Original Article
Unmasking Class: How Upwardly Mobile
Poor and Working-Class Emerging Adults
Negotiate an ‘‘Invisible’’ Identity
Emerging Adulthood
00(0) 1-16
ª 2013 Society for the
Study of Emerging Adulthood
and SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/2167696813502478
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Kimberley Radmacher1 and Margarita Azmitia2
Abstract
This study examined class identity negotiation among upwardly mobile poor and working-class emerging adults. Twenty-one
ethnically diverse emerging adults narrated class-related experiences during interviews about their transition to college. Narratives were coded for (1) the strategies emerging adults used to make sense of their class experiences and (2) the events
that prompted their class identity negotiation. Participants used class identity management strategies that reflected dissociation or resistance. Cross-class interactions that involved recognition of financial and behavioral disparities between themselves
and their professional class peers were more likely to trigger both dissociation and resistance strategies. In contrast, noncomparative class-related experiences (e.g., parent loss of job) and same-class interactions were more likely to elicit dissociation
strategies. These findings highlight the struggle and feelings of ambivalence that upwardly mobile emerging adults face as they
manage the stigma and discrimination associated with their class background and protect their self-esteem.
Keywords
identity, coping, resilience, transitions to adulthood, narrative, peers
Class identity refers to one’s subjective experience of and affiliation with a particular social class and the meaning social class
holds for one’s sense of self (Jones, 2003). Adolescents’ and
adults’ awareness and understanding of class status and class
boundaries have long been researched by social and developmental psychologists and other social scientists (e.g., Azmitia,
Syed, & Radmacher, 2008; Bettie, 2003; Bullock & Limbert,
2003; Fine & Weis, 1998; 2003; Leahy, 1983; MacLeod,
1995; Oyserman, Johnson, & James, 2011; Schwartz, Donovan,
& Guido-DeBrito, 2009). Social psychologists, for example,
have examined poor and working-class adolescents’ and adults’
class identification or categorization with their social class positioning (e.g., Bullock & Limbert, 2003; Hurtado, Gurin, & Peng,
1994; Langhout, 2005). In addition, researchers from several disciplines have highlighted how both social structures of power
and cultural practices embedded in local class cultures not only
foster the reproduction of class inequalities but also influence the
subjective experiences of class and the development of class
identities among poor and working-class adolescents and adults
(e.g., Azmitia et al., 2008; Bettie, 2003; MacLeod, 1995; Orbe,
2008; Schwartz et al., 2009).
A growing body of research has begun to explore the ‘‘exceptions to the rule’’ (Bettie, 2003) of class reproduction by examining the subjective experiences of upwardly mobile poor and
working-class individuals who study, live, or work in middleclass contexts (Azmitia et al., 2008; Granfield, 1991; Kaufman,
2003; Langhout, 2005; Orbe, 2008; Ostrove, 2003; Roberts
& Rossenwald, 2001). These researchers have investigated the
processes and mechanisms through which social class influences the everyday lives of adolescents and adults and how these
individuals construct and manage their social class identities and
the intersections between their social class identities and other
identity domains such as career, gender, and ethnicity or race.
The present study drew on research and theory in developmental
and social psychology to examine the processes involved in
emerging adults’ negotiation of social class identity. We contribute to the extant research by integrating the processes
involved in both personal and social identity negotiation to gain
a more comprehensive understanding of how upwardly mobile,
poor, and working-class emerging adults make sense of social
class in their everyday lives.
Class Identity: A Developmental Approach
Prior research on social identity development, and in particular, ethnic identity development, has drawn on the Eriksonian
1
Child Development Program, California State University, Dominguez Hills,
CA, USA
2
Psychology Department, University of California, Santa Cruz, CA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Kimberley Radmacher, PhD, Child Development Program, California State
University, Dominguez Hills, 1000 E. Victoria Street, Carson, CA 90747, USA.
Email: kradmacher@csudh.edu
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Emerging Adulthood 00(0)
concepts of identity exploration and commitment as mechanisms of identity negotiation (cf., Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992;
Syed & Azmitia, 2008). Erikson (1968) proposed that identity formation begins with a sense of self-awareness regarding a particular
aspect of the self, or identity domain (e.g., career, relationships),
that prompts the adolescent or emerging adult to question who they
are and who they want to or do not want to become within that
domain. Although self-awareness is primarily conceptualized as
an intrapsychic conflict resolution process, a particular event or
sequence of events that the emerging adults either explore on their
own (e.g., attending a cultural fair to learn more about one’s own
ethnic background) or are imposed on them by others (e.g.,
instances of racial discrimination; a conversation about the future
with family and friends) can trigger the self-awareness process
(Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Syed & Azmitia, 2008). By grappling
with competing self-concepts, emerging adults attempt to resolve
the tensions or conflicts between these selves and commit to one
or more of the available identity options (Adams & Marshall,
1996; Erikson, 1968).
Although social class awareness begins in childhood (Oyserman et al., 2011), social class becomes especially salient for
upwardly mobile adolescents and emerging adults as they begin
to consider their futures during interactions with teachers and professional class friends and peers; these interactions may trigger
the reflective processes that allow adolescents and emerging
adults to develop theories about themselves and class in general
and the possibility of upward mobility through education (Bettie,
2003; Jones, 2003; Orbe, 2008). Interactions in the professional
class milieu (e.g., college) give upwardly mobile emerging adults
an opportunity to learn professional class practices and lifestyles
as well as recognize the disparity in resources between themselves
and their more privileged peers (Langhout, Drake, & Rosselli,
2009; Ostrove & Long, 2007; Schwartz et al., 2009). Crossclass interactions also expose upwardly mobile emerging adults
to experiences of class and race discrimination. Disparities in
socialization practices and resources and perceptions of discrimination can lead to feelings of distance and alienation from their
professional class peers as well as call into question their class
identity and the meaning it holds for their own sense of self
(Azmitia et al., 2008; Ochberg & Comeau, 2001; Orbe, 2008;
Ostrove & Long, 2007).
Social class identity becomes more complex when its perceived
fluidity is juxtaposed with the markers of social class that serve to
limit both real and perceived belonging along class lines (Ostrove
& Long, 2007). Research on the experiences and achievements of
upwardly mobile college students suggests that their disadvantaged
class background and classism permeate not only their college
experiences but also their career opportunities throughout adulthood (Langhout, Rosselli, & Feinstein, 2007; Langhout et al.,
2009; Lott & Bullock, 2007). Class identity among upwardly
mobile emerging adults is further complicated by the intersection
of their class background with the class identity they are aspiring
to attain. These distinct identities may elicit competing motivations
or needs, which the upwardly mobile emerging adults feel the need
to reconcile to form a coherent, authentic sense of self (Azmitia
et al., 2008; Erikson, 1968; Orbe, 2008).
Research on upwardly mobile college students has shown that
these emerging adults express a need to affiliate with and help the
family and friends they grew up with despite their individual
attempts at mobility (Orbe, 2008; Ostrove & Long, 2007;
Schwartz et al., 2009). However, the emerging adults’ competing
identity and affiliation needs can lead to feelings of ambivalence.
Economic and educational gains acquired by upward mobility can
place strains on relationships with family and friends who remain
in the emerging adults’ class of origin. While the family and
friends of upwardly mobile students may be proud of the students’
accomplishments, they often do not understand or value the
knowledge and priorities of the world these students have entered
(Ochberg & Comeau, 2001). This devaluation of their emerging
identities leaves the emerging adults feeling a growing sense of
distance and alienation from their family and friends and creates
an identity tension that needs to be resolved (Ochberg & Comeau,
2001; Orbe, 2008; Roberts & Rossenwald, 2001). The distance
and alienation that upwardly mobile emerging adults feel at home
and school can also increase their feelings of marginalization
(Orbe, 2008). Investigating the strategies these emerging adults
use to manage their feelings of marginalization and stigma may
increase our understanding of the processes involved in class
identity negotiation and play an important role in their wellbeing and adjustment to and persistence in college.
Negotiating an ‘‘Invisible’’ and Stigmatized Identity: CIMS
In the United States, the belief that every American has an equal
opportunity to pursue and achieve the ‘‘American Dream’’
through tenacity and hard work (i.e., the Protestant Work Ethic)
perpetuates a strong belief in the permeability of class boundaries (Hochschild, 1995). The pervasiveness of this achievement
ideology has rendered being poor or working class not only a
stigmatized identity but also a controllable or chosen identity
in the minds of most Americans (Granfield, 1991; Lott & Bullock, 2007). Even if some Americans believe that the poor and
working class have no control over the onset of being a member
of a lower class (e.g., born into poverty or loss of job), they
believe that it is the responsibility of the poor and working class
to improve their condition and attain the American Dream (Lott
& Bullock, 2007). Many poor and working-class individuals
may hold this belief themselves through their endorsement of the
achievement ideology (cf., Bullock & Limbert, 2003). Moreover, it may be difficult for Americans to understand how class
contours their lives because the majority either identify as middle class or believe that the United States is a classless society
(Ostrove & Long, 2007). Coupled with a belief in meritocracy,
the belief in classlessness renders social class as an ‘‘invisible,’’
and concealable identity, in many social situations (Lott & Bullock, 2007; Quinn, 2006).
A substantial amount of research in psychology and sociology
has examined the processes involved in negotiating a devalued
social identity. Social identity theory posits that key elements of
persons’ self-concepts are derived from their affiliation with the
various social groups to which they belong, including stigmatized
identities (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Social interactions and social
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Radmacher and Azmitia
3
comparisons allow individuals to define their social identities by
highlighting how they are similar to members of their own social
group (i.e., in-group) and different from members of other groups
(i.e., out-groups; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Feeling a connection to
similar others through these in-group and out-group comparisons
serves to enhance not only the individuals’ collective self-esteem
(i.e., how they feel about their social group) but also their personal
self-esteem (i.e., how they feel about themselves; Brewer, 1991).
For stigmatized groups, upward social comparisons may not
only reduce their collective self-esteem but also their desire to be
a member of that group (Crocker, Major, & Steele, 1998; Ellemers, Spears, & Doosje, 2002). Stigmatized individuals, however, compensate for the potential reduction in self-esteem
through the use of identity management strategies (Blanz, Mummendey, Miekle, & Klink, 1998). Identity management strategies can be differentiated as those that enhance individual or
group status (Tajfel & Turner, 1986; see Blanz et al., 1998 for
additional dimensions).
To deidentify with the negative attributes associated with a stigmatized identity, individuals may disengage either psychologically
or behaviorally from their in-group (Niens & Cairns, 2003;
Roberts, Settles, & Jellison, 2008; Tajfel, 1978). Individual strategies encompass these dissociation attempts and aim to enhance
individuals’ status and self-esteem, while the relative status of their
in-group remains unchanged (Pagliaro, Alparone, Pacilli, &
Mucchi-Faina, 2012). Roberts, Settles, and Jellison (2008) classified such strategies as social recategorization defined as ‘‘attempts
to avoid categorization in a devalued social group and attempts to
affiliate with an alternative, more highly regarded social group’’
(p. 273). Strategies that instantiate the dissociation process include
individual mobility, assimilation, and concealing one’s stigmatized
identity (Goffman, 1963; Niens & Cairns, 2002; Quinn, 2006;
Roberts et al., 2008; Tajfel, 1978).
In comparison, collective strategies involve cognitive and
behavioral attempts to change the perceptions and social position
of individuals’ in-group (Pagliaro et al., 2012; Roberts et al.,
2008; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Tajfel and Turner (1986) posited
that a sense of ‘‘positive distinctiveness’’ for one’s social group
could be attained through social creativity or social competition
strategies. Social creativity strategies redefine or reformulate
comparison dimensions to cognitively change the social position
of one’s in-group, creating a positive group perception and
enhancing collective esteem (Pagliaro et al., 2012; Tajfel &
Turner, 1986). Individuals change the group they are compared
to, change the value placed on a stigmatizing attribute, or make
group comparisons based on another characteristic. Social competition, or collective action, strategies change the status relationship between the high-status and low-status groups (e.g.,
securing equal funding for schools and recreational programs
in low-income neighborhoods; Tajfel & Turner, 1986).
Tajfel and Turner (1986) proposed four social creativity
strategies: subordinate recategorizations, superordinate recategorizations, reevaluating the comparison dimension, and new
comparison dimension. Subordinate recategorizations allow
stigmatized individuals to divide their own group (e.g., poor
and working class) into subgroups of varying status with their
new in-group (e.g., college-going peers) being of higher status than the new out-group (e.g., vocational track peers; Tajfel, 1978). Superordinate recategorizations allow individuals
to view their own group and the high-status group as part
of a larger social category where all group members have
equal status (e.g., ‘‘we’re all good students’’; Tajfel, 1978).
These two strategies allow individuals to change the group
they are compared to rather than challenge the devalued attributes directly. In reevaluating the comparison dimension,
individuals change the position of the two groups on an attribute that defines the difference between them by associating
a positive meaning to their own group’s position on the attribute and devalue the higher status group’s position (e.g., ‘‘the
wealthy are materialistic’’; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). By creating a new comparison dimension, individuals compare themselves to the high-status group on an attribute that their lowstatus group scores higher (e.g., ‘‘working class values family’’; Tajfel & Turner, 1986).
Prior research has shown that upwardly mobile students use
the individual identity management strategies proposed by social
identity researchers. Kaufman (2003), for example, found that
working-class seniors reported engaging in ‘‘associational embracement’’ strategies (i.e., sharing middle, ‘‘professional’’ class
ideologies) and self-presentation management (e.g., mimicking
and endorsing middle-class speech patterns and dress) in their
construction of a middle-class identity. Granfield (1991) also
found that working-class law students concealed their workingclass identities in their interpersonal relations with their professional class peers and believed that revealing their background
would not only result in missed opportunities to engage in activities that were essential in their mobility efforts but also result in
social rejection from these peers (see also, Ostrove, 2003). Moreover, Orbe (2008) noted the struggle that first-generation college
(FGC) students experienced about whether they should make their
FGC status visible to their peers, taking pride in their background
and accomplishments, or whether they should assimilate, rendering their FGC status invisible to avoid the anticipated stigma
attached to such an identity.
Upwardly mobile emerging adults may also use social creativity strategies to reduce the tension and stigma they feel in their
class-based interactions at home and school (Ochberg & Comeau,
2001; Orbe, 2008; Ostrove & Long, 2007). The specific strategies
that upwardly mobile emerging adults draw upon may vary
depending on the context of the class-based experience and the
social comparisons they make. It is possible that emerging adults
may use one set of strategies to make sense of their experiences
with their family and friends from their class of origin and another
to explain their experiences with their professional class peers.
The present study builds on prior research by examining both
individual and collective identity management strategies among
upwardly mobile poor and working-class emerging adults within
a developmental framework. Using a qualitative, life story
approach (cf., McAdams, 2001) allowed us to examine the personal experiences that prompted emerging adults’ class awareness and to investigate the associations between the strategies
used and the events or situations that prompted them.
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Identity Management Strategies and the Intersection of
Multiple Social Identities
Class does not operate in isolation of other social identities
(Azmitia et al., 2008; Bettie, 2002; Deaux & Perkins, 2001;
Jones, 1998). Scholars from feminist studies (Collins, 1990; Fine
& Weiss, 1998; Hurtado, 1996) and critical race theory (Dixson
& Rousseau, 2005) have proposed that individuals are situated in
multiple hierarchies of oppression (e.g., a Latina female, a poor
African American male), which not only impact their experiences
with disadvantage and privilege but also inform their subjective
realities. Recent theory and research on personal and social identity posits that a person’s social identities intersect, or interact, to
create a unique position within the social structure of their communities and broader society (Azmitia et al., 2008; Deaux & Perkins, 2001; Pagliaro et al., 2012). Emerging adults may either
infuse or separate their class identity with or from their ethnic
or gender identity depending on their position in the social structure, including the social structure of their immediate environments (i.e., school setting) and the visibility of their oppressed
identities. Jones (2003) suggested that while ‘‘class is distinct
from race for poor and working-class Whites whose life experiences indicates that whiteness does not ensure class privilege . . . .
class identity may not develop as a separate identity among
[some] members of marginalized racial groups’’ (p. 811) whose
experiences of class oppression are perceived to be a result of
their race/ethnicity (see also Hurtado et al., 1994). In her study
of working-class women in academia, Jones also found that class
identity becomes salient and distinct from race/ethnic identity for
persons of color when they are immersed in same-race/-ethnic but
cross-class contexts (e.g., an elite Black university). Thus, the
negotiation of a class identity may lead to both similarities and
differences in the class identity management strategies (CIMS)
that upwardly mobile emerging adults from different ethnic and
gender positions draw upon to negotiate their understanding of
class.
Research on poor and working-class adolescents and adults
has highlighted ethnic and gender similarities and differences in
how class is experienced and negotiated. Upwardly mobile adolescents and adults understand the importance of education as a
means to improve their class status and also recognize that part
of this education is simulating the mannerisms and behaviors of
their middle- and upper-class peers (Azmitia et al., 2008; Bettie,
2002; Kaufman, 2003; Kuriloff & Reichert, 2003; Ostrove &
Long, 2007; Orbe, 2008). By cueing into middle-class practices
and seeking out friendships and alliances with their more privileged peers, upwardly mobile individuals learn about and appropriate into their repertoires professional class practices and skills
(class assimilation). It appears that, regardless of their ethnicity or
gender, upwardly mobile individuals recognize the opportunities
that cross-class interactions afford to learn professional class
mannerisms, speech, and lifestyles (i.e., their habitus; Bourdieu,
1977) and take advantage of these opportunities to achieve individual mobility (Granfield, 1991; Kaufman, 2003).
While it is common for upwardly mobile individuals of different ethnic backgrounds and genders to appropriate professional
class practices and beliefs, individuals’ motivations for engaging
in these practices may vary by ethnicity because class stereotypes
are often conflated with ethnicity/race. For example, Kuriloff and
Reichert (2003) found that upwardly mobile students of color at a
prestigious college preparatory school provided structural explanations for class status and income disparity and were more likely
to attribute negative class stereotypes to prejudice and to challenge the stereotypical assumption that to be middle class you
must also be White due to their experiences with the structural
barriers of racism (see also Bettie, 2002; Cooper, 2011; Cross
& Vandiver, 2001; Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Fuligini, Witkow,
& Garcia, 2005). In comparison, the White working-class boys
at the same institution seemed to internalize the school’s and
society’s teachings of meritocracy and articulated that personal
hard work and dedication accounted for their success and, therefore, their class status. The ‘‘invisibility’’ of their class status via
their ethnic/race identity prompted similar assimilation attempts
but limited their understanding of the structural basis of class differences when compared to their non-White counterparts (see also
Azmitia et al., 2008; Bettie, 2002; Fine & Weiss, 1998). Likewise,
Bettie (2002) found that White upwardly mobile adolescent girls
on the college prep track assimilated the professional class practices to ‘‘pass’’ as middle class. Their ability to ‘‘pass’’ as middle
class, however, led the upwardly mobile White girls to hide their
true identities because they were embarrassed about their parents
and their upbringing. Taken together, this research suggests that
the visibility of class as confounded with race/ethnicity may
impact the CIMS that upwardly mobile individuals use.
In sum, the primary goal of this study was to examine social
class identity development among college-going poor and
working-class emerging adults by identifying (1) the identity
management strategies they used to negotiate their class identities, (2) the events that trigger class identity negotiation, and
(3) the associations between class identity triggers and the strategies used. We anticipated that upwardly mobile emerging
adults would use both individual and collective strategies in
their class identity negotiations. Given the complexity of social
class and transitional nature of their class identities and the
dearth of research on class identity development, rather than
make specific predictions about the strategies upwardly mobile
emerging adults would use, we sought to inventory these strategies and explore their association to particular triggers or
social contexts. An additional goal of our research was to
explore ethnic variations in the strategies and events our participants narrated.
Method
Participants
A total of 21 poor and working-class emerging adults (15 women;
6 men; mean age ¼ 19.2) from a public university in a small city
along the central coast of California participated. Participants
were drawn from a larger longitudinal study on the role of close
relationships in the transition to college. Socioeconomic background, derived from participants’ self-reports of their mothers’
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Radmacher and Azmitia
5
and fathers’ educational and occupational background using Hollingshead and Redlich’s (1958) index, classified 6 as poor and 15 as
working class. Participants self-reported their ethnic background as
follows: 8 Chicano/Latino, 6 Asian heritage, 5 European American/White, and 2 African American/Black. All of the Latino- and
Asian-heritage participants were children of immigrants; two Latinos were immigrants themselves; and for two Asian-heritage participants, only one parent was an immigrant. One European
American/White participant immigrated to the United States with
both parents from Russia; another had a father who immigrated
from Hungary. One African American participant had a father who
immigrated from Nigeria.
Measures
Participants completed the Transition to College Interview (TCI;
AUTHORS, 2004) during the fall, winter, and spring semesters of
their first year of college and either the winter or spring semester
of their second (i.e., sophomore) year of college. The TCI is a
semistructured interview that assesses emerging adults’ thoughts
about the role family, friends, and school play in their experiences
in and adjustment to college. Several sections of these interviews
focused on elements of personal and social identity development,
including college major, career aspirations, gender, ethnicity, and
social class. For the present study, we analyzed participants’
open-ended responses to all questions highlighting instances
where social class was discussed or salient. In their winter and
sophomore interviews, participants were asked explicitly about
their experiences of social class and the extent to which social
class played a role in their college experiences. In their sophomore interview, they described a time, either positive or negative,
when they became aware of their social class. If they did not spontaneously provide this information, participants were asked (1)
Can you walk me through what happened? (2) How did you feel
when this happened? (3) Did you talk to anyone about what happened and why? (4) Did this conversation affect your perception
of what happened? (5) Did this event affect what you think about
or how you view your own social class and social class in general
and how? and (6) Did this event affect who you are as a person or
how you view yourself?
Procedure
Participants were recruited from a list of all first-year students participating in the Educational Opportunity Programs at the university using a random sampling procedure. Letters inviting students
to participate were sent the summer prior to their entering the university; a fall data collection session was scheduled with all those
who responded (50%). Additional participants were recruited
through flyers posted on campus, a recruiting table in the student
commons, and word of mouth. Participants were compensated for
each session (US$15 for the fall and winter quarterly interviews
during the first year of college, US$20 for the spring quarter interview, and US$40 for the sophomore interview).
The data were gathered during the fall, winter, and spring
semester of the participants’ first year of college and either the
winter or spring quarters of their sophomore year. Participants
were interviewed individually in a university laboratory. Interviews were audiotaped and transcribed verbatim for coding; interviews lasted between 45 and 90 min. Given that the sophomore
year interview was the first interview that specifically asked about
social class identity, we used this data point to select participants
for this study; no poor and working-class participants who completed the sophomore interview were excluded. We also examined all three first-year data points for each participant.
Qualitative Analysis
Multiple qualitative methodologies were used to analyze the
social class narratives. First, we identified recurrent themes using
an open-coding approach (see Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Emerging
themes were further classified to capture differences regarding the
events that triggered class awareness, emerging adults’ emotional
responses to these events, and whether and how the event affected
their conceptions of class and their personal and class identities.
CIMS. To develop a focused coding scheme for this study, four
researchers, two are the authors of this article, independently
read through participants’ social class narratives and other sections of the interview pertaining to social class to identify the
identity management strategies, note any variations from the
original conceptualizations of these strategies in the literature,
and identify additional themes not originally proposed by but
consistent with the theoretical underpinnings of social identity
theory. This process allowed us to tailor the categories to the particularities of our sample and to achieve saturation. Once the
coding scheme was finalized, the researchers independently
reviewed each transcript again and coded it for the CIMS that
were identified: class mobility, class assimilation, hiding class
status, distancing from low-class status, avoiding class categorization, reevaluating and reformulating class conceptions, and
individual action (see Table 1 for strategy definitions). Interrater
reliability was excellent (k ¼ .95).
Class Identity Triggers. The events that prompted emerging adults’
discussion of class and their emotional responses to these events
were noted by each researcher independently and agreed upon
during a group discussion. Given the small sample size and nature
of the data under consideration, this method was the most effective plan of analysis. This analysis technique followed a version
of the Listening Guide method for reviewing and interpreting
open-ended data (Taylor, Sullivan, & Gilligan, 1996). The four
researchers, an European American doctoral student, at the time
of data coding, and a Latina professor (the two authors of this article) and two European American undergraduate students, formed
the interpretive community that conducted the iterative process of
individual analysis and group consensus required of this analysis
method.
Results
Our coding of narratives revealed the identity management strategies that upwardly mobile poor and working-class emerging
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Table 1. Frequencies, Percentages, and Descriptions of the Class Identity Management Strategies Employed by Upwardly Mobile Emerging
Adults (n ¼ 21).
Strategy
Dissociation strategies
Class mobility
Class assimilation
Hiding class status
Cognitive distance from
lower-class status
Avoiding class
categorization
Resistance strategies
Reevaluating and
reformulating class
conceptions
Individual action
Frequency
(Percentage)
Description
Expressed motivation to change class status (e.g., completing degree so
that one can obtain a ‘‘better’’ job to support their family)
Engaged or expressed a desire to engage in behaviors considered to be
middle class (e.g., perceive self to dress or ‘‘carry’’ oneself like someone
from the middle class)
Engaged in behaviors or expressed desire to hide one’s class background
(e.g., not telling others about class status due to fear of being judged)
Considered oneself to be in a higher status in-group than others in their own
class (e.g., more motivated to attend college than others in their class) or
positioned oneself above being poor (e.g., ‘‘I’m not poor or anything’’)
Denied or ignored class differences (e.g., we’re all equal) or ascribed to
achievement ideology (e.g., all can achieve regardless of class background)
Resisted class stereotypes by acknowledging a positive characteristic of
their own class (e.g., working harder, more frugal than middle-class
peers), negative characteristic of higher class status (e.g., professional
class lacks class consciousness), or structural attributions for class status
(e.g., educational inequality; professional class born into class status)
Taking personal action to bring about awareness of one’s own experience
with class (e.g., talking to a middle-class peer about financial struggles)
n ¼ 19 (90.5)
n ¼ 14 (66.7)
n ¼ 4 (19.0)
n ¼ 11 (52.4)
n ¼ 15 (71.4)
n ¼ 10 (47.6)
n ¼ 6 (28.6)
Note. Frequencies listed are the number of participants who used each strategy rather than the total number of times the strategy was used.
adults used to navigate and interpret these events in ways that
protect their self-esteem and motivate them to persist in college.
We summarize our findings below, incorporating examples from
the emerging adults’ narratives to illustrate the salient themes,
identity management strategies, and class identity meaningmaking processes.
CIMS
Throughout their narratives, upwardly mobile emerging adults
grappled with their conceptions of social class and the meaning
it held for their own sense of self. To make sense of their classrelated experiences, participants employed one or more CIMS.
Seven strategies emerged: class mobility, class assimilation, hiding class status, distancing from low-class status, avoiding class
categorization, reevaluating and reformulating class conceptions, and individual action. Table 1 lists strategy definitions and
the number of emerging adults who used each strategy. These
strategies primarily reflected two themes, dissociation from class
status and resisting class stereotypes and social structures; each
theme contained individual and collective strategies. Although
examining ethnic variations was limited by the small sample
size, it appears that regardless of ethnic background, upwardly
mobile emerging adults used similar strategies to make sense
of their social class standing (see Table 2). There are a few
exceptions that are noted below.
Dissociation Strategies. Dissociation strategies involved attempts
to cognitively or behaviorally dissociate oneself from their
class of origin. These strategies included class mobility, class
assimilation, hiding class status, distancing from low-class status, and avoiding class categorizations.
At some point in their narratives about their college experiences, almost all (n ¼ 19; 90.5%) of the upwardly mobile emerging adults expressed their aspirations to change their group
membership, that is, their class status, and highlighted their
efforts to attain class mobility. The desire to cross class boundaries was often integrated with assimilative practices or desires.
Emerging adults used class assimilation (n ¼ 14; 66.7%) by
imitating or expressing a desire to imitate the behaviors, values,
and beliefs of their professional- and upper-class peers such as
expressing an interest in attending professional school, purchasing luxury items (e.g., cameras or brand-name purses), eating at expensive restaurants, traveling to resorts or Europe
during vacations, or altering their speech patterns or vocabulary. Many emerging adults viewed college as an important
avenue for upward mobility and expressed a desire to enhance
their current financial situation by attaining a lucrative, professional career. Their narratives included explicit statements
about how grateful they were for the opportunity to attend college and how proud they were to be the first in their family to
do so. They also disclosed their dreams about what a college
education would allow them to do, such as buying a house for
their parents in a safer part of town, helping siblings pay for
college, getting a better job, attaining a professional career, and
earning enough income to be able to marry and form their own
family. Megan (all names have been changed), a working-class
African American female, illustrated the merger of the class
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Radmacher and Azmitia
7
Table 2. Frequencies and Percentages of Class Identity Management Strategies by Ethnicity.
Ethnicity
Strategy
Dissociation strategies
Class mobility
Class assimilation
Hiding class status
Cognitive distance from lower-class status
Avoiding class categorization
Resistance strategies
Reevaluating and reformulating class conceptions
Individual action
M (SD)
African American
(n ¼ 2)
Asian American
(n ¼ 6)
Latino
(n ¼ 8)
White
(n ¼ 5)
1 (50)
2 (100)
2 (100)
0
1 (50)
6 (100)
3 (50)
0
2 (33.3)
4 (66.7)
8 (100)
4 (50)
0
5 (62.5)
7 (87.5)
4
5
2
4
3
1 (50)
0
3.50 (.71)
1 (16.7)
3 (50)
3.17 (1.60)
5 (62.5)
3 (37.5)
4.00 (1.07)
(80)
(100)
(40)
(80)
(60)
3 (60)
0
4.40 (1.52)
Note. Frequencies listed are the number of participants who used each strategy rather than the total number of times the strategy was used. Means and standard
deviations reflect the average number of strategies used per individual.
mobility and assimilation strategies in a discussion about her
career aspirations stating,
I thought about going to grad school and getting a degree in law or
I thought about doing marketing or advertising . . . Something that
makes a lot of money though because I really wanna be well off. I
wanna save up money for my children to go to college because my
mother didn’t save any because she was a single parent. She didn’t
save any money for us to go to college . . . And, I also wanted to
buy my mom a house.
In some instances, emerging adults of color linked class
mobility explicitly to their race as Rosa, a working-class
Latina, demonstrates, ‘‘I’m a proud Mexican. I’m a minority,
but I’m doing this for myself, and for other Mexicans too.’’
A few emerging adults attempted to hide, or conceal their class
status (n ¼ 4; 19.0%). At times, emerging adults assimilated professional class practices to conceal their class status. For example,
Sheila, a poor African American female, stated that she devoted
much time to finding affordable, trendy clothes ‘‘to make it seem
like she has money’’ to fit in at college. However, emerging adults
also hid their class status because they feared the alienation and
rejection from their professional class peers and the stigma associated with being poor or working class. Kelly, a European American working-class female, exemplified the fear of being
stigmatized during a cross-class peer interaction:
Most of my friends’ parents are lawyers and psychologists and a
friend of mine brought pictures of her house . . . she lives in this
beautiful amazing house. She lives on the top of a hill overlooking
[name of city], and she was like ‘yeah, that’s my house’, and it just
made me realize we’re from such different backgrounds . . . . I felt
pretty crappy ‘cuz I felt like they don’t understand me because
they think that everybody lives that way, that everybody’s dad
is a lawyer and everybody comes from a really privileged background . . . [I didn’t talk to them about my background] because
I didn’t want to be judged by what my parents do.
All of the African American (n ¼ 2; 100%) and European
American (n ¼ 5; 100%) emerging adults used assimilation strategies compared to 50% of the Asian (n ¼ 3) and Latino (n ¼ 4)
heritage emerging adults. African American (n ¼ 2; 100%) and
European American (n ¼ 2; 40%) emerging adults were also the
only ethnic groups to report hiding their class status, with the
European Americans expressing an explicit desire to avoid class
prejudice.
Distance from lower class status allowed upwardly mobile
emerging adults (n ¼ 11; 54.4%) to psychologically disengage
from their class status by distancing themselves from their class
status or the concept of being poor (e.g., ‘‘I’m not poor’’) or by
comparing themselves to a subgroup of persons from their own
class who are perceived to be lower in status (e.g., ‘‘I have more
drive than other than other people from my home town’’). Julie,
an Asian-heritage working-class female, narrated an argument
she had with a housemate over his lack of concern for her financial situation but distanced herself from ‘‘others’’ who are
‘‘poor’’ when she stated,
I think it was the first time that actually opened my eyes to the
social class I was in. I mean I don’t want to say I’m poor or anything like that . . . this was the first time I realized how little
amount of money I actually [have].
Upwardly mobile emerging adults also distanced themselves
psychologically from their class status by denying that class differences are important or that they exist, avoid class categorization (n ¼ 15; 71.4%). These emerging adults either denied
or ignored class differences (e.g., ‘‘we’re all equal; class doesn’t
matter’’), expressed the belief that individuals should be judged
based on personal attributes (e.g., personality characteristics
rather than social class is what matters), or ascribed to the
achievement ideology (e.g., all can achieve regardless of class
background). Although Maria, a working-class Latina-heritage
female, was unable to recall an event where social class was
salient, she declared that ‘‘social class isn’t that noticeable
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8
Emerging Adulthood 00(0)
here . . . everyone kind of like molds into that normal college
student . . . we all got here on our own merits, we’re all good students, so it doesn’t really matter where you come from.’’
Resistance Strategies. Resistance strategies involved cognitive
and behavioral attempts to counter both societal stereotypes
and the maintenance of the status quo (cf., Langhout, 2005).
Upwardly mobile emerging adults resisted class stereotypes
and structural hierarchies by using social creativity strategies
that were both collective and individual in nature. Resistance
strategies included reevaluate and reformulate class conceptions and individual action.
Emerging adults reevaluated and reformulated class conceptions (n ¼ 10; 47.6%) by attributing a positive characteristic to
their own class (e.g., work hard, frugal, good time managers,
thrifty), attributing a devaluing characteristic to persons from
higher class status (e.g., lazy, wasteful, superficial, materialistic,
lack class consciousness), or identifying structural attributions
for class status (e.g., educational inequality; professional class
born into class status). While trying to negotiate their own class
status with society’s normalization of the professional class as
the ‘‘ideal,’’ these upwardly mobile emerging adults were beginning to question the value and definition of success in Western
society and counter the stereotype that class status is based solely
on individualistic attributions (e.g., poor people are lazy or lack
education). Sara, a European American working-class female,
illustrated this point during her discussion of a dinner party she
attended at the house of a professional class friend.
I was at my friend’s house . . . I went to what you would call a party
but not really she just had some people over for dinner. It’s weird
that she had people over for dinner, for an actually sit down kind
of dinner thing. And her house is just huge and she has her own
room and everything and she has really nice dishes and all kinds
of stuff and people were dressed up and things, and I was just sitting
there saying, ‘ok’. I’m definitely not used to that . . . . [I felt] a little
bit out of place . . . . [This event affected my views of social class
because] I think my priorities are different. When I really sit down
and think about people who have tons of money and me who
doesn’t have as much, I think I just have a completely different perspective on what’s important . . . . it’s just a big deal for them to look
nice and have that kind of party and everyone come and sit down
and have a really good time and have fancy food. And, for me, it
would be more about the quality of the conversation that we
had . . . than it would be to just get there and look cute and all . . . .
It definitely reminds me where I come from and what’s important
to me compared to them.
Most of the emerging adults’ reevaluations were limited to
social class; however, on two occasions when the situation or
the emerging adult made race explicitly salient, these reevaluations confounded both class and race (see Ana’s interview excerpt
below).
Other upwardly mobile emerging adults attempted to bring
awareness to or address their own experience of class inequality and discrimination by engaging in individual action (n ¼ 6;
28.6%). They did so by talking to their professional class peers
about their experiences of being poor or working class in college or by directly addressing their peers’ class or race discriminatory behaviors. Ana, a Mexican American working-class
female, expressed her frustration and anger with her White,
professional class peer’s inability to separate class from race,
which she perceived to be the basis of her peers’ prejudicial
behaviors.
We were taking a road trip, and we were talking about financial
aid. My friend, she had gotten money back, and she got a digital
camera. Someone in the car got mad because she didn’t get financial aid, and she was like ‘that’s not fair you’re spending my parents’ tax money on your digital camera’ . . . . that really made us
mad because she doesn’t even know what a financial aid package
is . . . . And I said, ‘if you didn’t know when you get financial aid,
you get loans so you’re paying’ . . . . And, she didn’t even know
that the refund check she [her friend] got back was a loan that she
had to get. And my friend was like, ‘well if you didn’t know I went
six thousand dollars in debt this year so this is actually my loan
money’ [that is buying the camera]. And, the girl was like, ‘oh’.
She’s always saying how her parents are always paying for college
and all this stuff. You realize she thinks she’s rich. So that made
me mad . . . . I got really angry. And, I think everyone else in the
car got really mad. Even the other two girls whose parents were
paying [for college] too got angry at her. They were like, ‘why are
you even saying that, because everyone’s parents work here too’.
So, I was really mad, and I voiced my opinion too . . . . [This experience affected my thoughts about social class] because most of us
were Latinas that had financial aid and she was white . . . Right
away if they think you’re a Latina, they think you’re poor. So, I
think that’s what angered me the most . . . not how I view myself,
but I guess how other people might view me because of however
much your parents make.
Ana challenged the stereotype that class is confounded with
race and in doing so used both resistance strategies to take an
individual action to bring about an awareness of class and race
prejudice and increase her peers’ understanding of her own
experience being working class (Azmitia et al., 2008; Bettie,
2003; Lott & Bullock, 2007). Only Asian- (n ¼ 3; 50%) and
Latino-heritage (n ¼ 3; 38%) emerging adults used this
strategy.
Class Awareness Triggers
Evidence of emerging adults’ class identity negotiation was
interspersed throughout their interviews. We drew this conclusion from their responses to questions specifically asking them
about their awareness of social class and the role it had played
in their college experiences and the spontaneous disclosures of
their class identity negotiations throughout the interview.
Across ethnic groups, we found three common themes in the
stories and events associated with their social class identities:
noncomparative class-related personal experiences, crossclass interactions, and same-class interactions; instances where
participants did not narrate an event in their class discussions
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Radmacher and Azmitia
9
Table 3. Frequencies and Percentages of Class Identity Management Strategies by Event Type.
Event Type
Strategy
Dissociation strategies
Class mobility
Class assimilation
Hiding class status
Cognitive distance from lower-class status
Avoiding class categorization
Resistance strategies
Reevaluating and reformulating class conceptions
Individual action
M (SD)
Noncomparative
Class-Related
Personal Experience
(n ¼ 24)
Cross-Class
Interaction
(n ¼ 18)
Same-Class
Interaction
(n ¼ 8)
No Event
(n ¼ 7)
20 (83.3)
13 (54.2)
0
3 (12.5)
5 (20.8)
5 (27.8)
3 (16.7)
4 (22.2)
3 (16.7)
5 (27.8)
2 (25.0)
0
0
7 (87.5)
1 (12.5)
1 (14.2)
0
0
0
7 (100)
0
1 (4.2)
1.74 (0.61)
13 (72.2)
5 (27.8)
2.06 (1.16)
0
0
1.25 (0.46)
0
0
1.14 (0.38)
Note. Frequencies for each event narrated are reported. The percentage within event type is listed in parentheses. Means and standard deviations reflect the
average number of strategies used per event narrated.
Table 4. Frequencies and Percentages of Class Identity Management Strategies by Event Type Across Ethnicity.
Ethnicity
African American
(n ¼ 2)
Strategy
Noncomparative class-related personal experience (n ¼ 24)
Class mobility
Class assimilation
Cognitive distance from lower-class status
Avoiding class categorization
Individual action
Cross-class interaction (n ¼ 18)
Class mobility
Class assimilation
Hiding class status
Cognitive distance from lower-class status
Avoiding class categorization
Reevaluating and reformulating class conceptions
Individual action
Same-class interaction (n ¼ 8)
Class mobility
Cognitive distance from lower-class status
Avoiding class categorization
No event (n ¼ 7)
Class mobility
Avoiding class categorization
Asian American
(n ¼ 6)
2
2 (100)
1 (50)
—
—
—
3
1 (33.3)
1 (33.3)
2 (66.7)
—
—
1 (33.3)
—
0
—
—
—
1
—
1 (100)
6
3
1
2
1
1
2
1
3
1
2
7
(85.7)
(42.8)
(14.2)
(28.6)
—
3
(33.3)
(33.3)
—
(67%)
—
(33.3)
(100)
1
—
—
(100)
2
—
(100)
Latino
(n ¼ 8)
8
4
1
2
1
2
1
4
7
2
1
4
1
3
10
(80)
(40)
(12.5)
(20)
(12.5)
8
(25)
—
—
(12.5)
(50)
(87.5)
(25)
4
(25%)
(100)
—
3
(33.3)
(100)
White
(n ¼ 5)
4
5
1
1
1
1
2
1
4
1
3
1
5
(80)
(100)
(20)
(20)
—
4
(25)
(25)
(50)
—
(25)
(100)
—
3
(33.3)
(100)
—
1
—
(100)
Note. Frequencies reflect the total number of times the event type was narrated and whether a strategy was used during that narration. Percentages are in
parentheses.
were classified as no event. A few ethnic variations did
emerge during the analyses, but because of the small sample
size, they should be interpreted with caution. Participants narrated between two and four stories or events related to social
class (mean [M] ¼ 2.71; standard deviation [SD] ¼ 0.72).
Each event type was associated with a different aggregate
of CIMS. Table 3 lists the frequencies of each event and
CIMS by event type, while Table 4 provides a breakdown
by ethnicity.
Noncomparative Personal Class-Related Experiences. Most emerging adults discussed noncomparative personal, often family,
experiences related to social class during which they did not make
explicit comparisons to other groups (n ¼ 24; 42.5%). The majority of these personal experiences involved the struggles and hardships their families faced because of their social class standing,
including the lack of educational opportunities due to economic
constraints. Many mentioned the pride they felt being the first
in their family to attend college and the pressure and anxiety
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10
Emerging Adulthood 00(0)
associated with the responsibility to elevate their family’s social
class standing and act as role models for younger family members
or younger students from their schools or communities. Emerging
adults of color often connected these sentiments to their ethnic
background. They also disclosed the anxiety associated with other
challenges, such as a parent losing a job or becoming ill, paying
the bills and still having some money left over for food each
month, or feeling unprepared for the expectations of college academics. Two of our participants were unable to pay their rent for
several months and stayed with a variety of friends, which added
to their anxiety and feeling that going to college, and especially a
prestigious state university, may have been a mistake. These personal experiences were often the primary motivating factor for
striving for upwardly mobility and attaining a college degree.
With a few exceptions, class mobility (n ¼ 20; 83.3%) and class
assimilation (n ¼ 13; 54.2%) were the primary strategies used to
negotiate these experiences. A few participants also used distance
from lower class status (n ¼ 3; 12.5%), avoid class categorization
(n ¼ 5; 20.8%), and individual action (n ¼ 1; 4.2%). For example,
Lupita, a poor Latina, discussed the conversation she had with her
mom when she was accepted into university:
I live with my mom only. And she never went to a university or anything like that so it was like what can I [her mom] tell you . . . Just if
you do decide to go just take care and don’t forget what I taught
you . . . [this conversation was important] because it made me want
her to feel proud and you know she’s helped me my whole life and if
going to college will help me and on the way help her too then I
guess I’ll go to college. And you know I want to be something I
want to do something, I want to make, even if it’s a minor difference, but I want to make a difference in the world.
Cross-Class Interactions. Cross-class interactions during which
upwardly mobile emerging adults made upward social comparisons to their professional class peers (n ¼ 18; 31.6%) also promoted class identity negotiations and were the most common
trigger of social class awareness when emerging adults were
explicitly asked about social class. These events included being
exposed to the living situations (e.g., homes, dorm rooms) and
leisure activities (e.g., shopping, traveling, or dining out) of
their professional class friends. A subset of these narratives
from emerging adults of color included explicit experiences
of class and race discrimination (n ¼ 4; 22.2%). Through these
peer interactions, upwardly mobile emerging adults also recognized disparities between themselves and their professional
class peers due to economic inequalities, including access to
material goods and leisure activities, educational preparation
and opportunities, and availability of leisure time to ‘‘do fun
things in college.’’ The participants also noted psychological
(i.e., value) differences that stemmed from economic inequalities such as their own motivation to engage in time and money
management or the lack of importance they placed on consumerism and status.
Emerging adults’ discussions of cross-class interactions prompted a variety of dissociation and resistance strategies (M ¼ 2.06;
SD ¼ 1.16). The most common strategy was the social creativity
strategy, reevaluate and reformulate class conceptions (n ¼ 13;
72.2%). Emerging adults also used class mobility (n ¼ 4;
22.2%), class assimilation (n ¼ 3; 16.7%), hiding class status
(n ¼ 4; 22.2%), cognitive distance from lower class status (n ¼
3; 16.7%), avoid class categorization (n ¼ 5; 27.8%), and individual action (n ¼ 5; 27.8%). Claudia, a poor Latina-heritage female,
used dissociation and resistance strategies as she discussed the
advantages of her professional class peers and her ambivalent
feelings regarding these advantages:
[Social class has not really played a role in my college experiences] because I’m here so I got by somehow and the classes I
take, the friends I meet, or any experiences I have here have nothing to do with how much my parents make or how much they contribute to my schooling . . . . A couple of my friends are really
rich . . . their parents pay for their entire schooling and stuff and
it’s like well my parents are struggling . . . they were talking about
their home and there’s five extra rooms just sitting there. And, it’s
like me you know, there’s five rooms for seven people you know
it’s like damn . . . . But, I don’t think income makes a person, so it’s
never really been an issue . . . . [How do these experience make
you feel?] . . . it just sucks because . . . like one of my friends
bought this huge screen TV . . . with his parents’ money and buys
everything, you know, goes anywhere. And he’s rarely ever done
homework and stuff and yet there are those people that are barely
here, you know, struggling to be in college and they’re at the
library everyday . . . . those people [professional class peers] are
taking advantage of what’s just laid out for them and so it’s hard
to see that . . . . I’ll talk about it with them. I’ll be like damn you
know why don’t you do your work because you can you know . . . .
They’re like well if they don’t make it big or make it through
school they can always go back home where they still have everything . . . when I go home I don’t have anything . . . but if I stay in
college then I’ll finally have something. They don’t get that sometimes . . . . sometimes I feel like I am taking it for granted that I am
here and I shouldn’t be because it’s not like it was so easy for me to
come . . . . It’s hits me like I need to get on top of my school work
because if I’m not then what’s the point of wasting my parents
money or taking out all these loans.
Same-Class Interactions. In contrast, some upwardly mobile emerging adults narrated experiences with same-class family and peers
(n ¼ 8; 14.0%) during which they made downward social comparisons to other poor and working-class people. Their discussions focused on the perceived negative characteristics or
situations of other poor and working-class individuals. At times,
they acknowledged and expressed gratitude for their own privilege (e.g., ability to attend college; having material items, being
motivated) while highlighting the disadvantage of others (e.g.,
others lack of family support to attend college; others having to
work two full-time jobs to pay for tuition and housing; being lazy).
Emerging adults of color were more likely to link these experiences
to the ethnic and class backgrounds of the individuals they compared themselves to whereas European American emerging adults
focused solely on class background. Fewer strategies were used to
negotiate same-class interactions (M ¼ 1.25; SD ¼ 0.46), which
prompted primarily dissociation strategies including cognitive
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Radmacher and Azmitia
11
distance from low class status (n ¼ 7; 87.5%), class mobility (n ¼
2; 25.0%), and avoid class categorization (n ¼ 1; 12.5%). Consistent with social identity theory, downward social comparisons produced positive emotional responses possibly aimed at protecting or
increasing self-esteem (Crocker et al., 1998). William, a workingclass Asian-heritage male, was discussing peers from his home
community when he stated:
I actually lived smack dab in the middle of the ghetto. But, the
weird thing about it was I never hung out there. I guess I knew better. I figured if I was ever going to die it would be either in a car
accident or in the ghetto. So I always ended up hanging out in nicer
areas. Sorta like the newer communities . . . a lot of the reason why
I never hung out there was like the people my age either left
already and like graduated or they were all really heavy into drugs.
That wasn’t really my thing.
No Event. When explicitly asked about social class, some emerging adults could not recall a specific event although they discussed experiences related to social class in other parts of their
interviews (n ¼ 7; 12.3%). Their narratives denied the role of
class in their college experiences and highlighted beliefs of meritocracy, equal opportunity, and classlessness. All of these participants used avoid class categorization to negotiate these
experiences; one participant also used class mobility (n ¼ 1;
14.3%). Maria, a working-class Latina explained:
I don’t see social class as a divider between people. At [college] it
doesn’t really matter. It’s not what’s talked about . . . . I just don’t
feel like it’s very important in my college. All my friends are from
different social classes, and it’s noticeable, but it just doesn’t
matter.
Discussion
Our study bridged theory and research on identity development
from developmental and social psychology, sociology, education,
and anthropology to examine class identity negotiation among
upwardly mobile poor and working-class emerging adults. Consistent with developmental theories of personal and social identity
development, salient class-related experiences allowed emerging
adults to explore their thoughts about social class and its relationship to their personal identities (Azmitia et al., 2008; Erikson, 1968;
Syed & Azmitia, 2008). In their narratives, upwardly mobile emerging adults both dissociated from their status and resisted class
stereotypes and social structures. Importantly, their strategies varied based on their particular class-related experience, underscoring
the importance of social context for triggering awareness of and
negotiation of social class identities. That many of their narratives
about class awareness involved interactions with same or different
class peers underscores the importance of peers in emerging adults’
identity negotiations.
CIMS
When their class membership was made salient, upwardly mobile
emerging adults employed one or more CIMS to explore the
meaning that their social class had for their class and personal
identities. Through this exploration, they created meaning not
only about their class of origin but also for the class they aspired
to attain, that is, professional class. In particular, CIMS allowed
emerging adults to reduce the tension created by the felt stigma
associated with their class standing, maintain a positive sense of
self, and enabled them to resolve, at least momentarily, their class
identity crisis (Erikson, 1968; Pagliaro et al., 2012). They integrated their dual class identities through dissociation and resistance processes.
Dissociation Strategies. Consistent with prior research on individual identity management strategies, upwardly mobile emerging
adults engaged in behavioral and psychological dissociation from
their class of origin (Pagliaro et al., 2012; Roberts et al., 2008; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Almost all of our participants expressed a
desire for class mobility. This finding is consistent with prior
research that has shown that individual mobility (i.e., becoming
a member of a higher status group) remains the focal individual
strategy when group boundaries are perceived to be permeable
(Mummendey, Kessler, Klink, & Mielke, 1999; Roberts et al.,
2008; Tajfel, 1978). In addition, class mobility, class assimilation,
and hiding class status are consistent with the strategies found in
prior research on upwardly mobile students (Bullock & Limbert,
2003; Granfield, 1991;Orbe, 2008). Their dreams to become successful and achieve financial independence may motivate these
emerging adults to strive for class mobility and engage in the professional class practices that will help them achieve their goals.
Their belief in the American Dream and their adherence to the
achievement ideology (i.e., ‘‘if I work hard, I will succeed’’) may
also explain their desire to dissociate themselves from the perceived status and practices of their class of origin. Their attempt
to assimilate professional class practices and conceal their class
status to ‘‘pass’’ as middle class suggests that college-going emerging adults may have internalized the negative stereotypes associated with their class status (Bettie, 2003).
The internalization of negative class stereotypes was also evident in emerging adults’ attempts to psychologically distance
themselves from their class status by using the strategies, distance
from lower class status and avoiding class categorization. Some
upwardly mobile emerging adults distanced themselves from
their lower class status by making downward social comparisons
to others in their social class who were perceived to be at a lower
status level than themselves (see also Bullock & Limbert, 2003).
This use of the distance from lower class status strategy maps onto
the identity management strategy of subordinate recategorization
(Tajfel, 1978), which involves placing oneself in a higher status
group than others in one’s class. However, other emerging adults
distanced themselves from the idea of being poor rather than from
others in their class, a finding that is consistent with Lott’s (2002)
concept of cognitive distancing from the poor. Making downward
social comparisons such as these can be a self-protective strategy
that alleviates the negative consequences that upward comparisons can have for self-esteem (Crocker et al., 1998). Such comparisons also suggest an internalization of class stereotypes in that
other poor and working-class individuals who do not engage in
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Emerging Adulthood 00(0)
professional class practices are viewed as being lower in status
than poor and working-class individuals who engage in such practices (Bullock & Limbert, 2003; Lott, 2002).
Upwardly mobile emerging adults also attempted to avoid
being categorized by their social class status. Similar to the concept of superordinate recategorizations (Tajfel, 1978), the strategy avoid class categorizations allowed emerging adults to view
their own group (poor or working class) and the high-status
group (middle and upper class) as being part of a larger social
category where all group members have equal status (e.g.,
‘‘we’re all ‘good’ students’’). These emerging adults often
viewed college as an equalizer that leveled the playing field
between the classes and indicated a desire to be judged based
on their individual abilities and merit. While avoiding class categorization may allow emerging adults to view all classes as
equal and maintain their motivation to achieve class mobility,
this strategy may also inadvertently perpetuate the myth of meritocracy by not acknowledging the structural constraints that
limit the opportunities that other poor and working-class persons
have to participate in the professional class world (cf., Kuriloff
& Reichert, 2003).
Although distance from low-class status and avoiding class
categorizations can be viewed as collective strategies because
they attempt to enhance the emerging adults’ in-group status
(Blanz et al., 1998; Tajfel & Turner, 1986), the goal of these strategies is to disengage psychologically from one’s social class
identity and the negative characteristics ascribed to that identity
rather than discredit stereotypes. Rendering one’s in-group as
different from others in her class or one’s social identity as insignificant or invisible suggests dissociation processes. Rather than
grouping strategies only on individual or collective continuum,
we propose that incorporating a dissociation and resistance
framework into theory and research on identity management
strategies would enhance our understanding of college-going
adults’ social class identity development
Resistance Strategies. Upwardly mobile emerging adults cognitively and behaviorally resisted class stereotypes on individual
and collective levels. Those who reevaluated and reformulated
class conceptions countered existing societal conceptions of
social class by creating a new class comparison dimensions and
reassigning middle-class attributes to themselves and others
from their class of origin. This strategy integrates Tajfel’s
(1978) social creativity strategies, reevaluation of comparison
dimension and new comparison dimension. Because our participants integrated these two types of identity management strategies in their narratives, it was difficult to ascertain whether an
attribute was a preexisting or new comparison dimension for
them. For example, in response to her discussion about the economic advantages of her upper-middle-class peers, one emerging adult said that individuals from her class value family.
While this statement appears to embody a new comparison
dimension, stereotypes about the lack of family values of
low-income individuals that pervade the media make this
assumption problematic (Bullock, Wyche, & Williams, 2001;
Holtzman, 2000).
Moreover, while some emerging adults articulated a comparison based on a single attribute (e.g., professional class spends
frivolously whereas poor and working class are more thrifty),
others qualified positive and devaluing comparisons on two separate attributes (e.g., the professional class is materialistic but the
working-class values family). Adding to this complexity, emerging adults often responded to a comparison dimension (e.g.,
economic wealth) by changing the value of another stigmatizing
attribute (e.g., work ethic). That is, when describing the economic advantages of their higher class peers, they not only changed the comparison dimension, but also reformulated societal
conceptions of class by claiming that poor and working-class
persons had or scored higher than middle- and upper-class persons on characteristics typically associated with being middle
class (e.g., ‘‘poor persons work harder than their middle class
peers’’). While upwardly mobile emerging adults may have
internalized class stereotypes as evidenced by their use of dissociation strategies, the challenges that they and their families have
faced allow them to question and ultimately resist these same
societal conceptions.
In addition to their cognitive resistance, upwardly mobile
emerging adults engaged in individual actions to bring about class
awareness. Undertaking individual actions may be conceptualized as an individual approach, or perhaps a preliminary step,
toward engaging in collective action to bring about equality in
resources and opportunities for the poor and working class. The
upwardly mobile emerging adults in the current study did not discuss engagement in collective action (Tajfel, 1986); a finding that
is consistent with prior research that suggests that group consciousness regarding stigmatized identities is often low (Gurin
& Townsend, 1986). Granfield (1991), however, found that many
of the working-class law students he interviewed anticipated
using their law degree for social justice pursuits in their first year
of law school (see also Azmitia et al., 2008). In the present study,
the upwardly mobile emerging adults were in their first and second years in college and may still be in the initial stages of forming
their social class identities, choosing their major and, therefore,
not yet be ready to engage in collective action strategies. Alternatively, our participants may not have discussed their collective
action behaviors or beliefs because they were not asked to do so.
Associations Between Event Context and CIMS
Because we interviewed them 4 times over the course of their
first 2 years of college, we were able to assess patterns in emerging adults’ social class identity negotiation strategies and assess
whether some triggers or social contexts were more likely to elicit particular strategies. We found that experiences that involved
same- or lower-class individuals were more likely to activate
dissociation strategies, whereas cross-class interactions were
more likely to elicit resistance strategies. The juxtaposition of
dissociation and resistance strategies reveals the tension and
ambivalence present in the navigation of their upwardly mobile
identities (Langhout, 2005; Orbe, 2008; Pagliaro et al., 2012;
Roberts et al, 2008). It also suggests that class identity is organic
and situation dependent; that is, a particular situation may
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Radmacher and Azmitia
13
activate known class stereotypes and the accessibility of those
stereotypes may prompt the use of distinct identity management
strategies (Langhout, 2005; Roberts et al., 2008). Thus, both dissociation and resistance strategies may be adaptive and serve
competing or complementary needs (Cross & Vandiver, 2001;
Roberts et al., 2008). Dissociation strategies reduce the salience
of their devalued identity and enable emerging adults to avoid, as
individuals, the stereotypes associated with being poor or working class (Mummendey et al., 1999; Roberts et al., 2008). In
comparison, resistance strategies allowed emerging adults to
identify with their poor and working-class identities maintaining
an authentic sense of self and protecting their self-esteem by providing a sense of pride in their class status that challenges prevailing stereotypes (Langhout, 2005; Roberts et al., 2008).
Emerging adults’ use of multiple strategies may also stem
from their multiple belief systems. On one hand, emerging
adults may adhere to the tenets of the achievement ideology,
which views a person’s relative deprivation as legitimate and
changeable and would encourage the use of dissociation strategies (Folger, 1987; Niens & Cairns, 2003; Runciman, 1966).
On the other hand, emerging adults may also perceive the
financial and leisure opportunities afforded their professional
peers in college to be illegitimate (i.e., unfair or inherited privilege) and their own situation to be stable, at least while in college. Research has shown that the perception of one’s relative
deprivation as illegitimate and stable is more likely to increase
both resentment toward the higher status group and the use of
collective strategies (Folger, 1987).
The patterns that obtained also reflect the competing motivations inherent in emerging adults’ negotiation of their dual
class identities. That is, the upwardly mobile emerging adults
needed to believe that upward mobility was possible while
making sense of the boundaries to class mobility that still
existed and were present in their college experiences (Orbe,
2008; Pagliaro et al., 2012). The prevalence of resistance strategies may reflect a need to maintain interpersonal relationships with family and friends from their class of origin
resulting in psychological and behavioral disengagement from
their aspiring middle-class identities to maintain a connection
to these significant others (Brewer, 1991; Cooper, 2011; Gándara, 1995; Orbe, 2008). Students of color were especially
likely to mention the tensions between being upwardly mobile
and retaining ties to their families and home community peers,
which is consistent with prior work highlighting the importance
of family in these communities, especially for immigrants or
children of immigrants (Cooper, 2011; Fuligini et al., 2005).
Taken together, our findings support and extend prior work
on the factors that contribute to the use of specific identity management strategies by highlighting the role that contexts, in this
case, class awareness triggers, play in the selection of identity
management strategies (Roberts et al., 2008). Moreover, these
findings support the notion that class identity is malleable; that
is, emerging adults’ adapt their class identity to the context and
the salience and centrality of their multiple identities (cf. Azmitia et al., 2008; Bettie, 2002; Deaux & Perkins, 2001; Orbe,
2008; Roberts et al., 2008).
Intersection of Multiple Social Identities
Class stereotypes that conflate class with race may influence not
only the experiences that upwardly mobile emerging adults
encounter but also their choice of strategies. Given our small sample size, we will now cautiously speculate about the few ethnic
trends that emerged in our study. Nevertheless, it is important
to note that there were more similarities across ethnic groups in
the class-related events that upwardly mobile emerging adults
narrated and strategies they engaged in to make sense of and cope
with these events.
Although emerging adults from all ethnic backgrounds experienced the stigma associated with their class status, often describing similar personal, same-class, and cross-class experiences,
emerging adults of color were more likely than their European
American counterparts to integrate their ethnic and class identities in their narratives of the events and strategies they used and
to narrate explicitly either class-based or class-/race-based prejudice. Despite this trend, social class was sometimes more salient
than ethnicity for some emerging adults of color, while the reasons some European American emerging adults gave for hiding
their class (i.e., to avoid class judgment) may suggest that they
have experienced class prejudice (for research in which European
American working class or poor emerging adults explicitly discuss prejudice see Jones, 2003; Ostrove, 2003). Consistent with
social identity theory (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1986), the
intersection of their multiple social identities and the situational
context may foreground one or more of the emerging adults’
social identities triggering the use of different CIMS as well as different manifestations of the same strategies (Azmitia et al., 2008;
Deaux & Perkins, 2001; Pagliaro et al., 2012). For example, eating at a fancy restaurant or dressing in trendy name-brand clothes
foreground class in the assimilation process, whereas attaining a
college degree to serve as a role model and source of pride for
ones’ family and community suggests an integrated class and ethnic foreground (see also Hurtado et al., 1994).
Moreover, the situational context may also help explain the
finding that both African American and European American
emerging adults reported hiding their class status. While prior
research has found that class/race stereotypes that conflate
class with race may make it easier for European American
emerging adults to assimilate and hide their class status and
hinder this process in emerging adults of color, these finding
varied depending on socioeconomic structure of institutions
or classrooms that were sampled (Bettie, 2002; Granfield,
1991; Jones, 2003; Kuriloff & Reichert, 2003). It is possible
that the African American students in our study felt a greater
need and enhanced opportunity to hide their class status and
assimilate, given that the majority of the students at the university were from middle-class and upper middle-class standing.
Given that the Latino- and Asian-heritage emerging adults
were from immigrant families, strong ties to their ethnic heritage along with class/race stereotypes may have enhanced their
identification with their ethnic identity and lessened their need
or ability to conceal their class identity (Bettie, 2002; Cooper,
2011; Hurtado et al., 1994).
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Emerging Adulthood 00(0)
Prior experience with discrimination and structural constraints
may help explain the finding that Asian- and Latino-heritage
emerging adults were the only ethnic groups to engage in individual actions. As proposed by feminist scholars, intersecting ‘‘systems of oppression’’ create unique social positions and lenses
from which the individual understands and interacts in the world
(Collins, 1990; Crenshaw, 1994). Poor and working-class persons
of color experience multiple layers of oppression—class, ethnicity, and for some gender. These multiple identities may make it
more likely that upwardly mobile emerging adults of color will
not only recognize the structural constraints that lead to their
oppression but also take actions to effect change. The small
number of African Americans in our study relative to the other
ethnic groups may explain why they are also not represented
in the use of this strategy. Future research should continue to
unpack systematically how the integration of multiple social
identities varies based on context and generational status and
plays a role in the negotiation of class identities and the class
identity strategies used.
Limitations and Future Research
Although our study addressed a gap in the literature on class
identity negotiation, a few limitations should be noted. First, our
study focused on ethnically diverse poor and working-class
emerging adults who attended a 4-year university where students
were predominantly from professional class backgrounds, thus
limiting the generalizability of our findings to other poor and
working-class individuals. Upwardly mobile emerging adults
attending colleges and universities where socioeconomic status
is more evenly distributed may utilize different combinations
of strategies, given variations in their exposure to professional
class peers and opportunities for affiliation and support from
same class peers (cf., Orbe, 2008). Fewer cross-class interactions
may promote the use of more dissociation strategies and fewer
resistance strategies.
It would also be important to examine how emerging adults
who choose not to attend college view their social class and
navigate their class identity and the stigma associated with their
class status. Some of these poor and working-class emerging
adults may seek alternative avenues to upward mobility, or may
only seek economic mobility, while others may desire class
mobility but view class boundaries as impermeable due to
structural constraints (cf., Fine & Wise, 1998). Identifying
these variations would yield a more nuanced understanding
of the processes and content (i.e., definitions, values, and
beliefs) of class identity negotiations and the factors that contribute to the use of specific CIMS.
Although the emerging adults in our study came from
diverse ethnic backgrounds, our small sample size, that is disproportionately women, limits our ability to discern statistically ethnic and gender variations in their CIMS and the
events they narrated. Given the power and status hierarchies
that mark each gender’s position in society, gender may also
play a role in how class is experienced and class identities are
formed (Archer, 1992). Using a larger sample size to examine
ethnic and gender variations in class identity negotiations
would allow us to assess how multiple social identities intersect
and shape the negotiation of class identities. It will be equally
important to explore within-group in addition to between-group
similarities and differences when examining these intersections
because, as seen in our study, emerging adults’ personal histories and present circumstances create variation in their CIMS.
In sum, upwardly mobile emerging adults grapple with the
integration of social class into their personal and social identities
to varying degrees. Emerging adults’ subjective daily experiences and interactions in cultural and interpersonal contexts
inform and influence the construction, negotiation, and renegotiation of their class and self-conceptions. As upwardly mobile,
college-going emerging adults encounter new people and different environments, their class and self-conceptions are negotiated
and updated based on these new experiences (Azmitia et al.,
2008; Cooper, 2011). Differences in geographical location,
school and work settings, friendship circles, and familial values
and beliefs can differentially impact the subjective experiences
of upwardly mobile emerging adults (Orbe 2008; Way, Santos,
Niwa, & Kim-Gervey, 2008). Future research should explore
longitudinally whether and how differences in these contexts
affect class identity development and how class identity
becomes integrated with emerging adults’ identities or selves
as they graduate college and enter the workforce. Finally, it is
critical that researchers continue to give voice to the subjective
experiences of less privileged persons to not only create awareness of the struggles and injustices they face but also effect
change on the structural inequalities that perpetuate these social
inequalities and injustices.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the
research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research
was funded by grants from UC-ACCORD, UC-LMRI, the Spencer
Foundationand the Academic Senate of the University of California
at Santa Cruz.
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Author Biographies
Kimberley Radmacher, a developmental psychologist, studies identity negotiation and relationship processes in adolescents and emerging adults. She is especially interested in
class identity development and its intersection with ethnicity
and gender.
Margarita Azmitia, a developmental psychologist, studies
identity negotiation, close relationships, educational pathways,
and well-being in diverse adolescents and emerging adults. She
is especially interested in the intersection between ethnicity,
gender, and class in identity development.
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