know how much longer she would have to wait, and she was so lonely. I could sympathize. I was lonely too. I offered her books; she said she had plenty to read. Then I said, rather hesitantly: “I take the baby out every afternoon in her carriage. It is not very thrilling, but if you would care to go with us –” Well, she jumped at the offer. So a day or two after that, when the baby and I were getting ready to go out for our walk, I went and knocked at the door of her room to invite her to come with us. A voice said: “come in.” I opened the door – and there she stood in front of her bureau, with hardly more than a stitch of clothing on; just a little chemise. She was pinning on her hat. I must confess that I was taken aback, though I could not help noticing that she had a very pretty figure. I asked her if she cared to go walking. She explained that she had another engagement. Although my mind did not work very quickly, it did seem strange to me at the time that she should say “Come in” like that, when she could not know who was knocking at the door. It might have been anybody! Very shortly afterwards I learned, from the hotel proprietor’s sister, that she was one of the most notorious women in the West at that time. The facts had only just come out. This woman – her name was Connie – had a habit of going out on the hotel porch after dinner, and talking with the men, and one day while she was sitting there the madam of a house of ill fame in the city had come by and recognized her, and had told the hotel proprietor. She was asked to leave the hotel at once, and her protector also. A wealthy stockman had been keeping here there, but she had been so quiet that no one had suspected anything. Even looking back, I could see only one thing that could be questioned in her conduct; she would to down to breakfast in the hotel wearing a very beautiful satin mother hubbard, hand-painted with flowers, which was hardly appropriate for a public dining room. To think that I was only saved from walking out on the public streets with her by the fact that she had another engagement –! However, it is possible that she was not wholly sincere in her desire to go walking with the baby and me. . . . We heard later that she went straight back to the red light district. She did not stay there long. There was a wealthy Englishman, among several such around Miles City at that time, whose brother later came into a title; and this man set her up in an establishment of her own with horses, carriage, everything, and was seen with her everywhere. She would even appear at the races – for the town boasted a race track in those days – dressed in his cream and scarlet colors. It was a most brazen performance, and scandalized even Miles City. One day at the height of her notoriety I was right next to her carriage, but we never spoke as we passed by. _______________ PRIMARY SOURCE # 5: This primary source is an epitaph on a tombstone reported by Galen L. Tait in his memoirs. Born in Nebraska, Tait attended the University of Nebraska in the early 1890s. While in college, he worked during a summer vacation in the Black Hills of South Dakota, near Deadwood. There he became fascinated with Deadwood’s Wild West past. After a career as a real estate developer, lawyer, and prominent figure in Maryland’s Republican Party, Tait published his memoirs in 1952. Epitaph on a Tombstone Here lies the bod ...
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