1 First draft MLA format revise Ideological Foundations of Italian Fascism, 1919-1945 Benito Mussolini accessed dictatorship in January 1925 but the fascist manifesto was only published seven years later, leading to what can be qualified as an "ideological void". Basing our first observation of this unusual chain of events, this essay will discuss Italian Fascism under Benito Mussolini (1922-1945) and whether it was built on reactionary considerations or ideological principles. In the first part, this work will assess how far can it be argued that Italian fascism was established on reacting considerations, focusing on specific topics such as the myth of the creation of a new man in the fascist society, territorial claims, and the relationship between the fascist state and the Catholic Church in Italy. Secondly, this essay will address the issue of the so-called "political void" (1925-1932) that has been mentioned above in this introduction, and discuss whether or not this period was truly without ideological foundations or not. In the third and last part, this paper will argue that Italian fascism found strong and reliable ideological foundations, inspired by different Italian thinkers such as Mazzini, Machiavelli, and Gentile and that Mussolini's actions find justification in those respective thinkers' theories and were bind to them. Reacting to the rise of individualism and materialism, provoked by the different processes of modernization, which questioned the traditional structures of patriarchal society,1 fascist ideology wished to forge a new man and reclaim manhood at the dusk of the Great War. This idea emerged as a reaction to the socialist and liberal visions of masculinity's purpose of the pre-war period and the role of men during the nineteenth century. Fascist thinkers saw those 2 materialistic ideas as leaving the vast majority of the male masses devoid of a sense of political belonging.2 This explains why the great majority of Italian who went to combat, were the peasants from the rural South, military service looked purposeless for the semi-illiterate southerners; Stanley Payne argues that tens of thousands had to be court-martialed for desertion, but only about 750 were executed.3 However, fascism saw war and violence as a mean to accelerate modernity and a generator of a cult of heroism and self-sacrifice that would help the new generation to overcome their materialism.4“The entry into the war was necessary to finally unite the nation through the shedding of blood. […] The war was seen as a way to cement the nation as only war can.”5 Furthermore, the postwar crisis had other implications for Italy, its territorial claims in the East Adriatic, Turkey, and Africa were denied. This created a deep feeling of resentment translated into a radical nationalist initiative in 1919 by Gabriele D'Annunzio, Italy's most popular poet, and war hero, to seize the city of Fiume in the East Adriatic.6 D'Annunzio governed the aforementioned city for fifteen months, but more relevant is the way he did it: special ceremonies, with speeches from the balcony of the city hall to large audiences and mass rallies, the adoption of the black shirts as uniform, the raising of the right arm as the Roman salute, the development of a hymn and the organization of their armed militia into units – what would later become Fascist style was born7 out of a reactionary invasion from disregarded territorial claims. The aforesaid evidence suggests that the developing idea of a new man that wished to be communicated through the practical liturgical identity of fascism mainly originated from reactionary considerations, caused by the disconnection of manhood with a materialistic world and the dissatisfaction from the territorial claims shortly after the Great War. The matter that Italian fascism under Mussolini was built on reactionary principles can be witnessed through his behavior with the Catholic Church. Il Duce understood that, in a 3 country which was composed 99% of catholic believers,8 maintaining a healthy relationship with the Vatican was a vital feature for his solidification of power. Despite opportunistic attempts to court the Holy Church, his anticlerical debut had not been forgotten and the Holy Siege was left unimpressed. John Pollard suggests that "just as [Mussolini] had abandoned the initial anti-capitalism and anti-monarchism of early fascism, now he dropped his anticlericalism".9 Following the death of Benedict XV in 1922, Mussolini confessed that the late Pope “did not leave in our souls a sympathetic memory”10. Despite an uneasy relationship, his successor Pius XI seemed preoccupied with the rising threat of communism in Italy and was eventually convinced of the necessity of a fascist government, as they believed communism to be worse than Nazism.11 Eventually, sixty years of conflict between the Italian state and the Vatican were terminated with the signing of the Lateran Treaties in 1929, which organized the payment of important sums for the seizure of papal lands but also recognized Roman Catholicism as the religion of most Italians.12 Hence Mussolini acknowledged that his own power was not complete, as the authority of the Church over the Italian population was recognized to be relevant. Whereas, in a pure fascist form of government, the only source of power, over the population, comes from the dictator alone and is not shared. The aforestated evidence suggests that Italian fascism under Mussolini was forced to find compromises to keep his hand on a secure power, leading to the belief that it was more based on reactionary considerations rather than actual doctrine-based decisions. Considering capitalism or communism, one can easily see the main thinkers behind each respective idea: Adam Smith (1723-1790) and Karl Marx (1818-1883). Both thinkers and their major work Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776) and The Communist Manifesto (1848) were published before their application in the practical world. Their publications had had time to be read, studied, and digested. A particular issue that needs 4 to be addressed concerning Italian fascism, is that Benito Mussolini accessed dictatorship in 1925,13 but the Origins and Doctrine of Fascism was only published years later, in 1932. This would lead to the belief that, during that time window of seven years, fascist Italy was under a "political void" and governed by reactionary considerations rather than ideological principles. However, as early as January 1928, Giovanni Gentile is already laying The Philosophic Basis of Fascism.14 This work covers numerous subjects which are also discussed in Origins and Doctrine of Fascism in 1932. Not only are the stances adopted the same, but the vocabulary used is also very similar; for instance when Gentille speaks about nationalism in 1932: “The State is always in fieri. It is all always in our hands. It is, therefore, our own immense responsibility”15 and in 1928 “For the Fascist, the State is always in fieri. It is in our hands, whole; whence our very serious responsibility towards it.”16 Not only those two bodies of work are extensively alike, but the main components of text from the Origins and Doctrine of Fascism are dated from August 192717 and also 192818. The above evidence suggests that the idea of an ideological void between Mussolini's accession of dictatorship in 1925, and the publication of Gentile's fascist manifesto in 1932 is flawed. Gentile work can be dated prior to the 1930s, and it is also probable that those theories were discussed with Mussolini before publication, as Gentile was named by Il Duce himself, Minister of Public Education in 1922.19 Italian fascism under Mussolini was built on ideological principles following the influence of thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) or Giuseppe Mazzini (1805- 5 1872), the latter is used throughout Gentile's work20: “now to understand the distinctive essence of Fascism, nothing is more instructive than a comparison of it with the point of view of Mazzini to which I have so often referred.”21 The doctrine of Mazzini is summed up in the following manner by Gentile: the individual has an anti-materialistic purpose22 and his life is ruled by a goal, which can be reached through the sacrifice of private comfort, individual rights, daily interests, and even, if necessary, his life.23 Mazzini's ideology already suggests that the individual willingly put something above his selfinterest, that he sacrifices his liberties for a higher purpose, Gentile simply insert the role of the State in the individual's life as his primary goal. “For the Left, the bonds that maintain and establish the community, [...] were all rooted in the sentiment that each instinctively has of conquering and defending his proper well being – a materialistic conception of life against which Mazzini had struggled. […] In so far as life was conceived as devoted entirely to the satisfaction of rights rather than the discharge of duties.”24 Fascism, as defined by Kevin Passmore, seeks to create a national community in which the population finds fulfillment in service to the regime. Furthermore, it is seeking to remove individual rights and enforcing the idea that the population is subject to the state, condemning socialism, individualism, capitalism, and any other theories that would place the individual interests above those of the nation.25 Gentile goes as far as describing Mussolini as a pureblooded breed Mazzinian.26 Indeed, Italian fascism enforced this Mazzinian doctrine of individual freedom suppression from January 1925, when the decision to end the parliamentary system is taken.27 Freedom of association was removed as the police received orders to suppress all political dissidents and shut down the branches of groups that may undermine the powers of the state. On top of that, communists and their allies were closely monitored and repressed by any means if they showed threatening signs. Political freedom lapsed as both men's and women's suffrage ended and the freedom of the press was subjected to further 6 control. Being a member of the fascist party became a necessity for anyone aspiring to a successful career: in 1928, it had become compulsory for every journalist to be a registered fascist,28 after 1933, it became mandatory for state employees and teachers.29 The party also organized numerous social activities such as holiday excursions, musical events, and sport.30 This forced social togetherness matches with Mazzini doctrine since the State becomes the higher purpose of every man, woman, and child as they sacrifice their freedom while adhering to the fascist party. Laura Fermi argues that Mussolini borrowed his practical precepts from Niccolò Machiavelli's work The Prince, which he described as the handbook of the governor of men.31 Mussolini shared with Machiavelli a study of politics with a cold pragmatism and an understanding of the excellence of the few to rule over the many. More importantly, the idea that everything is permitted to the leader to attain his ends. The Lateran Pacts can be seen through a Machiavellian approach, where Mussolini simply did what was required to keep himself in power, which is the only purpose that truly matters. Fermi argues that it was during his first years in power that the Florentine author's influence on Mussolini was the most evident. Margherita Sarfatti, his mistress, described him as “imbued” with Machiavellian thought.32 The aforestated evidence suggests to us that Italian fascism was built on ideological principles from other Italian thinkers prior to Mussolini's access to dictatorship in 1925. It also tells us that the philosopher of fascism, Giovani Gentile, did not compose his work solely based on reactionary considerations, but mainly on pre-existing doctrines such as Mazzini's ideas. To conclude this discussion, there are examples of Italian fascism under Benito Mussolini being based on reactionary considerations such as the link between the Italian population and the evolution towards the new man, and also the will of conquest. Nonetheless, 7 the ideological doctrines and references present throughout Giovani Gentile's work is pretty conclusive: Italian fascism under Mussolini was mainly based on ideological principles. The links with Mazzinian doctrine is made very clear by Gentile, and Mussolini's pragmatism is deeply Machiavellian. Endnotes 1Dagnino, J., 'The Myth of the New Man in Italian Fascist Ideology', Fascism: Journal of Comparative Fascist Studies, 5 (2016), p. 131 2Dagnino, 'The Myth of the New Man', p. 137 3Payne, S., A History of Fascism 1914-45 (London, 1997), p. 86 4Griffin, R., Modernism and Fascism: The sense of a beginning under Mussolini and Hitler (Basingstoke, 2007), p. 202 5 Gentile, G., Origins and Doctrine of Fascism with Selections from Other Works (London, 2002), p. 2 6Payne, A History of Fascism, p. 92 7Ibid 8Pollard, J. F., 'Fascism and Catholicism', in Bosworth, R. (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of Fascism (Oxford, 2010), p. 166 9Ibid, p. 170 10Mussolini, B., My Autobiography with “The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism” (Mineola, N. Y., 2006), p. 113 11Paxton, R., The Anatomy of Fascism (London, 2005), p. 108 12Ibid, p. 138 13Bosworth, Mussolini's Italy, p. 215 8 14Gentile, 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Jan., 1928), pp. 290-304 15 Gentile, Origins and Doctrine of Fascism, p. 28 16 Gentile, 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', p. 302 17 Gentile, Origins and Doctrine of Fascism, p. 32 18 Ibid, p. 35 & p. 41 19Bosworth, R., Mussolini's Italy : Life under the Dictatorship (London, 2005), p. 186 20 Gentile, Origins and Doctrine of Fascism, p. 104 21 Gentile, 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', p. 299 22 Ibid p. 296 23 Gentile, Origins and Doctrine of Fascism, p. 5 24 Ibid p. 10 25 Passmore, K., Fascism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2002), p. 26 26 Gentile, 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', p. 298 27 Robinson, R., Fascism: The International Phenomenon (London, 1995), p. 8 28 Bosworth, R., Mussolini's Italy, pp. 216-217 29 Whittam, J., Fascist Italy (Manchester, 1995), p. 54 30 Ibid 31Fermi, L., Mussolini (London, 1966), p. 219 32Ibid, p. 220 Bibliography 9 Primary Mussolini, B., My Autobiography with "The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism" (Mineola, N.Y., 2006) Gentile, G., Origins and Doctrine of Fascism : with selection from other works (London, 2003) Gentile, G., 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Jan., 1928), pp. 290-304 Secondary Dagnino, J., 'The Myth of the New Man in Italian Fascist Ideology', Fascism, Journal of Comparative Fascist Studies, 5 (2016), pp. 130-148 Bosworth, R. (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Fascism (Oxford, 2010) Fermi, L., Mussolini (London, 1966) Griffin, R., Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler (Basingstoke, 2007) Passmore, K., Fascism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2002) Paxton, R., The Anatomy of Fascism (London, 2005) Payne, S., A History of Fascism 1914-1945 (London, 1995) Pollard, J. F., 'Fascism and Catholicism', in Bosworth, R. (ed.), Mussolini's Italy : Life Under the Dictatorship (London, 2005), pp. 166-184 Robinson, R., Fascism: The International Phenomenon (London, 1995) Smith, D., Mussolini’s Roman Empire (London, 1976) Whittam, J., Fascist Italy (Manchester, 1995) 1 Final Draft MLA format revise Ideological Foundations of Italian Fascism, 1919-1945 Benito Mussolini was appointed dictator of Italy in January 1925, but the Origins and Doctrine of Fascism was only published seven years later, leading to what has been known as the 'political void' argument: a lack of any clear ideological foundations concerning Italian fascism. This study will discuss whether or not Italian fascism lacked an ideological basis. Firstly, this essay will argue that Italian fascism was based on reactionary considerations, focusing on the peculiar relationship held with the Vatican. Secondly, this draft will delve into the interpretations of fascism in recent historiography, taking into account the arguments of historians such as Renzo de Felice and Roger Griffin on the question and then directly address the 'political void' argument. Thirdly, this paper will argue that Italian fascism found a clear ideological basis that can be traced back to the writings of Giuseppe Mazzini, a key thinker from the Risorgimento. In 1929, Mussolini and Pope Pius XI concluded the Lateran Treaties, effectively enabling the fascist state to seize the papal lands in exchange for a significant amount of funds, which brought great financial security to the Church, in a way that had not be witnessed by Pius XI's predecessors.1 Additionally, the Italian government had to recognize Roman Catholicism as the religion of the vast majority of Italians.2 However, this symbolic concession to the Vatican went against what fascism stood for. In 1932, Giovanni Gentile clearly described the will and authority of the state as being 'not subject to negotiation, or compromise, or to divide its terrain with other moral or religious principles that might interfere in consciousness.'3 Nevertheless, Gentile argued that to recognize the religious authority of the Church was a 2 political necessity for the dictatorship of Mussolini.4 Indeed, Gentile fully acknowledged that to allow the existence of the Roman Church, to which the Catholic Italians were subordinated, within the boundaries of the fascist state was a grave problem. Furthermore, he argued that allowing another form of power, which was not the fascist state, to remain within Italy was completely contradictory to the political conception of fascism.5 The above evidence suggests that, regarding its attitude toward the Vatican, Italian fascism was primarily motivated by reactionary considerations over ideological principles. A recurrent argument regarding the lack of ideological foundation of Italian fascism still lays in the notion of the political void, between Mussolini's appointment to the dictatorship in 1925, and the publication of Origins and Doctrine of Fascism in 1932. Indeed, numerous historians such as Renzo de Felice, Hagtvet, and Kuhnl argued that this political gap and the lack of ideological basis for fascism depicted it as a baseless historical parenthesis.6 Since Europe's fascist period is an uncomfortable past that led to the death of millions in an unprecedented fashion on an unimaginable scale, it is no surprise to witness the immediate post-war effort from European historians to define fascism as nothing more than a historical parenthesis without intellectual roots, which commanded loyalty only through oppression and coercion.7 Indeed, concerning Italian fascism, the immediate attempt was to argue that the Italian Resistenza enjoyed the unconditional support of the population, and as a result, fascism only succeeded thanks to the charisma, efficiency, and efforts of Mussolini.8 Additionally, the Marxist interpretations of European fascism depicted it solely as an anti-proletariat reaction, aimed at the working class and their rights.9 As a result, until the 1960s, fascism was mainly depicted as a baseless ideology purely formed out of reactionary forces.10 Nonetheless, Denis Mack Smith attacked the myth perpetuated by the Resistenza by arguing that Il Duce was a political clown devoid of any ideological priorities.11 However, if Mussolini had not been 3 influential as once thought, surely it meant fascism held, at the very least, some ideological basis. Because fascist studies were naturally drawn toward the more totalitarian German neighbor, one had to wait until the 1970s to witness notable progress in the understanding of Italian fascism. It was Ernst Nolte who argued, firstly, that fascism could not simply be considered as a confined historical parenthesis, but the culmination of a prior chain of events. Secondly, even without Hitler or Mussolini, this movement would have found room to blossom in Europe.12 Nonetheless, Nolte persisted in arguing that fascism was essentially anti-Marxist, and as a result, stressed that without Marxism, the fascist ideology would have never seen the light of the day.13 This developed into a conception of fascism as the third way, opposed to both the hegemony of Marxist and liberalism. De Felice eventually fully deconstructed the myth of the Resistenza, when he argued that Mussolini's regime did enjoy a significant degree of social support from the 1920s onward, culminating with the occupation of Adis Abeda and the declaration of the Italian Impero in 1936.14 In 1993, Roger Griffin produced an original analysis of fascism, describing it as an ultra-nationalist palingenesis (rebirth).15 Griffin also supported the importance of Mazzini in the mid-nineteenth century struggle against cultural decadence in Italy, which was eventually perceived as irreversible.16 Alongside Roger Eatwell, they both stressed the need to consider fascism as a revolutionary movement with a real ideological foundation supported by a coherent system of values.17 Origins and Doctrine of Fascism was published in the Enciclopedia Italiana di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti (El Treccani) of 1932. This project was drafted between the years 1929 and 1937 in 35 different volumes. It was meant to be the first series of national encyclopedia since Italy did not have one of her own before that date.18 It is worth noting that the direction of this project fell within the hands of Gentile himself, which is unsurprising given the influence he enjoyed in the fascist state.19 El Treccani was 'meant to portray the intellectual outlook of contemporary Italy. […] It will form one of the data by which modern Italy will be judged by 4 future generations so that no important library can do without it.'20 Once these interpretations are taken into account, one has a better understanding of the nature of the essay drafted by Gentile. Before a political manifesto, it was an actual work of propaganda, addressed to a national and international audience to justify the existence of fascism in Italy. There are two arguments to support this claim. Firstly, El Treccani was meant to shape the vision of contemporary and future audiences, not to form a political manifesto. Compared to his prior works, Gentile's choice of language and words were much more accessible and translated a wish to reach a wider range of individuals. The encyclopedia was made accessible in public libraries throughout the country.21 Secondly, the vast majority of the guidelines laid by Gentile in 1932 were simple reiterations of ideas developed in his anterior essays. The need for the subordination of particular interest for the greater benefit of the state is described in 1919.22 The call for the totalitarian concept of the law and the state is established in 1925.23 While additional details of the fascist philosophy were developed in 1928.24 As a result, this essay would argue that the Origins and Doctrine of Fascism should be considered as the culmination of previously laid guidelines. Nevertheless, before 1932, the sole published document which resembled a national political manifesto is the 1928 essay The Philosophic Basis of Fascism. There is still a three years gap between 1925 and 1928, which can be considered as a 'political void', although a smaller one. However, Gentile had been the minister of education, chief ideologue, and friend of Il Duce long before 1925.25 As Bosworth acknowledged Mussolini's avid appetite for philosophical and literary works from his contemporaries, it would be foolish to imagine the Duce never discussed the writing and ideas of Gentile.26 The evidence displayed above suggests that the argument of the 'political void' justified by the aforementioned seven years gap is disputable. 5 A key conception of the Italian fascist ideology is the enforcement of an intimate unity between every single member of the population and the state. However, this notion of total union is merely an evolution of the nationalist conception of the role of the state. Gentile argued that, for nationalists, the state was imagined as greater than the individuals. For fascists, the citizens and the state were conceived as one, in an inseparable yet necessary synthesis.27 Indeed, as early as 1919, Gentile explained that for the individuals and the state to be as one, the civilians' wishes had to coincides with the state's purpose.28 However, there is substantial evidence to suggest that Giuseppe Mazzini laid the blueprints for such vision regarding the relationship between the Italian state and its population. The evidence suggests that Gentile held Mazzini in high regard and identified him as an inspiration for fascism, as his name is repeated and used throughout his work, both in 1928 and 1932. Indeed, by 1835, Mazzini had developed this notion of forced harmony between the subjects and the state.29 He went as far as arguing that the unity between the subjects and the law was the required condition for any normal life, and the only purpose of all the individuals' efforts was the completion and safeguard of that harmonious relationship.30 It is worth noting that Mazzini published those ideas in 1835 before Karl Marx wrote The Communist Manifesto in 1848, and as a result, undermining the claim that fascism was solely based on an anti-Marxist reaction. To enforce his vision, Mazzini passionately preached against materialism and individualism. He suggested that to acquire the will to become one nation, Italy had to emancipate herself from the materialism of the eighteenth century.31 As early as 1928, Gentile had already incorporated this critical attitude toward materialism and individualism in the core of fascist ideology.32 To implement this anti-individualistic notion within the Italian society, the fascist state relied on two components: shared struggle and propaganda. Fascist propaganda in Italy attempted to distillate mythical ideas into the minds of the Italians to project an idealistic vision of society toward which the population was expected to thrive as 6 one group. In 1926, to create a sense of uniqueness and unicity amongst the population, the regime instituted a new calendar, which marked the March on Rome of 1922 as the new starting point of the Era Fascista, henceforth branding Italy and the Italians as a united and unique group following their own timeline on the European scene.33 In 1932, celebrating the tenth anniversary of the March on Rome, alongside festivities and parades, the regime organized the 'exhibition of the Fascist revolution' in the capital, presenting numerous episodes taking place between 1914 and 1922 in an almost religious fashion, culminating within the walls of an intimate inner shrine built to commemorate the fascist martyrs.34 Over the following couple of years, nearly four million people, amongst which many workers and peasants from the countryside, were exposed to these aforementioned events.35 On top of that, repetitive slogans such as 'Believe, Obey, Fight' or 'Mussolini is always right' aimed to feed the population's blind faith toward the regime as a unified group of followers.36 Concerning the idea of shared struggle through the experience of violence, Gentile identified the key role played by the Great War which cemented 'the nation as only war can, creating a single thought for all citizens, a single feeling, a single passion, a common hope.'37 Nonetheless, Mazzini had already stressed the necessity of martyrdom to forge a united nation. Indeed, he placed constant sacrifice of self and the rejection of individualism at the core of common national progress, under the watchful eye of what he named the inviolable law of God.38 Gentile altered this notion but kept the essence of it, simply developing the idea of inviolable law as the rule of the state from which every individual owed complete allegiance. In May 1923, Mussolini was described as a totalitarian leader by critics who opposed fascism in Italy.39 In 1925, he appropriated the term, claiming that Italian fascism meant 'all is for the state, nothing is outside the state, nothing and no one are against the state.'40 Indeed, Gentile presented the model of fascism as a conception of society which placed the state above 7 all else, as the only purpose every individual should thrive toward. From this totalitarian conception, Gentile attempted to justify that true freedom could only be obtained within the boundaries of the state, similar to an arena where the individuals would pursue their interests, but under the watchful gaze of the state's sovereignty, characterized as the indestructible foundation of all activities.41 The individuals enjoyed no liberty which would go against the authority and security of the state, as the general profit would always be considered before any particular private benefit.42 Nonetheless, concerning the totalitarian notion of fascism, Mazzinian nationalism announced similar concepts in the nineteenth century. To avoid the rise of individualism, Mazzini argued that a common purpose was necessary and that to reach this end, the forces of every single individual were to be associated.43 Furthermore, Mazzini radicalized his view, arguing that coercive subordination was acceptable since the individuals had an obligation to fulfill their duty toward the supreme power of the nation, which guarded the people's progress toward this superior common goal.44 In his own words, the nation 'elevates and purifies the individual; dries up the spring of egotism, by changing, and removing outside himself the center of activity. It creates for man that theory of duty which is the mother of self-sacrifice.'45 Mazzini acknowledged the overwhelming role played by the nation in organizing its citizen's daily lives. Indeed, he argued that it was the function of nationhood that assigned to the individuals their share of work in the grand association and constituted their mission on Earth.46 Mazzini argued that every citizen had an obligation to actively participate in the welfare of the nation, and if they refused to do so, their coercive subordination to the nation was acceptable. To summarize the totalitarian notion of Mazzinian nationalism, one has to imagine the Italian society as a compact pyramid scheme, where every individual residing within the boundaries of this society are subordinated into working every single day, relentlessly, toward the mythical idea of the Italian Fatherland, the epitome of the conception 8 of society. Gentile recognized the totalitarian dimension of Mazzinian nationalism and applied it to the fascist conception of the state.47 For the Italians, by 1926, it meant the pure and simple suppression of their local voting rights. Their freedom of assembly collapsed as any political parties which were not directly associated with the fascist movement lost all legitimacy. Their freedom to stand for elections was also revoked, as the position of podesta (mayor) became the result of a direct appointment from the state instead of being elected into office.48 Mussolini's government also strengthened state control over the press. Indeed, following fascist pressure, the editor of the conservative paper Il Giornale d'Italia, Alberto Bergamini, was assaulted at his domicile in February 1924.49 By 1926, the last opposition newspaper had been closed down or taken over.50 Furthermore, to enforce the cultural hegemony of the fascist ideology in Italy, the Prime Minister allocated further funds to the official Press Office, which witnessed its annual budget increased nine times from 1922 to 1932.51 By 1928, it had become necessary for anyone who wished to become a journalist to be registered as a fascist.52 The aforementioned evidence suggests that key fascist principles such as the enforced harmony between the state and the individuals as well as the totalitarian notion of fascism can, to some extent, be traced back to the thoughts of Mazzini in the nineteenth century. To conclude, this essay has argued that, in certain pockets of its management of society, Italian fascism did not lay out any clear ideological guidelines, and as a result, based its decision making upon reactionary principles. Nevertheless, after closer observation regarding the recent development about the perception of fascism, notably the palingenetic ultra-nationalist argument suggested by Griffin, this essay has argued that the nature and importance of Origins and Doctrine of Fascism need to be reviewed, as Gentile laid the fundamentals of fascist 9 philosophy during the 1920s. Finally, this essay has argued that Italian fascism presented a strong and stable ideological basis, derived from the works of Mazzini, especially concerning key notions such as the forced harmony between the nation and the individuals, and the totalitarian dimension of the fascist state. Endnotes 1Richard J. B. Bosworth, Mussolini's Italy: Life under the Dictatorship (London, 2005), p. 263. 2Robert Paxton, The anatomy of fascism (London, 2005), p. 138. 3Giovanni Gentile, 'Origins and Doctrine of Fascism' (1932), in A. James Gregor (ed) Origins and Doctrine of Fascism: with Selections from Other Works (London, 2003), p. 31. 4Ibid, p. 32. 5Ibid. 6Renzo de Felice, Interpretations of Fascism (London, 1977), pp. 14-30; Hagtvet, B., Kuhnl, R., 'Contemporary Approaches to Fascism: A Survey of Paradigms' in S. U. Larsen, B. Hagtvet, J. P Myklebust (eds) Who Were the Fascists? Social Roots of European Fascism (Oslo, 1980), p. 28. 7Aristotle A. Kallis, 'Introduction: Fascism in historiography', in Aristotle A. Kallis, The Fascism Reader (London, 2003), p. 2; Aristotle A. Kallis, Fascist Ideology: Territory and Expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945 (London, 2000), p. 7. 8Roberto Battaglia, Storia della Resistenza italiana (Turin, 1953). 9Janes Degras, The Communist International 1919-1943 (Oxford, 1965), pp. 41-42. 10Roger Griffin, International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus (London, 1998), pp. 1-16. 11Dennis Mack Smith, Mussolini (London, 1981). 10 12Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism (New-York, 1969), pp. 20-22. 13Ibid, p. 40. 14Renzo de Felice, Mussolini il fascista, 2: L'organizzazione dello Stato Fascista, 1925-1929 (Turin, 1968). 15Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London, 1993), pp. 32-39. 16Ibid, p. 33. 17Roger Eatwell, 'Towards a new model of generic fascism', Journal of Theoretical Politics, No. 2 (1992), p. 172. 18Cesare Foligno, 'Review of: Enciclopedia italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti', The Modern Language Review, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Jul., 1938), p. 446. 19Ibid. 20Ibid, p. 447. 21Ibid. 22Giovanni Gentile, 'La riforma dell' educazione: Discorsi ai maestri di Trieste' (1919), in A. James Gregor (ed) Origins and Doctrine of Fascism: with Selections from Other Works (London, 2003), pp. 82-83. 23Giovanni Gentile, Manifesto of the Fascist Intellectual (1925). 24Giovanni Gentile, 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Jan., 1928), p. 292 & 295. 25John Whittam, Fascist Italy (New-York, 1995), p. 82. 26Bosworth, Mussolini (New-York, 2010), p. 7 & 177. 27Gentile, 'Origins and Doctrine of Fascism', p. 25 28Gentile, 'La riforma dell' educazione: Discorsi ai maestri di Trieste', pp. 82-83. 29Giuseppe Mazzini, 'Faith and the Future' (1835) in Bolton King (ed.) Essays by Joseph Mazzini most of them translated for the first time by Thomas Okey (London, 1894), p. 74. 11 30Ibid, pp. 74-75. 31Mazzini, 'From the Pope the to Council' (1850) in Ernest Rhys (ed.) Essays: Selected from the writings, literary, political, and religious, of Joseph Mazzini (London, 1887), p. 225. 32Gentile, 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', p. 293. 33Whittam, Fascist Italy, p. 59. 34Emilio Gentile, Il Culto del Littorio (Bari, 1993), p. 218. 35Marla Stone, 'Staging fascism: the exhibition of the fascist revolution', Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Apr., 1993), p. 233. 36Whittam, Fascist Italy, p. 59. 37Gentile, 'Origins and Doctrine of Fascism', p. 2. 38Mazzini, 'Essay' in Bolton King (ed.) Essays by Joseph Mazzini most of them translated for the first time by Thomas Okey (London, 1894), p. 13. 39Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945 (London, 2003), p. 125. 40Benito Mussolini, Opera Omnia (ed. E. & D. Susmel) (Florence, 1924-1925), Vol. XXI, p. 425. 41Gentile, 'Origins and Doctrine of Fascism', pp. 7-8. 42Ibid. 43Mazzini, 'Essay', pp. 12-13. 44Mazzini, 'Faith and the Future', p. 61. 45Ibid, p. 64. 46Ibid, p. 75. 47Giovanni Gentile, 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', p. 292. 48Bosworth, Mussolini's Italy: Life under the Dictatorship, pp. 216-217. 49Enrico Decleva, 'Il Giornale d'Italia', in Brunello Vigezzi (ed.), 1919: dopoguerra e fascismo: politica e stampa in Italia (Bari, 1965), pp. 54-55. 12 50Whittam, Fascist Italy, p. 89. 51Philip V. Cannistraro, La fabbrica del consenso: fascismo e mass media (Bari, 1975), p. 76. 52Bosworth, Mussolini's Italy: Life under the Dictatorship, p. 217. Bibliography Primary Foligno, C., Review of: Enciclopedia italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti, The Modern Language Review, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Jul., 1938), pp. 446-447. Gentile, G., 'La riforma dell' educazione: Discorsi ai maestri di Trieste' (1919), in A. James Gregor (ed) Origins and Doctrine of Fascism (London, 2003), pp. 77-100. Gentile, G., 'Origins and Doctrine of Fascism' (1932), in A. James Gregor (ed) Origins and Doctrine of Fascism: with Selections from Other Works (London, 2003), pp. 1-42. Gentile, G., 'The Philosophic Basis of Fascism', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Jan., 1928), pp. 290-304. Gentile, G., Manifesto of the Fascist Intellectual (1925). Mazzini, G., 'Essay' in Bolton King (ed.) Essays by Joseph Mazzini most of them translated for the first time by Thomas Okey (London, 1894), pp. 1-21. Mazzini, G., 'Faith and the Future' (1835) in Bolton King (ed.) Essays by Joseph Mazzini most of them translated for the first time by Thomas Okey (London, 1894), pp. 23-102. Mazzini, G., 'From the Pope the to Council' (1850) in Ernest Rhys (ed.) Essays: Selected from the writings, literary, political, and religious, of Joseph Mazzini (London, 1887), pp. 224-260. Mussolini, B., Opera Omnia (ed. E. & D. Susmel) (Florence, 1924-1925), Vol. XXI. 13 Secondary Battaglia, R., Storia della Resistenza italiana (Turin, 1953). Bosworth, R. J. B., Mussolini (New-York, 2010). Bosworth, R. J. B., Mussolini's Italy: Life under the Dictatorship (London, 2005). Cannistraro, P. V., La fabbrica del consenso: fascismo e mass media (Bari, 1975). De Felice, R., Interpretations of Fascism (London, 1977). Decleva, E., 'Il Giornale d'Italia', in Brunello Vigezzi (ed.), 1919: dopoguerra e fascismo: politica e stampa in Italia (Bari, 1965), pp. 54-55. Degras, J., The Communist International 1919-1943 (Oxford, 1965). Eatwell, R., 'Towards a new model of generic fascism', Journal of Theoretical Politics, No. 2 (1992), pp. 172-189. Felice, R., Mussolini il fascista, 2: L'organizzazione dello Stato Fascista, 1925-1929 (Turin, 1968). Gentile, E., Il Culto del Littorio (Bari, 1993). Griffin, R., International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus (London, 1998). Griffin, R., The Nature of Fascism (London, 1993). Hagtvet, B., Kuhnl, R., 'Contemporary Approaches to Fascism: A Survey of Paradigms' in S. U. Larsen, B. Hagtvet, J. P. Myklebust (eds) Who Were the Fascists? Social Roots of European Fascism (Oslo, 1980), pp. 26-51. Kallis, A. A., Fascist Ideology: Territory and Expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945 (London, 2000). Kallis, A. A., 'Introduction: Fascism in historiography', in A. A. Kallis, The Fascism Reader (London, 2003), pp. 1-41. Mack Smith, D., Mussolini (London, 1981). Morgan, P., Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945 (London, 2003). 14 Nolte, E., Three Faces of Fascism (New-York, 1969). Paxton, R., The Anatomy of Fascism (London, 2005). Whittam, J., Fascist Italy (New-York, 1995). 1 Name: Date: (a)Graded Assignment Research Paper Planning Assignment Write the outline of your research paper below. The outline should begin with the title of your paper and your thesis statement. You should complete this assignment and submit it to your teacher when you finish the Develop an Outline lesson in this unit. Total score: ____ of 100 points (Score for Question 1: ___ of 5 points) (b)Write a title for your paper that clearly states the topic. Answer: Ideological foundations of Italian Fascism, 1919-1945. (Score for Question 2: ___ of 25 points) (c)Write your thesis statement. Your thesis should state a fact about history and state your idea about the fact. Answer: Despite claims that Italian fascism was built on reactionary principles, this paper will argue that Italian fascism presented a strong and stable ideological basis. (Score for Question 3: ___ of 70 points) (d)Develop a formal outline for your paper. Use the Making Formal Outlines sheet as a guide for structuring your content. Your outline should demonstrate that you have completed adequate research and have a grasp of the content. Your ideas should be clearly organized in a logical manner. Answer: 2 I – Introduction II – Dimensions of Italian Fascism based on reactionary principles. A – Relationship with the Vatican III – Interpretations of Fascism in recent years A – Evolution of fascist historiography since 1945 B – Origins and Doctrine of Fascism IV – Ideological basis of Italian Fascism A – Forced harmony between the State B – Fascist propaganda C – Totalitarianism and its application V – Conclusion VI – Endnotes VII – Bibliography and the citizens Student Guide Lesson 3: Draft a Personal Statement This lesson focuses on writing a personal statement. Gather all of your planning materials so that you can begin drafting. Lesson Objectives • Develop the essay with a beginning that includes a hook, a middle that provides details, and an ending that ties up the ideas. • Use tone, language, voice, and word choice appropriate for a personal statement. • Vary sentence beginnings, length, and structure. • Write a personal statement that has an implied or an explicit thesis. • Write a personal statement that responds to a prompt. LEARN Activity 1: Writing a First Draft (Online) Instructions Tips for Drafting • Keep the physical appearance of your admired person in your mind as you begin to write. Hear his or her voice. Many writers make mental pictures to help them focus on the character’s traits. Some writers find it helpful to sketch a picture of the character and look at it when they write. • Refer to your written thesis, even if you are not going to include it explicitly in your draft. • If you do not yet know what you are going to use for a hook, start writing the middle or the ending first. By going over the details in those parts, you may be able to think of a beginning. • Avoid unnecessary introductory expressions such as “My admired person is...” or “The person I am going to write about is....” • Avoid stale, general descriptive words such as nice, great, or wonderful. Instead, use words that describe specific traits. Avoid awesome not only because it is stale, but because it is too slangy for your purpose. • If you are writing on a computer, use the spell check and the grammar check as you go along. It will save you time correcting errors later. • Don’t worry excessively about flaws or errors during your first draft. Concentrate on describing the person and showing the reader what the person means to you. Question 1 Type your name and the date at the top of this page. Type or paste your draft into this document. Be sure that your draft is double-spaced and in 12 point, Times New Roman font. Save the file as: AML_S2_12.4_Practical_Writing_Final_Draft_FirstInitial_LastName.docx Example: AML_S2_12.4_Practical_Writing_Final_Draft_J_Brown.docx Total score: ____ of 100 points Type your draft here. History | Graded Assignment | Choosing a Topic Name: Date: Graded Assignment Choosing a Topic Complete and submit this assignment by the due date to receive full credit. Total score: ____ of 10 points (Score for Question 1: ___ of 10 points) 1. What current topic and location have you chosen for your research project? Answer: Type your answer here. © 2015 K12 Inc. All rights reserved. Copying or distributing without K12’s written consent is prohibited. Page 1 of 1 History | Graded Assignment | Choosing a Topic Name: Date: Graded Assignment Choosing a Topic Complete and submit this assignment by the due date to receive full credit. Total score: ____ of 10 points (Score for Question 1: ___ of 10 points) 1. What current topic and location have you chosen for your research project? Answer: Type your answer here. 2. Write a focus question for your research project and submit it to your teacher by the due date to receive full credit. Answer: Type your answer here. © 2015 K12 Inc. All rights reserved. Copying or distributing without K12’s written consent is prohibited. Page 1 of 1
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