Question 1: Using the documents and your knowl
transformed diplomacy in the twentieth century.
Document 1
Source: The “Loi-Cadre” of June 23, 1956
Without prejudice to the expected reform of Title VIII of the Constitution, in order to give the overseas peoples a more direct
share in the management of their own interests, measures of administrative decentralization and devolution shall be introduced
within the territories, groups of territories and central services under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of France Overseas. To
this end, decrees taken on the basis of the report given by the Minister of France Overseas and, on occasion, by the Minis-
ters concerned, may:
1) Modify the role and powers of administration and management of the general governments with a view to transforming
them into coordinating bodies...
..
2) Institute government councils in all the territories..
3) Grant broadened deliberative powers...
4) Determine the conditions of the institution...
Document 2
Source: Declaration on Granting Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, 1960
General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV), December 14, 1960 The General Assembly:
Mindful of the determination proclaimed by the peoples of the world in the Charter of the United Nations to reaffirm faith in
fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person,...Solemnly proclaims the necessity of bringing to
a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all its forms and manifestations; And to this end Declares that: 1. The subjec-
tion of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary
to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation. 2. All peoples
have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their
economic, social and cultural development. 3. Inadequacy of political, economic, social or educational preparedness should
never serve as a pretext for delaying independence. 4. All armed action or repressive measures of all kinds directed against
dependent peoples shall cease in order to enable them to exercise peacefully and freely their right to complete independence,
and the integrity of their national territory shall be respected.
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II. Practice Test 1
]
Section II
Document 3
Source: British Government Statement on its policy In Burma, May 1945
The considered policy of His Majesty's Government of promoting full self -government in Burma has frequently been
declared. It Is and has consistently been our aim to assist her political development till she can sustain the responsibilities of
complete self-government within the British Commonwealth and consequently attain a status equal to that of the Dominions
and of this country. 2. Inevitably Burma's progress towards full self-government
has been interrupted and set back by, the Jap-
anese invasion and the long interval of enemy occupation and active warfare in her territories, during which she has suffered
grave damage not only in the form of material destruction but in a shattering of the foundations of her economic and social
life. It is, of course, upon these foundations that a political structure rests, and until the foundations are once' again firm the
political institutions which were in operation before the Japanese invasion cannot be restored. ...3. Until these
foundations are
restored sufficiently, to enable the first essential political process to be undertaken, that is for a General Election to be held, it
is not possible to re-establish a Burmese Government as it existed till 1941. It is accordingly necessary, so long as the govern-
ment of the country cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the 1935 Act, that recourse should continue to
be had to the provisions of Section 139, under which the administration is carried on by the Governor in direct responsibility
to His Majesty's Government. ... But though this initial period of controlled government is necessary, His Majesty's Govern
ment are anxious that all the functions of government should not in fact be concentrated in the Governor, but that he should be
provided with definite means of obtaining Burmese assistance and advice in the discharge of them and have power to associate
with himself representatives of Burmese opinion in executive and legislative capacities.
Document 4
EUROPE
LEBANON
1946
ASIA
KOREA
(Divided,
1945)
Parere
NISLA
JO
MORQUE
T956
ISRAEL
1948
KUWAIT
L1961
PT.
JORDAN
1946
LAOS
1954
TAIWAN
(To China,
1945)
AERUG
MAURIT.NL
SENEGAL
1960
ERITREA
(TO ETHIOPIA,
1937)
NIGER
VIETNAM
(Divided,
1954)
PHILIPPINES
1946
VEN
.
1967
GAMBLA
1965
PACIFIC
OCEAN
ALIA
NIOERA
GUINEA
1958
CEYLON
1948
CAMBODIA
1954
BRUNEM
MALAYSIA 1963-
INDIAN
OCEAN
SIERRA
LEONE
1961
IVORY
COAST
1960
RWANDA
SINGAPORE
(From Malaysia, 1965)
GHANA
1957
EQ.
GUINEA
TOGO
1968
1960
DAHOMEY
GABON
1960
CONGO
(Brazzaville)
1960
BURUNDI
1960
ZANZIBAR
1963
INDONESIA 1948
MALAWI
1964)
Colonial Affiliations Before 1945
Independent
before 1945
Belgian
Japanese
ATLANTIC
OCEAN
MADAGASCAR
French
Spanish
American
Dependent
states, 1968
British
Italian
SWAZILAND
1968
Dutch
LESOTHO
1966
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Document 5
Source: President Sukarno of Indonesia's speech at the opening of the Bandung Conference, April 18 1955
...today we are faced with a situation where the well-being of mankind is not always the primary consideration. Many who
are in places of high power think, rather, of controlling the world. Yes, we are living in a world of fear. The life of man today
is corroded and made bitter by fear. Fear of the future, fear of the hydrogen bomb, fear of ideologies. Perhaps this fear is a
greater danger than the danger itself, because it is fear which drives men to act foolishly, to act thoughtlessly, to act danger-
ously. ...All of us, I am certain, are united by more important things than those which superficially divide us. We are united,
for instance, by a common detestation of colonialism in whatever form it appears. We are united by a common detestation of
racialism. And we are united by a common determination to preserve and stabilise peace in the world.
Document 6
Source: Jawaharlal Nehru's December 18, 1956 speech in Washington D.C.
I speak of India because it is my country and I have some right to speak for her. But many other countries in Asia tell the same
story, for Asia today is resurgent, and these countries which long lay under foreign yoke have won back their independence
and are fired by a new spirit and strive toward new ideals. To them, as to us, independence is as vital as the breath they take
to sustain life, and colonialism, in any form, or anywhere, is abhorrent ... Peace and freedom have become indivisible, and
the world cannot continue for long partly free and partly subject. In this atomic age peace has also become a test of human
survival. Recently we have witnessed two tragedies which have powerfully affected men and women all over the world. These
are the tragedies in Egypt and Hungary. Our deeply felt sympathies must go out to those who have suffered or are suffering,
and all of us must do our utmost to help them and to assist in solving these problems in a peaceful and constructive way. But
even these tragedies have one hopeful aspect, for they have demonstrated that the most powerful countries cannot revert to old
colonial methods or impose their domination over weak countries. World opinion has shown that it can organize itself to resist
such outrages. Perhaps, as an outcome of these tragedies, freedom will be enlarged and will have a more assured basis. The
preservation of peace forms the central aim of India's policy. It is in the pursuit of this policy that we have chosen the path of
nonalinement [nonalignment) in any military or like pact of alliance. Nonalinement does not mean passivity of mind or action,
lack of faith or conviction. It does not mean submission to what we consider evil. It is a positive and dynamic approach to
such problems that confront us.
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II. Practice Test 1
AT
SA
Document 7
Source: Speech at The First Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Conference, Anwar el Sadat, 1957
The idea of Afro-Asian Solidarity did not emanate out of naught, so as to be born and see daylight at Bandung all of a sudden.
But before materializing as an historical event, it was an impression and an innate volition instinctively developing in the mind
of the colonized and the exploited—the human being whom imperialism had reduced to a typefied specimen of a subjugated
specie and bondsman recognisable in every colonized country. Indeed the idea of solidarity, was deeply rooted in the hearts of
those subjected peoples, continually aspiring through diverse national movements to smash the fetters of bondage and redeem
their salvation. In the course of time these national movements were destined to meet, to consolidate and to react with one
another, purposefully in some instances, but unconsciously and spontaneously in the majority of cases. It is evident therefore,
that the Bandung Conference was not a haphazard event, but rather a natural psychological factor which led to the awakening
of the peoples of Africa and Asia and roused them from their slumber to solve the problem of their very existence and survival,
and to resume the struggle for the recovery of their liberty and freedom.
..Gone for ever is the era where the future of war and peace was decided upon in a few European capitals, because today we
happen to be strong enough to make the decision ourselves in that respect. Our weight in the international balance has now
become preponderant. Only think of the colossal number of our people, our natural resources, the vastness of the area covered
by our respective countries, and our strategic positions.
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