Jewish population and the rise of purity of Blood I. Golden Age of Spanish Jewry Under Moorish control, Spain became the centre of the Jewish world and ushered in the golden age of Jewish history. Jews were given the opportunity to fully participate in the Moorish administration. Many adopted Arab names & spoke Arabic. This period saw people remarkable Jewish figures including theologians and philosophers. By the twelfth century the Jewish population of Spain was greater than all other European countries combined. They possessed their own municipal administration and courts. Around 1300 Jews had been expelled from England and France, and many of them settled in the Muslim and Christian areas of the Iberian peninsula. Alfonso VI's physician was Granada-born prominent Jew who owned large estates in Toledo. Talented Jews & Muslims held other important positions in court of the Christian kings, advising the king on matters concerning all of the king's subjects. Alfonso X even granted some scholars the title of caballero, gentlemen or knight. During the first Crusade, zealous Christian soldiers & townspeople attacked non-Xians, so Alfonso VI protected "his" Jews. Harming or killing a Castilian Jew was punishable by heavy fine payable to the king. During the Black Plague (begun in 1348), Jews 1 throughout Europe were blamed for the deaths and persecuted, but not in Spain. In the late 14th century things changed. Attacks and riots against jewish communities in Christian areas became more common, and many Jews converted (or were forced to convert), becoming conversos or new Christians. Particularly in Castile, conversos were often well educated, serving as lawyers, physicians, local and royal officials, and even bishops and abbots. The Jews, w/ their education & skills in languages and diplomacy, were valued go-betweens. Jews & Christians also intermarried, in spite of the general taboo against it. Some scholars believe that almost all Spanish aristocracy by the late Middle Ages were part Jewish. Strong financial incentive for religious tolerance: Wars and frontier-settling required loans. Both Christianity and Judaism forbid "usury," charging interest on loans. But it was only forbidden to co-religionists. In other words, a Christian is forbidden to borrow money from a Christian, and a Jew cannot borrow from a Jew. Theologists of both religions decided that "usury" was acceptable for outside religions. Jewish merchants loaned to Christians. Unfortunately, when Christian kings & nobles needed to pay their Jewish creditors, they raised taxes on the subjects - most of whom were Christian. This caused a great deal of resentment against Jews. 2 II. Emergence of Anti-Semitism Of the three great faiths of medieval Spain, the Jews were the smallest in number and the most vulnerable. Sporadically persecuted by Christians and Muslims, they nonetheless coexisted with both in condition of relative tolerance. Excluded by popular anti-semitism and by state legislations from several aspects of public life among Christians, Jews lived in ghettos (Aljamas) in the major towns, devoting themselves to specific professions where they could benefit from the private favor of the upper classes. In the early middle ages they had been outstanding as scholars and physicians. Prejudice was directed against their leading role in finance: in both Castile and Aragon Jews or families of Jewish origins were prominent financiers and tax-gatherers, serving kings, nobles and the Church. Both Isabel and Ferdinand relied on financiers of Jewish origins. Among the lower class Christians there was resentment of those who, by assiduity in trade and finance, seemed to be making profits out of the rest of the population. Many jews in fact possessed land and became successful peasant farmers, but it did not alter a common perception that they were an urban grouping dedicated to exploiting the townspeople. Anti-Jewish violence reached its height in 1391 when massacres took place in the Aljamas of Seville, Valencia, Barcelona, Toledo and several thousands of Jews were forced to accept baptism. 3 Converted Jews or converses now became large minority, suspected of insincerity by Christians and distrusted by Jews. Termed ‘new Christians’ (as Moriscos were later) but maligned as ‘marranos’ (probably ‘pigs’) they were the subject to the disabilities suffered by Jews and consequently rose to high positions in Christian society. Many noble families by the 15 th century had traces of converso blood, and even great prelates of the church wee of converse descent. The common people however, saw little difference between the new conversos and the old Jews, and their attitude served to foment more anti-semitism. In 1450, civil disorder broke out between old and new Christians. Old Christians claimed that conversos were hardly Christians at all and that the greater part were secret Jews. There seemed to be good cause for religious hostility. In fact the religious identity of the conversos was often unclear, varying from those who were sincere Christians but retained links with Jewish culture to those who were convinced and secret Judaizers. There is abundant evidence that many conversos did not feel obliged to give up all their Jewish background and in the closely knit community life of the period they continued to respect traditions that appeared compatible with catholic belief. Anti-jewish publicists and preachers denounced to Isabel the subversion of true religion by false converts within the church. 4 III. Papal bull of Rome 1478 Faced by undoubted evidence of judaizing, the Catholic Monarchs applied to Rome for a bull in 1478, establishing the Inquisition (in Latin ‘inquiry’) into heresy. The Inquisition had existed in Aragon but was mainly inactive while in Castile it was absent. A new tribunal was created for the emergency and had unusual features. Sanctioned by Rome and staffed by clergy, it was essentially an ecclesiastical body but all the powers over it were vested in the crown, making it in practice a state institution. Created specifically to investigate the religious orthodoxy of the conversos, the inquisition had no authority over unbaptized Christians, and consequently could not touch the Jews. The medieval inquisition, a special court for the detection, trial, and punishment of heresy, had existed since 1233 when it was created by the papacy to deal with the Albigensian heresy in southern France. Although it subsequently extended its operations to other countries, it invariably encountered royal resentment of papal intervention. It entered Aragon, not Castile, but never flourished there. Everywhere it was virtually obsolete by the 15th century, not to be revived in Rome until 1542, in the new context of Protestantism. The essential constitutional feature of the medieval Inquisition was papal control, exercised through the General and Provincial 5 of the Dominican Order. The Spanish inquisition differed from the papal inquisition both in it origins and its organization. In the first place, there was no serious heresy in 15th century Spain, and no one was trying to found a new religion. The Spanish inquisition was created to deal with convert Jews. The Christians’ relation with Jews had long been amicable, but were shattered in the 2nd half of the 14th century, in period of great economic depression. The Jews’ exceptional success aroused resentment which eventually turned into hatred and erupted at times into violence like the massacres of 1391. To save their lives and their fortunes, many Jews, especially in Andalucia, became Christians. Converted they became New Christians or conversos. Protected by their new religion they made even further progress, for now the church as well as the state was open to them and in both they acquired positions of responsibility. There were frequent and sometimes murderous clashes between Old and New Christians. Finally, many of the New Christians became the bitterest enemies of their former brethren. Anxious to protest their own orthodoxy and to protect themselves against the suspicion of the Old Christians, converts denounced not only Jews but also fellow converts, and this spirit of rivalry and jealousy may have aggravated the intolerance of 6 the Inquisition itself. In fact, many officials of the early inquisition, including Torquemada, were descended from New Christians. From the early 15th century various official bodies began to discriminate against the New Christians, setting in motion the social pressure for ‘purity of blood’ or limpieza de sangre. The university of Salamanca was the first to introduce rules forbidding any but those ‘of pure blood’ from becoming members. The principal impulse to the spread of this practice was the founding of the Inquisition, which made Spaniards familiar with the image of conversos as a danger to religious integrity and national security. One after another in the 1480s leading institutions adopted statutes of limpieza, which aimed to exclude descendants of Jews and Moors. The Inquisition adopted as its rule that descendants of those it condemned were ineligible to hold any public office, thereby giving currency to the notion that guilt for heresy remained in the blood for generation after generation. It was ordered that sanbenitos of the condemned be exposed in local churches to perpetuate their infamy after their death. The concerted campaign against converses, presenting them as cultural unclean (not limpios) and a stain on the honor of Spain, gathered force in the early 16th century and forced them into the role of internals exiles, never entirely at ease in a society into which their forebears had been involuntarily assimilated. 7 Attempts had already been made to deprive them of official positions, in spite of the protests of the papacy, and this prejudice against Jewish blood continued, even among some religious orders. By the end of the 16 th century various bodies excluded men of ‘tainted’ descend from admittance (the order of Santiago, Alcántara…), all the university colleges, many cathedral chapters. Discrimination of this kind was reflected in the policy of the inquisition, which continued to regard Jewish ancestry as a security risk to church and state, and whose sensitivity to genealogy seemed to increase after its initial campaign had liquidated large numbers of conversos. And the Inquisition, of course, was the instrument for testing purity of descent. All the above institutions required the most rigorous investigation to trace the slightest stain in the remotest grade of parentage. And there were two sources of descent which caused impurity of blood–from an ancestor who was Jewish or Moorish, or from one who had been sentenced by the Inquisition. Anyone who desired a tranquil career in church or state, or in many cases even admittance to one, applied to the Inquisition for certificates attesting their purity of blood, and for this purpose they described their genealogy, named witnesses and paid a fee. The whole process encouraged perjury, bribery and collusion, and offered yet another occasion for the gratification of spite. Those families with unimpeachable proof of a long 8 Castilian lineage free of Moorish or Jewish blood seized the opportunity to discredit their rivals for office and social status by denouncing them as conversos. In spite of this the conversos–about 300,000–managed to survive, and throughout the sixteenth century they were to be found in commercial and professional occupations. Positions in church and state were not completely closed, though they occupied them in conditions of insecurity. Even during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs they were to be found in high places; men like Luis Santangel, notary of King Ferdinand, Alfonso de la Cavalleria, vice-chancellor of the Council of Aragon, Fray Hernando de Talavera, confessor of the queen and archbishop of Granada, were all of Jewish race, though all at one time or another were object of suspicion or persecution. In subsequent reigns descendants of conversos still managed to make their way in the world, the most distinguished example being Antonio Perez, secretary of Philip II. But, socially rebuffed by the Old Christians and unwelcome as marriage partners, they remained an enclosed group of virtually second-class citizens. All this left its imprint on the Castilian mentality; the exaggerated sense of honor and hypersensitivity to ancestry and blood were nurtured in these conditions, and what had once been at least in part a religious prejudice became an attempt to limit the number of aspirants to office and social status. 9 IV. Reign of terror In 1480, 4000 converso families fled from Andalusia and since the absence of these people depopulated a large part of the country the queen was informed that commerce was declining, but settling little importance on the decline in her revenue, she said that the essential thing was to cleanse the country of that sin of heresy. Wealthy conversos of Seville plotted armed resistance but were betrayed and arrested. There were publicly punished in the first autos da fe in 1481, when 6 people were burnt at the stake. As a result, the Catholic Monarchs appointed the first Inquisitor in Seville, which became regarded as a hot-bed of Judaisers. By 1482 there were tribunals of the Inquisition all around Castile. In the crown of Aragon, however, the Pope protested that the Inquisition had been moved not out of religious zeal but out of lust for wealth. Ferdinand refused to tolerate any papal control and united the Inquisitions under a single head general for both Castile and Aragon, thereby creating for the first time a body whose authority extended throughout Spain regardless of political divisions. Throughout the kingdom of Aragon the people protested but Ferdinand replied with stern opposition. Autos da fe were literally ‘acts of faith’ celebrated for the edification of the public, at which punishments already decreed were confirmed in a public religious ceremony. If a deceased person was revealed to have been a 10 heretic, his remains were disinterred and burnt. Although convivencia survived in most of the country, official policy discouraged it. The Cortes of Toledo ordered that Jews wear distinctive badges, that aljamas be walled off, and that Jews not live outside the ghettos. At the end of 1482, a partial expulsion of the Jewish population from Andalusia was ordered, and from 1483 Jews were expelled from various cities in the south. The Inquisition encouraged Spaniards to identify and denounce judaizers, giving an enormous stimulus to anti-Semitism, which now became endemic among both urban authorities and populace. Fear of the apostasy of the Judaizers and the conviction that church and state were being undermined from within were the decisive reasons for the creation of the Inquisition is Spain On March 1492, Ferdinand and Isabel issued an edict giving Jews four months to accept baptism or leave the country. The early actions of the Inquisition in Andalucía were ruthless and violent. Other tribunals sprang elsewhere, and judging by the number and frequency of the death sentences and by the heavy confiscation of property, their measures were harsh and oppressive. This early reign of terror provoked frantic opposition from the conversos. Appeal to Rome, to regional immunities, to local magistrates, and also to the monarchs, to whom they offered money. When nothing else availed them, they had recourse to 11 violent counter-measures, the most spectacular being the assassination of an inquisitor in the cathedral of Zaragoza in 1485. Such resistance only prompted the inquisition to greater efforts, and in spite of opposition from the other regions it spread beyond Castile into the length and breadth of Spain. It was also deaf to the protests of Rome. The jurisdiction of the inquisition, however, was confined to Christians and it was not a means of converting unbelievers by force. It punished heresy and apostasy, but not the profession of a different faith, baptism being a pre-condition of heresy. For this reason, Jews, Moslems, and American Indians were excluded from its authority. The inquisition never prosecuted a Jew for being a Jew, or a Moslem for being a Moslem. It pursued converts from each faith who were suspected, rightly or wrongly, to be secret apostates. Thus even converted, Jews were still not good enough. The question that disturbed the most the Inquisition was that of limpieza de sangre, or purity of blood. Perturbed by the violence of the first tribunals, Sixtus IV regretted the extensive powers he had conceded to the Spanish crown and tried to halt the drastic program of the Spanish inquisition by restricting its independence and its power. But in the face of the determination of Isabella and Ferdinand, he gave way. He authorized the creation of a Supreme Council of the 12 Inquisition and the appointment of an Inquisitor general with full delegated power in the person of Tomas de Torquemada, royal confessor and prior of the Dominican monastery in Segovia. V. Search for religious unity Not content with the persecution of suspect converts, the search for religious unity and the conviction that it was impossible to solve the problem of the conversos while their former brethren were still tolerated led the Catholic monarchs to undertake a much greater purge–the expulsion of the Jews. While the war with Granada lasted the action was not practicable; in any case the Jews contributed large subsidies to the enterprise. But their prolonged and direct contact with the numerous Jews in Lower Andalucia at the time when they were fighting another religion, reinforced the monarchs’ desire for religious unity. A few months after the fall of Granada an edict was published (30 March 1492) by virtue of which the Jews were given four months to become Christian or leave the kingdom. In the interest of religious uniformity the Jews were expelled form the country and the conversos were exposed to a campaign of investigation that undermined their security. Out of 200,000 Jews, about 150,000 chose to go. Out of a likely total Jewish population in Castile of 70,000 and in Aragon of 10,000, many accepted 13 baptism and others left the country. Those who left permanently turned around 50,000.Portugal took many of these, but as a condition of the marriage of Isabella to Manoel I, the Catholic Monarchs insisted that Portugal expel them. Others went to France, Italy, N. Africa, and the Ottoman Empire, where they settled in cities like Salonica and Costantinople, preserving their Castilian language and a bitter hatred of Spain. On their tragic exodus, the Jews were robbed at every stage of their journey. Excluded from many professions and public posts, therefore the expulsion of 1492 seems to have had no serious negative consequences for the country. If the motive for the expulsion was religious, the evidences suggest that it was a failure. Instead of solving the converso problem it had the reverse effect and at one stroke possible doubled the number of false converts in the realm. It is likely that the Catholic Monarchs expected a further program of evangelization to produce a nation truly united in religion. This however, did not happen. Instead, the abandonment of a pluralist society led to the creation within Christian Spain of 2 great disadvantaged minorities, conversos and Moriscos, which suffered all the disabilities of prejudice but enjoyed few of the benefits of conversion. 14 Therefore, the monarchs had no hesitation in damaging the economy of the country to secure their objectives. The issues at stake were clear enough and were made even clear to them by the urban reaction to their antiJewish policy, especially to the decision to establish the Inquisition. The municipalities of Seville, Toledo, Barcelona, Valencia, and Saragoza made urgent and reasoned protests about the damage which the establishment of the Inquisition entailed for their towns, causing as it did the flight of the conversos and of their capital, and the monarchs invariably replied that they preferred the religious to the material welfare of their country. Their liquidation accompanied by the seizure of their property, had a paralizing effect on the economy of the country because it abstracted not only a vital part of the community, but also a considerable amount of capital. For this reason and on doctrinal grounds there was much resistance to the establishment of the Inquisition in the eastern kingdoms whose commercial centers, especially in Catalonia and Valencia, were seriously hit. Not content with this, the crown also decided to expel the Jews themselves, and out of an estimated 200,000 at the beginning of the reign, about 150,000 refused baptism and were forced to leave Spain in 1492, taking with them their skills and wealth. These measures, in conjunction with the pro-aristocratic bias 15 that was already deeply embedded in society, were a powerful deterrent to the growth of a middle-class in Spain. Inquisition tribunal or Spanish Inquisition Beyond the fact that he was a pious and somber man and an implacable enemy of heresy, little is known for certain about Torquemada, and his biography remains to be written. In spite of many assertions to the contrary, he was not the architect of the Spanish inquisition and there is no evidence that he was the deciding influence in the actual establishment of the new tribunal. But once he had been appointed inquisitor general in 1483 he was responsible for giving the inquisition its definitive organization. Among the powers granted to Torquemada was that of modifying the traditional rules of the inquisition to meet the requirements of Spain. This made the institution virtually self-governing and gave the Spanish inquisition a character of its own independent of Rome. The Spanish inquisition was created in the form of a council of state, called the Suprema, with jurisdiction in all matters of heresy. To secure royal control over the new institution and exclude that of the Pope, the monarchs then had to ensure that the president of the Suprema had full control of the appointment and dismissal of individual inquisitors, and that they themselves controlled 16 the president. Therefore they created a new office, unknown to the medieval inquisition, an Inquisitor general, who presided over the meetings of the Suprema and was head of the entire Inquisition. Appointment to the office of Inquisitor rested exclusively with the crown. In this way the crown avoid both the possibility of papal intervention and the danger of the Inquisition becoming independent. The Suprema also appointed by the crown, consisted of 6 members, who included representatives of the Dominican order and the Council of Castile. It hears appeals from the local tribunals, and also controlled the financial administration of the Inquisition, its property and the proceeds of its confiscation, the profits of which went to the royal treasury. Canonically, as the Inquisition was an ecclesiastical tribunal the pope was its head. In theory this was admitted by the Spanish authorities, but in practice papal jurisdiction was rigidly excluded. Similarly the pope kept the jurisdiction to appeal but was unable to apply it. The practical effect of this was that it became impossible to appeal a case from the Spanish inquisition to rome, and spain was to set an example even to Protestant countries. In matter of heresy the Inquisition had jurisdiction over all laymen and clergy. Independent of the papacy, the Spanish inquisition was a close and subordinate ally of the crown, and on more than one occasion its authority was to be abused for political purposes. Indeed, this dual character of the 17 Spanish inquisition, deriving from the close alliance of church and state in Spain, was one of its most peculiar features: it combined the spiritual authority of the church with the temporal power of the crown. Operating under the central council of the Inquisition were permanent local tribunals which represented for the mass of the people the real embodiment of its power. There were some 13 of these tribunals in Spain, situated in the principal towns, outside Spain tribunals operated in the Canaries, Sicily, and Sardinia, and from the 1570s in the Indies. In each of these tribunals there were 2 or 3 inquisitor-judges, an attorney, various secretaries, theological consultants, and minor officials such as doctors and jailers. Attached to each tribunal, however, were a number of part-time agents called familiares, many of whom were laymen. Their identity was not always public knowledge and they were used for various duties ranging from spying to providing armed escorts for prisoners. The familiares formed a kind of police force at the disposal of the Inquisition, and although they were unpaid they enjoyed various perquisites and advantages which made them a privileged class with a vested interest in the Inquisition. The legal procedure of the Spanish inquisition was marked by the fact that the tribunals combined 2 functions, judicial and police. They were not ordinary courts of law, because they also had powers of investigation, and in 18 addition to the punishment of offenders they also wanted their confession and renunciation in order to save their souls. This dual purpose was reflected in the actual procedure they used. The procedure of the medieval inquisition was by pure inquisitio, that is to say the inquisitor acted as both prosecutor and judge. Superficially the Spanish inquisition proceeded more impartially, by way of accusatio, with a public prosecutor as an accuser and the inquisitors acting only as judges. But this was legal fiction and simply meant that the inquisitor had the assistance of a trained lawyer in making the prosecution; it was the inquisitors who gathered evidence, and like their medieval predecessors they were prosecutors as well as judges. Each locality had to be visited every year by an inquisitor who solemnly published an Edict of faith, which, in the form of a minute questionnaire, imposed on every Christian under pain of major excommunication the obligation to denounce known heretics. When the tribunal itself saw a suspicious situation it would begin to publish a Edict of Grace, which allowed a period of 30-40 days to all who wished to come forward voluntarily to confess faults and errors. Confession usually meant pardon and only light penalties, but there was a condition attached: that the penitent reveal his accomplices. Both edicts were open to serious abuses. In particular, the edict of faith, by enjoining denunciations, forced the faithful 19 to co-operate in the work of the Inquisition and made everyone its agent or its spy, offering moreover an irresistible temptation for the relief of private malice. The 2 edicts usually led to a crop of denunciations (which were also expected to contain the names of witnesses) and it was either these or the investigations of the inquisitors themselves which initiated the legal proceedings. If the accusations were accepted then the accused was imprisoned in the secret goals of the Inquisition, usually in inhumane conditions, but utterly secluded from the outside world and deprived of all contact with his family and friends. The case then proceeded, slowly and in strict secrecy, and based throughout on the assumption that the accused was guilty. But the greatest defect in the legal procedure of the Spanish inquisition was the fact that the accused was kept uninformed about the identity of the accusers and their witnesses, who were thereby relieved from responsibility, while the accused was left largely helpless in preparing his defense. His only safeguard was that he could draw up a list of his enemies, and it is contained any of the accusers then their evidence would be discounted. Otherwise, almost any kind of evidence and any type of witness were accepted for the prosecution, whereas the questions put to the defense witnesses, and whether they were called at all, were entirely at the discretion of the inquisitors. Once 20 the case for the prosecution was ready, the organization for the defense could begin. The accused was provided a lawyer and a councelor whose function was to convince him that he should make a sincere confession. The pressure of the counselor together with the secrecy of the accusers and witnesses, undoubtedly weakened the position of the defendant which is own lawyer and witnesses could hardly be expected to redress. Indeed the secrecy of informers and witnesses was an innovation in spain, alarming to contemporaries, and contrary to the procedure of other courts of law. But the situation of the accused was rendered even more desperate by the power of the inquisition, like other tribunals of the time, to use torture to procure evidence and confessions. Bloodshed and anything likely to cause permanent injury were forbidden, but this still left room for 3 painful methods of torture, all of which were well known and not peculiar to the inquisition: the rack, the hoist, and the water-torture. Even if their use was infrequent and accompanied by medical safeguards, they were horribly inappropriate in matters of conscience. After evidence had been taken and qualified theologians consulted if necessary (all of which invariably took a long time, sometimes 4 years) sentenced was passed. If the accused confessed his guilt in the course of trial before sentence was passed and his confession was accepted, then he was 21 absolved and dismissed with lighter punishment. Otherwise sentence would be acquittal or condemnation. A verdict of guilty did not necessarily mean death. It depended first on the gravity of the offense, and the penalties, which were derived from medieval civil and canon law, might involve penance, fine or flogging for minor offenses, and the dreaded galleys or crippling confiscation of property for more serious ones. But it also depended on many other factors, such as the circumstances of the time, the character of the accused, and above all on the temperament of the judges not all of whom were equally relentless. In proportion to the number of cases, the death penalty was rare. On the other hand a repentant heretic who relapsed again never escaped the death penalty. Those who persisted in heresy or in their denial of guilt, were burnt alive. Those who repented at the last minute after sentence, whether sincerely or not, were strangled first, then burnt. The execution itself was not performed by the inquisition, but by the civil authorities. The Spanish auto-da-fé was merely an elaborately staged public exhibition at which the sentence was pronounced and discussed amidst much ceremony. The heretic was then ‘relaxed’ to the secular arm, which carried out the sentence of burning, often at a different time and place. Beginning as a means of instilling awe and terror in the faithful, the auto da fé soon degenerated into a social occasion of perverse 22 excitement and became a kind of religious entertainment to celebrate a royal wedding or a monarch’s visit or some other public function. But only major cases were competed with an auto da fé. In minor ones the sentences wee published privately. Although the Spanish inquisition was established primarily to deal with conversos, its jurisdiction extended to all matters of heresy, and consequently it also turned its attention to converted Moors, or moriscos, and to native Spanish heretics, Protestant or otherwise. The jurisdiction of the inquisition, however, was confined to Christians and it was not a means of converting unbelievers by force. It punished heresy and apostasy, but not the profession of a different faith, baptism being a pre-condition of heresy. For this reason, Jews, Moslems, and American Indians were excluded from its authority. The inquisition never prosecuted a Jew for being a Jew, or a Moslem for being a Moslem. It pursued converts from each faith who were suspected, rightly or wrongly, to be secret apostates. Those Moors and Jews who refused baptism were expelled from spain. But the work of the Spanish inquisition was not confined to heresy: it also had jurisdiction in cases of bigamy, sodomy, and blasphemy, and on occasion, because of its efficiency it even received administrative functions, such as the enforcement of customs and regulations on the frontier. 23 
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