Educational and
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Examining Work Ethic Across Populations: A Comparison of the
Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile Across Three Diverse Cultures
David J. Woehr, Luis M. Arciniega and Doo H. Lim
Educational and Psychological Measurement 2007; 67; 154
DOI: 10.1177/0013164406292036
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Examining Work Ethic
Across Populations
Educational and
Psychological Measurement
Volume 67 Number 1
February 2007 154-168
© 2007 Sage Publications
10.11770013164406292036
http://epm.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com
A Comparison of the Multidimensional
Work Ethic Profile Across Three Diverse Cultures
David J. Woehr
The University of Tennessee
Luis M. Arciniega
Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México
Doo H. Lim
The University of Tennessee
The authors examined the measurement equivalence of the Multidimensional Work
Ethic Profile (MWEP) across the diverse cultures of Korea, Mexico, and the United
States. Korean- and Spanish-language versions of the MWEP were developed and evaluated relative to the original English version of the measure. Confirmatory factor analytic results indicated measurement invariance across samples drawn from each
country. Further analyses indicated potential substantive differences for some of the
seven subscales of the MWEP across samples. The implications of these findings and
directions for future research are presented.
Keywords: work ethic; measurement equivalence; Multidimensional Work Ethic
Profile; cross-cultural measurement
M
odern formulations of the work-ethic construct stem from the work of Max
Weber (1904-1905/1958). In the now classic two-part essay “The Protestant
Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism,” Weber advanced the thesis that the introduction and
rapid expansion of capitalism and the resulting industrialization in Western Europe and
North America were in part the result of the Puritan value of asceticism and the belief
in a calling from God (Byrne, 1990; Charlton, Mallinson, & Oakeshott, 1986; Fine,
1983; Furnham, 1990b; Green, 1968; Lehmann, 1993; Maccoby, 1983; Nord, Brief,
Atieh, & Doherty, 1988; Poggi, 1983). It was the application of these values that Weber
believed led to the “work ethic”: the complete and relentless devotion to one’s economic role on earth (Lessnoff, 1994). Stemming from Weber’s thesis, a great deal of
research has focused on the nomological network surrounding work ethic as well as
Authors’ Note: Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to David J. Woehr, The
University of Tennessee, Department of Management, Knoxville, TN 37922; djw@utk.edu.
154
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Woehr et al. / Work Ethic Across Populations 155
the comparison of work ethic across cultures (see Furnham, 1990b, for a summary).
Recent literature has suggested that one of the primary factors limiting this research is
the lack of common conceptualizations and measurement systems for the work-ethic
construct. In an attempt to address this limitation, Miller, Woehr, and Hudspeth (2002)
recently developed the Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile (MWEP). The MWEP is
a multidimensional inventory assessing conceptually distinct components of work
ethic. Our goal in the present study was to extend the work of Miller et al. by further
examining the construct validity of MWEP scale scores. Specifically, we (a) report on
the development of Spanish- and Korean-language versions of the MWEP; (b) provide
a detailed assessment of the degree of measurement equivalence between the English-,
Korean-, and Spanish-language versions with a multinational sample; and (c) explore
potential substantive differences with respect to work ethic as measured with the
MWEP between Korean, Mexican, and U.S. samples.
The MWEP
Miller et al. (2002) recently presented a historical and conceptual review of the
work-ethic construct. Drawing on the large body of literature stemming from Weber’s
(1904-1905/1958) original work, they posited that work ethic is not a single unitary
construct but a constellation of attitudes and beliefs pertaining to work behavior. They
suggested that the work-ethic construct (a) is multidimensional; (b) pertains to work
and work-related activity in general, not specific to any particular job (yet may generalize to domains other than work, such as school, hobbies, etc.); (c) is learned;
(d) refers to attitudes and beliefs (not necessarily behavior); (e) is a motivational construct reflected in behavior; and (f) is secular, not necessarily tied to any one set of
religious beliefs. On the basis of previous literature as well as original empirical
research, Miller et al. identified seven components or dimensions that they argued
constitute the work-ethic construct. The dimensions posited are centrality of work,
self-reliance, hard work, leisure, morality/ethics, delay of gratification, and wasted
time (see Table 1 for a full definition of each dimension).
Miller et al. (2002) also argued that previous measures of work ethic had been
deficient to the extent that they did not sufficiently assess and/or differentiate among
the various facets of work ethic. Consequently, they developed and provided initial
support for a multidimensional work-ethic inventory: the MWEP. The MWEP purports to measure seven conceptually distinct (i.e., divergent) facets of work ethic.
(Each of the seven facets, or dimensions, tapped by the MWEP, along with definitions and sample scale items, is presented in Table 1.) Although Miller et al. provided a great deal of evidence pertaining to the psychometric evaluation of the
MWEP, they provided little or no evidence with respect to the appropriateness of the
MWEP as a measurement tool across cultures (i.e., cross-cultural measurement
invariance). This question of measurement invariance is a particularly critical one.
Several authors (Furnham, 1990a; Jones, 1997; Miller et al., 2002; Niles, 1999) have
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156 Educational and Psychological Measurement
Table 1
MWEP Dimensions, Dimension Definitions, and Sample Items
Dimension
Definition
Sample Items
Centrality of work
Belief in work for work’s
sake and the importance
of work
Self-reliance
Striving for independence
in one’s daily work
Belief in the virtues of
hard work
• “Even if I inherited a great deal of money,
I would continue to work somewhere.”
• “It is very important for me to always be able
to work.”
• “I strive to be self-reliant.”
• “Self-reliance is the key to being successful.”
• “If you work hard you will succeed.”
• “By simply working hard enough, one can
achieve their goals.”
• “People should have more leisure time to spend
in relaxation.”
• “The job that provides the most leisure time is
the job for me.”
• “People should be fair in their dealings with
others.”
• “It is never appropriate to take something that
does not belong to you.”
• “The best things in life are those you have to
wait for.”
• “If I want to buy something, I always wait until
I can afford it.”
• “I try to plan out my workday so as not to
waste time.”
• “Time should not be wasted, it should be used
efficiently.”
Hard work
Leisure
Proleisure attitudes and
beliefs in the importance
of nonwork activities
Morality/ethics
Believing in a just and
moral existence
Delay of gratification
Orientation toward
the future; the
postponement
of rewards
Attitudes and beliefs
reflecting active and
productive use of time
Wasted time
Note: MWEP = Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile.
argued that previous measures of work ethic are inadequate both conceptually and
psychometrically. In addition, although a great deal of research has examined cultural differences with respect to work ethic, little if any of this research has examined the extent to which differences in work ethic are the result of actual differences
or simply the result of a lack of measurement equivalence of the measures used. If
this is the case, research that has attempted to make substantive interpretations on the
basis of these measures is at best seriously flawed. In a recent review and integration
of the literature on measurement equivalence in organizational research, Vandenberg
and Lance (2000) stated, “Violations of measurement equivalence assumptions are
as threatening to substantive interpretations as is an inability to demonstrate reliability and validity” (p. 6). Specifically, a lack of equivalence between groups indicates
that a measure is not functioning the same across the groups, and any substantive
interpretation of similarities or differences is suspect at best. Thus, although measurement equivalence is critical for any measurement instrument, it is even more so
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Woehr et al. / Work Ethic Across Populations 157
for the MWEP, because it is presented as a measurement of work ethic that overcomes the problems associated with previous measures of the construct.
Although a number of approaches have been used to evaluate measurement
equivalence (cf. Hui & Triandis, 1985; Vandenberg & Lance, 2000), there has been
general agreement that the multigroup confirmatory factor analytic (CFA) model
(Jøreskog, 1971) provides the most powerful and versatile technique for testing
cross-group measurement invariance. On the basis of their review, Vandenberg and
Lance (2000) called for an increased application of measurement equivalence techniques before substantive comparisons were considered. Given the limitations of
classical test theory approaches for assessing measurement equivalence, they also
recommended the use of multigroup CFA techniques. Thus, we took this approach
to the evaluation of multiple versions of the MWEP.
Spanish- and Korean-Language Versions of the MWEP
On the basis of the 2000 census data, the U.S. Census Bureau recently revealed
that Hispanics constitute the largest minority group in the United States (Grieco &
Cassidy, 2001). Hispanics also represent the largest linguistic minority group in the
United States. In addition, recent migration continues to produce sizable percentages
of Latin American immigrants and refugees with limited proficiency in English. This
continuing trend increases the need, by researchers in the United States as well as in
Latin America and Spain, for Spanish-language versions of measures of various constructs typically explored in psychological and organizational research. One such
construct is that of work ethic. To facilitate cross-cultural research pertaining to the
attitudes and beliefs constituting work ethic, we sought to develop and evaluate a
Spanish-language version of the recently developed MWEP (Miller et al., 2002).
Parallel to the English and Spanish versions, the Korean-language version of the
MWEP was developed to examine the cross-cultural viability of the MWEP and
to facilitate further cross-cultural research with respect to the work-ethic construct.
As one of the newly industrializing countries in East Asia and as one of the most
Westernized countries in Asia (Scarborough, 1998), South Korea has experienced an
incredible record of economic growth and integration into the high-tech, modern
world economy since the early 1960s. The economic success of South Korea, however, was affected by the Asian financial crisis between 1997 and 1999, and the
closed economic system between government and business was compelled to move
toward a system more open to foreign countries (Central Intelligence Agency, 2004).
During the rapid modernization of the past several decades and the more recent economic crisis, South Korea has experienced major social changes, moving from its
traditional society, in which Confucianism and Buddhism were dominant, to a modern and Westernized society. We believed that the development of a Korean-language
version of the MWEP would provide a valuable tool to conduct a cross-cultural
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158 Educational and Psychological Measurement
analysis of the role of work ethic on various workplace issues, including work performance, employee morale, motivation, and work stress.
These three cultures differ not only structurally (e.g., language, predominant religion, economic and educational systems) but also with respect to characteristic cultural values (e.g., these countries differ considerably with respect to Hofstede’s
[1991] dimensions of culture, especially individualism and power distance). Thus, to
the extent that measurement equivalence was supported, we also sought to explore
potential substantive differences with respect to work ethic as measured with the
MWEP between Korean, Mexican, and U.S. samples.
Method
Participants
Participants in the present study were drawn from three distinct populations.
U.S. sample. The U.S. sample consisted of 238 employees recruited from four
different private, nonmilitary organizations: (a) a bank (n = 58), (b) a car dealership
(n = 89), (c) a newspaper (n = 27), and (d) a manufacturing company (n = 64). Fifty-one
percent of the participants were male, and the mean age was 39.05 years (SD = 11.90
years, range = 18 to 76 years). Participants voluntarily and anonymously completed the
original English-language version of the 65-item MWEP measure developed by Miller
et al. (2002). (A copy of the complete scale is available from the first author and is
included as an appendix in Miller et al.) Previous research has demonstrated measurement equivalence with respect to the MWEP across each of the four organizational samples, so we treated them as a single sample in the present study (Woehr & Miller, 1998).
Mexican sample. The Mexican sample consisted of 208 full-time working adults
living in the metropolitan area of Mexico City, all having at least 2 years of undergraduate studies. Forty-six percent of the participants were male, and the mean age
was 28.86 years (SD = 8.21 years, range = 20 to 61 years). Participants voluntarily
and anonymously completed the Spanish-language version MWEP developed specifically for this study.
Korean sample. The Korean sample consisted of 412 adults working full-time and
living in the metropolitan area of Seoul, South Korea. The participants were drawn
from three large multinational corporations, but the vast majority of participants
(74%) were from one of the three companies. Seventy-five percent of the participants were male, and 80% were between the ages of 27 and 35 years. Participants
voluntarily and anonymously completed the Korean-language version MWEP developed specifically for this study.
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Woehr et al. / Work Ethic Across Populations 159
Measures
The MWEP. The MWEP is a 65-item self-report measure tapping seven conceptually distinct dimensions (see Table 1). Each of the seven dimensions is assessed
with 10 items, with the exception of delay of gratification (7 items) and wasted time
(8 items). Responses to all items are made on 5-point, Likert-type scales (1 =
strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree). Scores for each of the dimension scales are
computed as the mean item response times 10 (i.e., all dimension scores are
expressed on the same scale).
Translation procedure. To develop the Spanish and Korean versions of the
MWEP, a back-translation process was followed on the basis of the method proposed
by Brislin (1986). First, two teams composed of two undergraduate students and two
university professors (one of the authors as well as an additional colleague), all proficient in English but whose mother tongues were Spanish or Korean, independently
translated each of the items of the questionnaire into Spanish and Korean. The four
translators on each team were asked to use wording and grammar that could be
understood by any adolescent. Once the four versions in each language were gathered and compared by each team, consolidated versions were developed through
team consensus. Each of the two consolidated versions was then back-translated into
English by four fully bilingual undergraduate students (two students per each language version) independently. Any discrepancies between the original version in
English and the back-translated Korean and Spanish versions were analyzed and corrected by the researchers. During the translation processes, some items in English
were indirectly translated into Korean because of the differences in sentence structure, phrase expressions, and grammar between the two languages. For example, the
Korean translators used the appropriate meaning “If we work too hard, it may not
leave a time to rest” in translating the original sentence “Work consumes our time
too much and doesn’t leave a room for a break” into Korean. Regarding the translation for the Spanish version, we found no back-translation discrepancies. Finally,
a group of eight undergraduate students were asked to classify each of the items
according to the theoretical content of each of the seven variables measured by
MWEP. This task was successfully completed. (Both the Spanish and Korean versions of the instrument are available from the authors.)
Analysis
To test the measurement equivalence of the MWEP across the three samples, we
used a multigroup CFA application of LISREL 8.51 (Jøreskog & Sørbom, 2001) to
test two models representing configural (Model 1) and metric (Model 2) invariance.
Both models were operationalized as seven-factor models (corresponding to the
seven MWEP dimensions) with the factors allowed to correlate and uncorrelated
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160 Educational and Psychological Measurement
errors. Model 1 posited an equivalent factor structure (i.e., items related to the same
factors) across groups and thus represented a test of configural invariance. If Model
1 was not supported, the interpretation was that the groups differed in terms of the
number or composition of factors represented in the measurement instrument, and
thus no further tests were warranted (i.e., the measure was not equivalent across
groups). Model 2 was based on the same measurement model as Model 1 but with
more constraints placed on the model parameters. That is, factor pattern coefficients
for like items were constrained to be equal across groups. Here, the question was
whether the relations between specific items and the underlying constructs or factors
tapped by the items were the same across groups. Thus, Model 2 provided a test of
metric invariance. If Model 2 was not supported, the interpretation was that the
groups differed in terms of the extent to which items were viewed as indicative of
the various dimensions, and thus no further tests were warranted (i.e., the measure
was not equivalent across groups).
Given that the models represented a parameter nested sequence, we initially used
the χ2 test statistic and a difference-of-χ2 test to evaluate the fit of each model in the
series. We also focused on four additional overall fit indices: Steiger’s (1990) root
mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), McDonald’s (1989) noncentrality
index (NCI), Steiger’s (1989) gamma hat, and the comparative fit index (CFI;
Bentler, 1990). The RMSEA provides an overall test of model fit that compensates
for the effect of model complexity. Browne and Cudeck (1993) suggested using the
RMSEA as a measure of lack of fit per degree of freedom. Browne and Cudeck suggested that an RMSEA value of .05 or less indicates a close fit and that values up to
.08 represent reasonable errors of approximation in a population. In addition, both
the NCI and gamma hat represent absolute fit indices providing an indication of
overall model fit, and the CFI is an incremental (comparative) measure of fit providing an indication of fit relative to a null model. All three of these indices range
from 0 to 1, with higher values indicating better fit and values of .90 or greater typically interpreted as indicating acceptable levels of fit. More important, Cheung and
Rensvold (2002) demonstrated that across a wide range of fit measures, the changes
in fit from one group to another reflected in the CFI, gamma hat, and NCI provide
the most robust statistics for testing the between-group invariance of CFA models.
In a large-scale simulation, Cheung and Rensvold demonstrated that when testing
across two groups, a change in the value of CFI smaller than or equal to .01 indicates
that the null hypothesis of invariance should not be rejected (i.e., measurement
equivalence). Similarly, critical values for the gamma hat and NCI are .001 and .02,
respectively.
Finally, given the relatively small sample sizes for each of the three groups, the
large number of scale items, and the difficulties inherent in factor analyzing categorical item-level data (for detailed discussions of these problems, see Bernstein &
Teng, 1989; Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994), we did not analyze item-level responses.
Rather, we constructed three “item parcels” (composites based on subsets of items)
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Woehr et al. / Work Ethic Across Populations 161
to serve as manifest indicators for each of the seven work-ethic factors. The rationale for this approach was to avoid the difficulties associated with categorical itemlevel data and to achieve a higher level of reliability for each of the scores on which
the confirmatory factor analyses were based than would be realized from responses
on each of the 65 individual items. The literature provides a good deal of support
for this approach and suggests that the use of composite-level indicators leads to
far more interpretable and meaningful results than an analytic approach based on
large numbers of individual items (e.g., Bagozzi & Heatherton, 1994; Gibbons &
Hocevar, 1998; Hall, Snell, & Foust, 1999; Landis, Beal, & Tesluk, 2000; Paik &
Michael, 1999).
In the present study, we formed the item parcels by summing 2 to 4 randomly
selected items from each of the dimension scales. Specifically, for each scale containing 10 items, three parcels were formed as one set of 4 items and two sets of 3
items. If the scale contained 8 items, three parcels were formed as two sets of 3 items
and one set of 2 items. If the scale contained 7 items, three parcels were formed as
one set of 3 items and two sets of 2 items. Although the set of items comprising each
of the indicators was randomly selected within dimensions, the same sets of items
were used to form indicators across samples. Previous research has demonstrated
that this random approach to parceling items is appropriate to the extent that all
items are equivalent measures of the focal construct (Hall et al., 1999; Landis et al.,
2000). Miller et al. (2002) provided evidence supporting the unidimensionality of
each of the MWEP dimensions as well as the equivalence of items corresponding to
each dimension. Thus, this random-item-parceling approach is appropriate with
respect to the MWEP items.
Results
Fit indices for each of the two models (described above) are presented in Table 2.
As expected, Model 1 provided the best overall level of fit relative to the other models. In addition, examination of the fit indices for Model 1 indicated an acceptable overall level of fit (i.e., although the χ2 value was statistically significant, the
RMSEA was not statistically significantly different from a value of .05, indicating a
close fit in the population). Thus, it appears that the seven-factor model with three
item composite indicators per factor provided an adequate representation of the data
in each of the three samples. Model 2 further restricted Model 1 by constraining like
factor pattern coefficients to be equal across all three samples. Examination of the fit
indices for Model 2 indicated relatively little decrement in fit relative to Model 1.
Specifically, although the change in χ2 from Model 1 to Model 2 was statistically
significant, the additional fit indices were nearly identical to those for Model 1. In
addition, the change in fit from Model 1 to Model 2 was within the critical values
suggested by Cheung and Rensvold (2002) for both the CFI and the NCI. Only the
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162
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1,076.69*
1,039.86*
1,041.41*
1,024.49*
504
532
518
518
518
Model 1: configural invariance
(same factor structure)
Model 2: metric invariance
(equal factor pattern coefficients)
Model 2a: metric invariance
(equal factor pattern coefficients)
for U.S. and Mexican samples
Model 2b: metric invariance
(equal factor pattern coefficients)
for U.S. and Korean samples
Model 2: metric invariance
(equal factor pattern coefficients)
for Mexican and Korean samples
27.02*
43.94*
42.39*
79.22*
—
χ2
Differencea
.062 (ns)
.063 (ns)
.063 (ns)
.063 (ns)
.062 (ns)
RMSEAb
.93
.93
.93
.93
.93
CFI
.00
.00
.00
.00
—
CFI
Differencea
.74
.74
.74
.73
.75
NCI
.00
–.01
–.01
–.02
—
NCI
Differencea
.993
.993
.993
.992
.994
Gamma
Hat
.001
.001
.001
.002
—
Gamma Hat
Differencea
Note: MWEP = Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation; CFI = comparative fit index; NCI = noncentrality
index.
a. Difference for each model is relative to Model 1.
b. p < .01 (provides a test of close fit of the model in the population, with a statistically significant result indicating a lack of fit).
*p < .05.
997.47*
df
Model
χ2
Table 2
Results for the Sequence of Measurement Invariance Tests for the MWEP Measure
Woehr et al. / Work Ethic Across Populations 163
Table 3
Means and Standard Deviations for the Seven MWEP Scales by Sample
U.S. Sample
(n = 238)
Centrality of work
Delay of gratification
Hard work
Leisure
Morality/ethics
Self-reliance
Wasted time
Totalb
Mexican Sample
(n = 208)
Korean Sample
(n = 412)
M
SD
M
SD
M
SD
η2a
37.44A
34.79A
38.47A
29.96A
44.51A
35.81A
38.04A
259.02A
6.17
7.20
6.98
7.03
5.57
6.86
5.82
30.52
39.26B
33.85A
39.19A
29.39A
44.41A
35.20A
38.23A
259.54A
4.91
6.50
5.49
5.91
3.83
6.54
5.07
23.11
40.98C
34.24A
38.51A
24.97B
40.82B
38.84B
39.56B
257.91A
4.49
5.52
4.87
5.39
4.40
4.27
4.23
20.33
.08
.01
.01
.14
.13
.08
.02
.01
Note: Means within the same row with different superscripts are statistically significantly different (p < .05).
MWEP = Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile.
a. Effect size estimate for group differences across all three groups.
b. Total score is the sum of the seven work-ethic subscales.
gamma hat measure exceeded the critical value suggested by Cheung and Rensvold.
However, it is important to note that the critical values recommended by Cheung and
Rensvold were based on model tests across two groups, and authors suggested that
“suitability of the recommended GFIs for testing across three or more groups is an
interesting topic for future study” (p. 251). In the present study, the models were
evaluated across three groups. However, Models 2a to 2c in Table 2 represented tests
of metric invariance across all possible two-group comparisons in the present study
(i.e., United States vs. Mexico, United States vs. Korea, and Mexico vs. Korea). For
each of these models, all of the fit measures indicated that the null hypothesis of
invariance should not be rejected. Thus, it appears that the MWEP measure was conceptually equivalent across all three groups.
To this point, the results suggest that the English, Korean, and Spanish versions of
the MWEP are conceptually equivalent to the extent that item composites relate to the
same factors to the same extent. Given the demonstrated level of measurement equivalence between the English, Korean, and Spanish versions of the MWEP, we next examined potential differences across groups with respect to the actual scores on the
dimension subscales (as opposed to the latent factors). Mean scores by sample for each
of the MWEP dimensions are presented in Table 3. Examination of mean differences
across samples indicated no statistically significant differences across groups for two of
the subscales (i.e., delay of gratification and hard work). For four of the seven subscales,
no statistically significant differences were found between the U.S. and Mexican participants, but both groups were statistically significantly different when compared with
the Korean participants (the Korean participants were statistically significantly higher
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164 Educational and Psychological Measurement
Table 4
Work-Ethic Dimension Intercorrelations
(coefficient α reliability estimates) by Sample
Dimension
U.S. sample (n = 238)
1. Centrality of work
2. Delay of gratification
3. Hard work
4. Leisure
5. Morality/ethics
6. Self-reliance
7. Wasted time
Mexican sample (n = 208)
1. Centrality of work
2. Delay of gratification
3. Hard work
4. Leisure
5. Morality/ethics
6. Self-reliance
7. Wasted time
Korean sample (n = 412)
1. Centrality of work
2. Delay of gratification
3. Hard work
4. Leisure
5. Morality/ethics
6. Self-reliance
7. Wasted time
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
(.81b)
.45
.55
.31
.36
.33
.61
(.81c)
.61
.10
.30
.43
.55
(.89a)
.06
.42
.57
.59
(.87b)
.06
–.04
.22
(.83b)
.24
.47
(.86b)
.37
(.77c)
(.78c)
.41
.44
.27
.47
.25
.60
(.75c)
.34
.02
.24
.30
.37
(.83b)
–.03
.33
.29
.45
(.82c)
.28
–.11
.09
(.64f)
.09
.45
(.85b)
.21
(.72e)
(.80b)
.27
.56
.09
.43
.47
.64
(.73e)
.40
–.25
.25
.34
.35
(.82b)
–.01
.36
.46
.52
(.84b)
.05
–.10
–.04
(.70e)
.41
.43
(.79b)
.53
(.68e)
Note: Ninety-five percent confidence intervals for the reliability estimates are represented as follows:
a = ±.02; b = ±.03; c = ±.04; d = ±.05; e = ±.06; f = ±.07.
on the self-reliance and hard work dimensions and statistically significantly lower on
the leisure and morality/ethics dimensions). Finally, all three groups were statistically
significantly different on the centrality of work dimension, with the U.S. participants
providing a statistically significantly lower value relative to the Mexican participants,
who in turn were statistically significantly lower than the Korean participants.
Finally, correlations among the seven MWEP dimension scores as well as internal
consistency reliability estimates for each of the dimension scale scores are presented
in Table 4. Examination of the estimates indicated that reliabilities were generally
acceptable for all scale scores across samples (i.e., mean coefficient α = .79, range = .64
to .89). More specifically, examination of the 95% confidence intervals (Fan &
Thompson, 2001; Henson & Thompson, 2002) around the reliability estimates (also
presented in Table 4) indicated that all but five of the reliabilities were statistically significantly higher than the value of .70 often cited as indicative of a reasonable level
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Woehr et al. / Work Ethic Across Populations 165
of reliability (Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994). The remaining five reliability estimates
were not statistically significantly different from .70. In addition, estimates were relatively consistent across samples. That is, none of the estimates for each scale was
statistically significantly different across samples. The only exception was for the
morality/ethics dimension, for which the estimate in the U.S. sample was statistically
higher than in both the Mexican and Korean samples, and the estimate in the Korean
sample was statistically higher than the estimate in the Mexican sample.
In summary, our results suggest that the newly developed Spanish- and Koreanlanguage versions of the MWEP demonstrate high degrees of measurement equivalence with the original English version. Specifically, a seven-factor measurement
model corresponding to the seven MWEP dimensions with three manifest indicators
(based on three summed item composites) and factor pattern coefficients constrained
to be equal across groups provided a good representation of the MWEP data across
all three versions administered in distinct samples. In addition, scale score reliability estimates were generally high and consistent across versions. Finally, we found
statistically significant, albeit relatively small, substantive differences on the workethic dimensions across samples.
Discussion
Jones (1997) suggested that two indices of a theory’s importance are the length of
time it continues to attract attention and the number of scholars who investigate it. One
might add to these the extent to which a theory captures attention in popular as well as
scientific culture. Using these indices, the ideas of Max Weber (1904-1905/1958) with
regard to the construct of work ethic have certainly been among the most influential.
Work ethic has been the focus of scholars in history, sociology, anthropology, political
science, psychology, and organizational behavior. In addition, a great deal of literature
has sought to address cross-cultural comparisons with respect to work ethic (Furnham,
1990b). Miller et al. (2002) facilitated the research on work ethic by providing a comprehensive and empirically supported multidimensional measure of the work-ethic
construct. Our goal in the present study was to extend this work by developing and
evaluating two new versions of Miller et al.’s measure of work ethic. In addition, we
sought to apply a detailed CFA approach to the assessment of the measurement equivalence of the measure of work ethic across Korean, Mexican, and U.S. samples.
Our results indicated that the original English and newly developed Korean and
Spanish versions of the MWEP were equivalent measures across the three diverse
populations we sampled. In essence, we found that the English-, Spanish-, and Koreanlanguage versions of the MWEP measured the same set of seven work-ethic dimensions originally proposed by Miller et al. (2002). We also found some evidence of
substantive differences between U.S., Mexican, and Korean participants with respect
to work ethic.
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166 Educational and Psychological Measurement
What are the practical implications of these findings? First, our results support the
construct validity of scores based on the two new versions of the MWEP. The two
alternate-language versions assess Miller et al.’s (2002) conceptualization of work
ethic to the same extent as the original English version. In addition, our results indicate that the Spanish and Korean versions of the MWEP may legitimately be used
to make cross-group comparisons between English-, Spanish-, and Korean-speaking
participants. Finally, we found evidence of differences both within and across
groups. This suggests a variety of avenues for future research. Identifying both predictors as well as outcomes of these differences is certainly one such possibility. To
what extent do differences in work ethic as measured by the MWEP translate into
difference in work-related behavior? Are these relationships the same across cultures? These are only a few questions future research might address.
Finally, our primary focus in the present study was on the development and psychometric evaluation of Korean- and Spanish-language versions of the MWEP. We
emphasize a detailed approach to the assessment of measurement equivalence. This
approach represents a valuable tool not only for assessing the conceptual equivalence of measures but also for addressing substantive cross-group comparisons. The
measurement equivalence of measures used across cultures is a critical and often
overlooked assumption in much cross-cultural research. We add our voice to those
of previous authors in stressing the importance of demonstrating measurement
equivalence before evaluating any substantive group differences. Given our focus
in the present study, however, we did not pose any specific hypotheses with respect
to work-ethic differences between Korean, Mexican, and U.S. samples. On the contrary, we sought out participants with as much within-group diversity as possible. All
three groups were composed of participants from different organizations, with different educational levels, and with different socioeconomic backgrounds. Nevertheless,
our results highlight some cross-group differences. These results should be considered preliminary. Our hope is that this study serves as a springboard for future
research focusing on cross-cultural comparisons pertaining to work ethic.
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International Journal of
Cross Cultural Management
http://ccm.sagepub.com
Brazilian National Culture, Organizational Culture and Cultural Agreement:
Findings from a Multinational Company
Adriana V. Garibaldi de Hilal
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 2006; 6; 139
DOI: 10.1177/1470595806066325
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Cultural Perspectives
CCM
International Journal of
2006 Vol 6(2): 139–167
Cross Cultural
Management
Brazilian National Culture,
Organizational Culture and
Cultural Agreement
Findings from a Multinational Company
Adriana V. Garibaldi de Hilal
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro – COPPEAD (Graduate School of Business), Brazil
The present study looks into the organizational culture of a Brazilian company,
concentrating on its main Brazilian branches as well as on its European, Latin American,
Central American, North American and Asian branches, making a total sample of 36 cities
and 1742 respondents. Results indicate the influence of national culture on organizational
culture, as the dimensions found clearly reflect the ambiguity and double-edged ethic
characteristic of Brazilian culture. This study also shows the importance of hierarchy, and of
relational networks, which stresses the relevance of the cultural element in organizational
structure and functioning. In brief, understanding the double-edged ethic that governs
Brazilian culture helps us understand apparently different, ambiguous or even contradictory
behaviors reflected in the organizational culture practices of a Brazilian company with
international operations. Moreover, there is little empirical research that directly deals with
what combination of factors makes individuals agree or disagree over their cultural
viewpoints. Consequently, we consider that this study attempts to deal with that issue as the
cultural clusters were obtained using a multivariate approach, using demographic variables
and the identified organizational dimensions. Thus results suggest the organizational context
may increase or reduce the probability of nationality affecting the cultural agreement of
group members.
ABSTRACT
KEY WORDS • cross cultural research • cultural agreement • Latin American multinational •
national culture • organizational culture
During the 1980s and 1990s, culture became
a widely discussed subject in organizations,
when western organizational scientists
became interested in the culture of their
countries and on the links between culture
and organizational forms of life (Morgan,
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140
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 6(2)
1997) in order to explain the superior performance of Japanese companies as compared
to North American ones. Some authors
argued that the key to competitiveness lay in
the possibility of organizational culture (OC)
change (Deal and Kennedy, 1982; Ouchi,
1981; Pascale, 1981; Sathe, 1985), with the
first specific studies dating back to the beginning of the 1970s (Clark, 1972; Pettigrew,
1973) and Schein (1985) formally articulating
the conceptual framework to analyze and
intervene in the culture of organizations.
Culture is treated as a variable in the
perspective of popular authors such as Peters
and Waterman (1982), Deal and Kennedy
(1982), and Schein (1985). On the other
hand, culture is treated as a metaphor in the
symbolic perspective expressed in the work of
anthropologists like Geertz (1993), whose
focus is on meaning. Other debate focuses on
the possibilities or not of measuring OC.
Organizational symbolists advocate the
dense description of organizations, involving
qualitative in-depth case studies, as opposed
to qualitative but thin descriptions based on
interviews with managers. However, it can
be argued that thick descriptions are difficult
to replicate and that the result is highly subjective, as ethnographic researchers consider
that objectivity in organizational research is a
myth (Ott, 1989).
Within the quantitative approach, on the
other hand, the biggest advantage of the use
of survey techniques to study OC is the fact
that the same methodology can be applied to
different organizations in the same way, thus
providing a basis for comparisons or generalizations. One of the drawbacks is the fact
that there is no protection against overgeneralization (Denison, 1984). Those who
prefer qualitative research argue that cultural
processes are the result of unique social constructions and that they are, therefore,
impossible to measure with quantitative standardized measures (Cooke and Rousseau,
1988). Among the intercultural scientists (e.g.
Laurent, 1983; Maznevski, 1994; Tromp-
enaars, 1993), Hofstede (1997, 2001) is one of
the best-known authors. He has an intermediary position and argues that both methodological approaches have limitations and, as
a consequence, should be seen as complementary.
According to Hofstede (1997), the core of
OC is in the practices shared by its members.
Consequently, national cultures would differ
mainly on their basic values, while OCs
would differ more superficially in terms of
their practices, which would be the visible
parts of culture and could be manageable
within certain limits.
However, most studies on OC have considered the organization as a whole (Martin,
1992). This kind of research emphasizes
the existence of a unique general OC and
focuses on harmony and organizational
consensus, instead of on conflict and subcultural consensus (Martin, 1992). Although
most researchers accept the existence of
organizational subcultures (Trice and Beyer,
1993), they have emphasized the homogeneity of culture and its cohesive function instead
of its differentiation potential (Gregory,
1983).
Given the perceived need for further
research within organizations that takes into
account clusters of ideologies, cultural forms
and behaviors that identify groups of people
within organizations (Trice and Beyer, 1993),
the present study adopted a sub-cultural
perspective, perceiving the organization as
composed by a multiplicity of different subcultures. This perspective emphasizes the
existence of differences, although it does not
deny the possibility of the existence of consensus in relation to certain values (Martin,
1992). A critical factor that defines the relationship and the existence of sub-cultures is
how much they reflect their own particular
values. Here, possibilities offer a spectrum
that can include great differences (which can
imply deeply rooted conflicts and culture
clashes) as well as groups that share similar
values and have similar ways of perceiving
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Garibaldi de Hilal: Brazilian Culture and Cultural Agreement 141
and interpreting the organizational context
events (which would foster inter-group cooperation).
According to Kilduff (1993), organizational members from different nationalities
will probably tend to develop specific cultural
perspectives while they modify and transform
the cultural routines of the organization so
as to adapt them to their own cultural bias,
possibly using different practical approaches
to deal with organizational problems.
Thus the complexity of the internal environment of organizations with international
operations increases the probability that their
culture tends to differentiation; that is, multiple systems of meanings, and therefore of
practices, tend to coexist simultaneously. The
different systems of meanings, or the different
sub-cultures, usually greatly affect the operations of those organizations. Groups with
different cultural viewpoints tend to interpret
and to respond to the same organizational
events in different ways – accepting, modifying, questioning or even ignoring the rules
and procedures that emanate from the
dominant culture (Jermier et al., 1991).
Additionally, ethnocentrism, which is the
tendency to evaluate others according to our
own cultural point of view (Rocha, 1991),
increases the probability of misunderstandings that can result in undesirable conflict
levels, thus affecting the performance of the
organization (Gregory, 1983).
Moreover, in a relational society such
as the Brazilian one, we have to consider
the influence of relational networks on the
organizational culture and sub-cultures.
Within the relational perspective interaction
among actors can lead to a certain homogeneity of attitudes and practices, thus significantly influencing the existence of cultural
agreement (Burkhardt, 1994), and therefore
helping to define OC clusters.
Consequently, based on Hofstede’s framework for OC, the first purpose of this study
was to identify the OC dimensions (i.e. values
and practices; where practices involve sym-
bols, rituals and heroes) of a Brazilian company, concentrating on its main Brazilian
branches as well as on its European, Latin
American, Central American, North American and Asian branches. The second purpose
of this study was to determine if values and
practices are uniform in the sampled organization or if there are different organizational
culture clusters.
Organizational Culture
Authors such as Schein (1992) and Pettigrew
(1985) present OCs as implying shared
values, and confusion derives from the fact
that such literature does not make a clear distinction between the values of the leaders and
those of the other members of the organization. Hofstede (1997) defines OC as the
collective programming of the mind that distinguishes the members of an organization
from those of another, and he argues that
the values of the founders and of the main
leaders undoubtedly shape OCs, but the
ways in which these cultures affect the ordinary members of the organization would be
limited to shared practices. Thus the values
of founders and leaders would become the
practices of the other members of the organization. In brief, what an individual has to
learn when he or she joins an organization is
mainly a question of practices, as most values
are developed and learned in the family and
at school.
Hofstede et al. (1990) empirically derived
six independent dimensions that describe the
numerous organizational practices: (1) process
oriented versus results oriented; (2) employee
oriented versus job oriented; (3) parochial
versus professional; (4) open system versus
closed system; (5) loose control versus tight
control; and (6) normative versus pragmatic.
These six dimensions are descriptive but not
prescriptive: no position in each of the six
dimensions is intrinsically good or bad. What
is good or bad depends on each case, on what
is desired for the organization and on the
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142
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 6(2)
strategic options. Moreover, Hofstede pointed
out that the OC dimensions he identified
would not necessarily apply to any kind of
organization in any country. OCs are gestalts
and their knowledge can only be totally
appreciated by insiders. However, a conceptual framework allows us to make significant
comparisons between cultures of different
organizations, or between the sub-cultures of
different parts of the same organization.
Brazilian Culture Overview
Brazil is the only other country in the western
hemisphere that has the continental proportions, the regional contrasts and the demographic diversity that can be compared to the
US and Canada.
According to Hess (1995), Brazil, in spite
of its western-like institutions, is a country
where western culture has mixed and mingled
with non-western cultures for centuries. This
mixture of western and non-western, as well
as modern and traditional, is what Da Matta
(1997a) has called the Brazilian dilemma, or
what Brazilians call the Brazilian reality. Brazil
is a country where institutions operate
through personal relationships as much as
general rules. Diversity is not the best word for
describing Brazil and Brazilians; mixture is
better. Brazil is a nation of mixed races
(miscegenation), religions (syncretism), and
cultures (diasporas, borderlands).
In cultural anthropology and studies of
Brazilian national culture, Da Matta (1997a,
b) has influenced a number of scholars (such
as David Hess, 1995; Roberto Kant de Lima,
1995; Livia Neves Barbosa, 1995; Rosane
Prado, 1995; and Martha de Ulhoa Carvalho,
1995) with his framework for interpreting
Brazilian culture.
Hess (1995) describes Brazil as the product
of a particular colonial legacy that includes a
class of wealthy landowners who supported a
highly centralized Portuguese state. In turn
the state imposed a latifundia, or plantation
agricultural system in Brazil, where the
plantations were controlled by patriarchs
who exercised nearly absolute authority over
their dominions. According to Buarque de
Holanda (1995), the colonial legacy also
includes the origins of the traditional Latin
American personalism,1 the lack of social cohesion and the looseness of the institutions.
Additionally, the Tocquevillian legacy of
comparative analysis influenced a number of
20th-century thinkers such as Louis Dumont
(1980). Dumont’s studies focused on two key
dimensions for comparing values and patterns of social relations across societies: hierarchy and equality, and holism and individualism.
In the ascribed form of hierarchy used by
Dumont, one’s social position is assigned at
birth or is limited by one’s family position. In
a traditional hierarchical society, laws apply
differently to different groups of people. Of
course, there are remnants of the ascribed
kind of hierarchy even in the most modern of
societies, but the legal recognition of such
hierarchy is considered an affront to the
fundamental value of equality.
The concepts of holism and individualism
are closely related to those of hierarchy and
equality. In a hierarchical society everyone
occupies a definite position, and people’s
identity is rooted in their association with a
particular position in society.
Da Matta’s approach to Brazilian culture
departs from these key concepts as developed
by Dumont. Da Matta uses the term persons
to describe the category of identity, in which
one is defined by one’s position in the family
or in a hierarchically ordered social group. In
contrast, in an individualistic society identity is
rooted in one’s own life history and choices
and people are individuals linked by the rules
of the game, which are assumed to apply
equally to all (or universally). Although in an
individualistic society people certainly have
personalistic loyalties, one’s identity as an
individual rather than as a person tends to
prevail. Likewise, in a personalistic or relational
society, there are domains of society that
operate according to individualistic and egal-
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Garibaldi de Hilal: Brazilian Culture and Cultural Agreement 143
itarian principles, but, in general, personal
loyalties tend to prevail.
Da Matta argues that Brazil is somewhere
between the two ideal polar extremes (hierarchical and holistic, and egalitarian and individualistic). He rejects the model of two
Brazils, in which a traditional culture located
in the lower classes of the cities and in the
rural areas is opposed to a modern Brazil in
the upper classes and in the big cities, showing
how in societies like Brazil, Dumont’s distinctions can be applied simultaneously throughout
the society. Instead of working with an either or
model, he opted for a both and model, as both
tendencies are present in any number of
social groups, institutions and practices. Thus
Brazilians are constantly negotiating between
a modern, egalitarian code and a traditional
one. In some situations, modern practices
predominate. However, frequently, hierarchical and personalistic/relational practices
encompass modern ones.
Thus Brazil is neither modern nor traditional but both. Da Matta also developed an
analysis of intermediary terms or symbols, as
in Brazil there is a tendency to move toward
a middle ground of mediation and ambiguity.
Those mediating terms become sites for the
conflict of values and the encompassment of
the modern by the traditional.
This seems to apply to Latin American
countries as a whole, as Latin American
history and social structure seem to imply.
For example, the injustices of the Latin
American authoritarian and hierarchical system are blunted by the existence of a number
of mediating institutions: extended kin networks, nepotism, the famous Brazilian jeitinho
or the Argentine gauchada (the art of bending
rules), and all sorts of social practices that
would appear corrupt in North America and
Western Europe. In short, personal relationships form the flip side of official hierarchies.
Personalism is more than a cultural system that
gives people a social address in the hierarchical society; it is also a resource that people
can use to get around the official rules of the
hierarchical society. Of course, personalism
does not work the same way for everyone.
The networks of the weak are usually smaller
and less influential. As a result, although
personalism can be used as a resource to subvert hierarchy, as an overall system it ends up
reproducing the general hierarchical order
(Hess, 1995).
Perhaps the most well known of Da
Matta’s studies of mediation is his discussion of
the street and the home (1997a). The space of the
home is identified with the hierarchical and
relational/personalistic moral world, whereas that of the street is egalitarian and individualistic. Of course, in Latin America, and
especially in Brazil, the two worlds of home
and street interact considerably. As a social
space, the home, and institutions modeled on
the home, such as the workplace, are places
where relations among family members and
servants or among superiors and subordinates institute hierarchies of race, class, age
and gender. The street is a different sort of
place where those hierarchies are suspended.
The street is the place where the egalitarian
and individualistic principles of the marketplace or legal system are in operation. The
home is the place where people find their
identity, while the street is the place of individual anonymity. In certain situations the
home encompasses the street and all matters
are treated in a personal, familiar domestic
way; in others the street encompasses the home:
the domain of personal relations is totally
submersed and the axis of impersonal laws
and rules prevails. There is, therefore, a
double-edged ethic that operates simultaneously
and that determines different behaviors that
apply to the street (where behavior is free of
the sense of loyalty, free of the meaning of us,
ruled by the criteria of individualism, by laws
and by the rules of the market) and to the
home (where behavior is ruled by personal
relations, the sense of loyalty and emotions,
by reciprocity and friendship).
In brief, in a dynamic sense, behaviors
continually oscillate in Brazil in particular
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144
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 6(2)
and in Latin America in general: people can
express apparently different or even contradictory opinions and behaviors depending on
whether they position themselves in the street
or in the home.
Methodology
The methodology used in this study was
based on a research design that combined
quantitative research with a qualitative
exploratory procedure.
The research took place in a Brazilian
company that, owing to issues of confidentiality, will be called company XYZ. The
main criterion used in its selection was the
fact that it has approximately 81,500
employees, thus allowing us to replicate the
research design used by Hofstede et al. (1990)
in their OC study. The field research was
done in 36 cities, including 17 in Brazil2 as
well as the international branches located in
Europe (namely Milan, London, Securities
UK (also in London), Lisbon, Madrid, Paris,
Frankfurt, Vienna and Amsterdam); in Latin
America (namely Buenos Aires, the capital
city of Argentina, Asuncion and Ciudad del
Este – both cities located in Paraguay –
Santiago, the capital city of Chile and La
Paz, the capital city of Bolivia); in Central
and North America (namely Panama, Grand
Cayman, Miami and New York); and in Asia
(namely Tokyo).
The qualitative exploratory research
aimed at collecting information and trying to
gain some insights about the specific features
of XYZ in order to adjust the contents of the
questionnaire to the specificities of this organization, and as input for the interpretation
of the quantitative data. It consisted of six
one and a half hour in-depth semi-structured
interviews conducted in Portuguese by the
researcher. For the interviews, six managerial level employees were selected using as
selection criteria the fact that they were
reputed to be communicative and had the
necessary experience and knowledge.
The survey sample was defined in two
stages. For the first stage, involving the selection of the cities or units where the data were
collected, we used intentional sampling to
cover the five Brazilian geographical areas.
The initial intention of using stratified probabilistic sampling in the Brazilian units had to
be discarded because the data collection had
to be tailored to the needs of each regional
division to cause the minimum interference
in the work flow. Consequently, in each of
the Brazilian units we selected an intentional
sample of, on average, 74 employees (including, on average, 37 managerial employees
and 37 non-managerial employees per unit).
In the European, Latin American, Central
American, North American and Asian units,
as there were fewer employees per functional
category, the research took the form of a
census and hence included all the managerial
and non-managerial employees present at
the time of the survey. The total surveyed
sample was of 1968 respondents. After eliminating the questionnaires that were annulled
or not returned, we were left with a final
sample of 1742 respondents (including, on
average, 33 managerial employees and 33
non-managerial employees per Brazilian
unit).
The survey consisted of 131 pre-coded
questions3 plus an open question. Questions
were extracted from various publications on
Hofstede’s questionnaire on OC. However,
certain questions were developed based on
the results of the qualitative phase of the
study. The questionnaire also included five
questions on demographics: sex, age, number
of years working for the company, educational level and nationality. To assure that
the questionnaire mostly reproduced an
instrument already used by Hofstede et al.
(1990), Geert Hofstede was personally consulted and directly involved.
The anonymous self-administered questionnaire was prepared in several versions:
Portuguese, English, Spanish, Dutch, German,
Italian, French and Japanese. Following
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Garibaldi de Hilal: Brazilian Culture and Cultural Agreement 145
Adler (1982) we used back-translation. After
being translated, the questionnaire was pretested with a small group of retired XYZ
employees to check that the understanding
was the desired one.
Following Robinson (1950) and Shweder
(1973), in order to obtain etic or comparable
OC dimensions we prepared an ecological
matrix, calculating the mean of each item or
variable for each of the 36 units.4 Subsequently, we applied ecological factor analysis
(principal component) with orthogonal varimax rotation to provide a factor solution
explaining the maximum share of variance
to the fewest number of factors. Moreover,
ecological factor analyses are characterized
by flat matrixes (matrixes with fewer cases
than the number of variables).5 However, the
original database had in fact 1742 respondents, and not just 36 cases, thus being considered adequate using Hofstede et al.’s
(1990) criterion.
Considering the fact that the questionnaire mostly reproduced an instrument
already used by Hofstede et al. (1990) and
that the small modifications introduced did
not affect its design or any of the variables
held to be key by Hofstede, we considered
that the constructs were already validated.
Moreover, internal consistency was also verified based on the existing literature (such as
Blake and Mouton, 1964; Burns and Stalker,
1961; and Peters and Waterman, 1982). It
should be noticed that the six practice
dimensions identified by Hofstede et al.
(1990) together explained 73% of the variance.
The first step was to calculate the 131 ×
131 product moment correlation matrix of
the 20 mean scores for each possible pair of
questions, verifying that the matrix was
appropriate for multivariate analysis as, on
average, it presented mean correlations
between the variables.
For analytic purposes we followed Hofstede et al.’s (1990) recommendations. First,
we divided the questions into three categories
(57 questions on values; 61 on perceived
practices and typical-member scores; and 13
on reasons for promotion and dismissal) and
conducted separate factorial analyses for
each category. As the ecological correlations
tend to be stronger than individual correlations we expected to find high percentages of
explained variance. In order to avoid giving
undue attention to trivial things in ecological
factorial analysis, the number of factors
should be fewer than the number of cases
and fewer than what is technically possible
based on eigenvalues larger than 1, only
taking into account variables with loadings
higher than 0.5 or 0.6.
Then the scores of each of the 13 identified dimensions (4 on values, 6 on practices
and 3 on heroes) were put in a 0–100 scale
using the formula: Final score (0,100) = (original score × 50 / 3.090245) + 50 (in order to
have approximately 99.9% of the observations within the interval of the normal curve).
Following this scores were ranked to better
visualize the relative position of each unit in
relation to the others (with 1 indicating the
highest score and 36 the lowest). It should be
noticed that three scores presented values
outside the 0–100 range, and were considered as outliers: namely Amsterdam with a
score for factor V3 (work centrality) of –12;
Madrid with a score for factor P3 (individualistic × relational) of –19; and, Frankfurt
with a score for factor V4 (need for survival)
of 106, indicating a strong relationship
directly or inversely (depending on the value
being positive or negative) linked to the
meaning of the corresponding factor.
Next we calculated the product-moment
correlation matrix of the 13 dimensions plus
the 5 demographic variables for the 36 units,
in order to identify significant correlations at
the .05 level. In order to identify clusters of
cultural agreement we submitted the 13 OC
dimensions plus the 5 demographic variables
for the 36 units to a hierarchical cluster
analysis, using Ward Method and square
Euclidean distance. From the resulting
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146
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 6(2)
dendrogram we selected four clusters. To
explain the main features of each cluster we
used the option reports – case summaries (SPSS
11.0 program), computing, for each cluster,
the minimum, maximum and mean value of
each of the 13 OC dimensions and of the 5
demographic variables.
Finally, in order to verify if the identified
clusters were in fact significant, we submitted
the original 131 variables (except the demographic variables as they had already been
used in the cluster analysis), to Multiple
Discriminant Analysis – MDA – stepwise
procedure and Wilks Lambda Method, in
spite of this involving a certain degree of
circularity.
Results
The first purpose of the analysis was to
identify the OC dimensions (i.e. values and
practices, where practices involve symbols,
rituals and heroes). The second purpose of
this study was to identify clusters of cultural
agreement.
Based on the 131 survey pre-coded questions, the 131×131 product-moment correlation matrix showed that values correlated
with other values and also with practices; perceived practices and typical-member scores
correlated among each other; and the reasons
for promotion and dismissal correlated
among each other, but also with other items.
Before analyzing the value, practice and
hero dimensions a word of caution is necessary. In the Brazilian branches (PC4 to
PC20), almost 100% of the employees are
Brazilian and the vast majority are local,
from the region where the unit is located.
Exceptions are PCs 18 and 19 (namely
Campo Grande and Cuiabá in the CenterWest region of Brazil) that only have 40%
and 50%, respectively, of local employees,
the rest belonging to the other Brazilian
regions. However, the same situation is
not necessarily true of the non-Brazilian
branches, where the local employees reflect
the percentage of employees originally from
the country where the unit is located. Thus
the composition of local as opposed to
Brazilian employees in the non-Brazilian
branches has to be taken into account when
analyzing the value, practice and hero
dimensions. Table 1 indicates the approximate percentages of local and Brazilian
employees in each of the non-Brazilian
branches. Moreover, very few of the
Brazilian employees belong to headquarters
– usually only the top managers – while all
the others are usually hired locally according
to local regulations, and are hardly ever
transferred between branches.
Value Dimensions
We obtained the following four independent
factors that together explained 52.41% of the
variance:
V1 – Need for security
V2 – Need for authority
V3 – Work centrality (the importance of
work)
V4 – Need for survival.
Tables 2 to 5 show the variables with loadings approximately higher than 0.50 or 0.60
that were considered to explain each factor.
It should be noticed that items with negative
loadings were reworded negatively.
Factor V1 – need for security – which is a
combination of collectivism and elements of
uncertainty avoidance (see items in Table 2)
shows that in relational societies, people are
part of personal networks from which they
derive their identity, thus justifying the
importance given to good physical working
conditions, to having training opportunities,
to cooperation between co-workers and to
having a good relationship with the hierarchical superior. On the other hand, relational and hierarchical societies usually justify the
fact that it is not considered important for
employees to be consulted by their direct
superior in decisions, or to have the freedom
to adopt their own approach to work.
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Garibaldi de Hilal: Brazilian Culture and Cultural Agreement 147
Table 1
Percentage of local and of Brazilian employees per branch
PC
Unit
1
2
3
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
Santiago
Asuncion
Buenos Aires
Ciudad del Este
La Paz
Panama
Grand Cayman
Miami
New York
Tokyo
London
Securities UK
Lisboa
Madrid
Paris
Milan
Frankfurt
Vienna
Amsterdam
Table 2
% of local
employees
% of Brazilian
employees
90
93
88
93
90
76
20
19
28
29
58
36
88
45
64
86
75
50
85
10
7
6
7
10
18
40
70
42
62
35
55
12
55
18
14
25
40
15
% of other
origin
6
6
40
11
30
9
7
9
18
10
Total
%
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
V1 – Need for security (high)
Code
Loading
OT9
OT15
OT19
CG17
OT8
OT7
OT20
OT11
CG10
0.840
0.829
0.809
0.740
0.734
0.707
0.693
0.677
0.670
CG23
CG28
OT5
OT4
CG21
FV6
CG22
CG16
0.665
0.648
0.633
0.626
0.624
0.597
0.593
0.568
Description
Being consulted by direct superior in his or her decisions not important
Having an element of adventure and variety in the job not important
Having training opportunities important
For young people to be critical of their teachers is all right
Working with people who cooperate well with one another important
Having freedom to adopt your own approach to job not important
Having good fringe benefits important
Having opportunities for high earnings important
The employee that quietly does his or her duty is not one of the greatest assets
of an organization
Both parties compromising a bit best resolves conflicts with opponents
Large corporation is a more desirable place to work than small company
Having good working relationship with superior important
Having good physical working conditions important
People like work
Would continue working if did not need the money
Parents satisfied when children become independent
Good personal relationships not more important than high income
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148
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 6(2)
Table 3
V2 – Need for authority (high)
Code
Loading
FV1
CG1’9
CG6
OT12
FV2
CG9
CG15
OT10
OT1
OT13
FV4
OT2
CG5
0.723
0.710
0.689
0.664
0.660
0.651
0.633
0.633
0.628
0.610
0.599
0.577
0.564
OT18
0.552
OT6
0.520
Table 4
Description
Does not prefer consultative/participative manager
Rules should not be broken
Decisions by individuals are usually of higher quality than group decisions
Serving your country important
Own manager autocratic or paternalistic
Management authority should not be questioned
It is often necessary to bypass hierarchical lines
Making contributions to success of organization not important
Having sufficient time for personal and family life not important
Living in an area desirable to you and family not important
Subordinates frequently afraid to express disagreement with superiors
Having challenging things to do not important
Main reason for having hierarchical structure is that everyone knows who has
authority over whom
Working in a well defined work situation where requirements are clear is
important
Having security of employment important
V3 – Work centrality (high)
Code
Loading
CG8
CG26
CG18
0.818
0.679
0.638
Description
CG20
0.627
OT16
0.620
CG12
0.599
FV7
0.580
OT14
0.525
OT11 0.520 2nd
loading
Table 5
Parents should stimulate their children to be best in class
Having a job you like not more important than having a successful career
The individual who pursues his or her own interest makes the best possible contribution to society as a whole
When people fail it is often their own fault
Working in a prestigious and successful company important
Competition between employees does not do more harm than good
Feel proud working for this organization
Having opportunities for advancement to higher level jobs important
Having opportunities for higher earnings important
V4 – Need for survival (high)
Code
Loading
CG25
FV5
CG1
CG27
CG3
CG7
0.618
0.607
0.557
0.528
0.516
0.509
Description
Even a lousy job is better than no job at all
Intend to continue working for this organization until retirement
Most people can be trusted
One’s job is more important than one’s leisure time
Most organizations would be better off if conflict could be eliminated forever
A good manager should have precise answers to most of the questions that subordinates may raise about their work
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Garibaldi de Hilal: Brazilian Culture and Cultural Agreement 149
The need for security also justifies the fact
that having an element of adventure and
variety in the job is not important, that a
large corporation is a more desirable place to
work than a small company, that having
good fringe benefits and opportunities for
high earnings is important and that compromise is the best way to resolve conflict with
opponents.
However, the items that state that the
employees would continue working even if
they did not need the money, that parents
should be satisfied when children become
independent, that people like work and that
good personal relationships are not more
important than a high income, all typical of
individualistic and capitalistic modern societies, show an apparent contradiction with
the high need for security. In fact those
statements are representative of the traits of
duality and ambiguity usually present in
Latin American societies.
In connection with V2 – need for authority (Table 3) – which clearly relates to power
distance, the following comments are appropriate.
The fact that it is often necessary to
bypass the hierarchical lines fits the famous
‘jeitinho brasileiro’ or ‘gauchada argentina’; that is,
the Latin way of bypassing rules in order to
get things done, typical of relational societies
where excessive formalism is bypassed, in
practice, alleviating pressures and emphasizing the importance of personal relationships.
That is in apparent conflict with the item that
states that rules should not be broken, typical
of hierarchical societies. However, those
statements are representative of the traits of
duality and ambiguity usually present in
Latin American societies.
The item that states that making a real
contribution to the organization’s success is
not important shows a vision of the organization as the ‘street’ in opposition to the
‘home’. According to Da Matta (1997a), we
live in a society where there is a permanent
state of confrontation between the public
world of universal laws and the market and
the private universe of the family, relatives
and friends. Additionally, in connection with
the preferred and perceived type of manager,
which includes the typology of autocratic,
paternalistic, consultative and participative
manager (key element of the classical power
distance dimension) our study indicates a
clear preference for the autocratic and
paternalistic types.
However, careful analysis of the scores of
the 36 units makes us realize that, while those
statements would be mainly valid for the
other Latin American branches (which have
the highest scores and therefore a higher need
for authority), the same does not apply to any
of the Brazilian units, where the scores are
consistently below the midpoint of the scale
(50), indicating that both the preferred and
perceived managers tend to be consultative
or participative. Moreover, it is worth mentioning that sometimes the limited experience
of the respondents can influence their perception of the type of manager they in fact have.
One also has to consider that management
training courses normally glorify consultative
or participative management as being superior
and more modern rather than more autocratic or paternalistic management styles, not
considering the cultural profile of the audience. This could suggest the existence of
consultative or participative rituals, without
necessarily implying the implementation of
managerial models that are actually consultative or participative. From this perspective,
consultative or participative management
styles might be reduced to a ritualistic representation of participation just because they
are perceived as the politically correct discourse by the managerial establishment.
The items that state that decisions by
individuals are usually of higher quality than
group decisions, that management authority
should not be questioned, that subordinates
are frequently afraid to express disagreement
with their superiors and that the main reason
for having a hierarchical structure is that
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150
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 6(2)
Table 6
Value scores and rankings
PC
V1
V2
V3
V4
RV1
RV2
RV3
RV4
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
69
70
75
64
66
61
61
65
61
60
62
60
56
60
61
51
63
66
63
61
41
37
36
31
43
45
15
38
28
32
23
17
32
43
48
36
88
83
91
45
40
38
30
42
39
45
41
39
28
37
37
40
49
36
41
31
72
53
63
45
41
70
57
53
56
58
44
35
49
51
76
58
38
53
45
50
55
52
40
32
43
57
54
45
48
64
60
78
52
53
59
54
67
49
37
44
33
72
70
63
55
51
49
53
52
16
68
–12
33
60
42
47
59
48
55
32
41
40
62
47
43
59
46
47
46
57
36
43
56
53
42
75
106
44
51
48
40
35
45
13
64
74
77
35
3
2
1
7
5
14
12
6
13
18
10
16
19
17
15
20
8
4
9
11
25
27
29
32
24
22
36
26
33
30
34
35
31
23
21
28
2
3
1
17
26
29
35
21
28
19
23
27
36
30
31
25
16
32
22
34
5
13
7
18
24
6
10
12
11
8
20
33
15
14
4
9
31
16
26
22
12
20
30
34
29
10
14
27
25
6
8
1
18
17
9
13
5
24
32
28
33
2
3
7
11
21
23
15
19
35
4
36
34
7
27
19
9
16
12
35
28
29
6
18
24
8
20
17
21
10
31
25
11
13
26
3
1
23
14
15
30
33
22
36
5
4
2
32
Note: R indicates the ranking of the factor.
everyone knows who has authority over
whom are typical of societies with high power
distance, justifying clear authority lines and
traditional hierarchy.
Factor V3 – work centrality – which
clearly relates to masculinity (see items in
Table 4), links the importance given to work-
ing in a prestigious company with icons of
modern capitalistic societies, such as the
value attributed to competitiveness (parents
should stimulate their children to try to be the
best in class, competition between employees
is not harmful, the importance attributed to
one’s career, and the fact that people’s failure
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Garibaldi de Hilal: Brazilian Culture and Cultural Agreement 151
is considered their own fault). This symbiosis
suggests that the desired values of work and
competitiveness are inscribed in the relational
universe, in permanence and tradition, where
the prestige of the organization grants prestige to its members, being the basis of their
identification system.
Factor V4 – need for survival (Table 5) –
which contains other elements of uncertainty
avoidance, shows how in relational and
traditional societies (where employees intend
to continue working for the organization
until retirement and where most people can
be trusted), modern capitalistic values are
encompassed (namely the item that states
that one’s job is more important than one’s
leisure time). Moreover, the fact that even a
lousy job is better than no job at all clearly
indicates the specific difficulties of the labor
market, frequently perceived as permanent.
The scores and rankings of Factors V1 to
V4 are in Table 6. In connection with V1 –
need for security – it should be noted that the
apparent contradiction between the scores of
Asuncion – PC2 – and Ciudad del Este –
PC21 – both Paraguayan cities, could be
explained by the fact that Ciudad del Este is
a small town on the borders of Paraguay,
Brazil and Argentina, with immigrants of
different origins, which give the city a peculiar profile.
Practice Dimensions
Of the 12 independent factors obtained we
decided to keep the following 6 that together
explain 71.25% of the variance:
P1 – Employee oriented versus job oriented
P2 – Results oriented versus process
oriented
P3 – Isolated versus relational
P4 – Egalitarian versus hierarchical
P5 – Parochial versus professional
P6 – Informal versus formal.
Tables 7 to 12 list the variables with loadings
approximately higher than 0.50 or 0.60 that
were considered relevant to explain each
factor. In order to name the six dimensions
we indicated in bold type the four items that
we considered key to define each dimension.
The 24 key items (4×6) were submitted to an
ecological factorial analysis of principal component using varimax rotation and together
explained 82.35% of the accumulated variance of the mean scores between units. The
scores and rankings of the different company
units are shown in Table 13.
Factor P1 – employee oriented v job oriented (Table 7) – shows that the organization
is perceived as interested only in the work of
the employees and not in their well-being
and, that in general, important decisions are
taken by individuals. It also shows the fascination that Brazilian organizations have for
hierarchy and tradition, as indicated by the
items that state that decisions are centralized
at the top and that changes are implemented
by management decree.
In such an environment of individuals,
impersonal rules substitute for relationships.
Thus the fact that the organization does not
have relevant links with the local community
and contributes little to society could be
explained by the historical indifference of the
forms of association that imply solidarity, as
stated by Buarque de Holanda (1995). To
exemplify, in individualistic societies, such as
North American society, the concept of community is founded on the equality and homogeneity of all its members. In Latin America
in contrast, the community is heterogeneous,
hierarchical and complementary. Its basic
unit is not the individual, but relationships
and persons, and groups of friends. Moreover, when employees become embedded in
the relational networks, the perception of
formal hierarchies would decrease, with personal relationships forming the flip-side of
official hierarchies.
Factor P2 – results oriented v process
oriented (Table 8) – shows that the major
emphasis is on following organizational procedures correctly, and that following the
correct procedures is more important than
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152
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 6(2)
Table 7
P1: Employee oriented v job oriented
Code
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Description
PP30
PP49
PP26
PP43
PP48
PP18
PP32
PP23
PP28
CT6
CT3
PP25
PP6
PP42
PP53
0.848
0.841
0.797
0.771
0.725
0.725
0.718
0.697
0.648
0.580
0.565
0.562
0.550
0.526
0.571 2nd
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No special ties with local community
Pragmatic not dogmatic in matters of ethics
Organization contributes little to society
Decisions centralized at top
Changes implemented by management decree
Job competence is what counts regardless of how it was acquired
Managers keep good people for own department
People only told when they have made a mistake
Organization only interested in work people do
Typical member sloppy
Typical member direct
People’s private life is their own business
Important decisions made by individuals
Little attention to physical work environment
Each day is pretty much the same
* Items with negative loadings are reworded negatively.
Table 8
P2: Results oriented v process oriented
Code
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Description
PP1
PP21
PP53
PP3
PP14
PP11
PP45
PP41
PP37
PP6
0.808
0.770
0.690
0.686
0.639
0.635
0.599
0.565
0.516
0.505 2nd
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Major emphasis on correctly following organizational procedures
People identify primarily with own branch or location
Each day is pretty much the same
Uncomfortable in unfamiliar situations – people avoid taking risks
Many people wonder about purpose and importance of their work
Organization and people closed and secretive
Correct procedures are more important than results
Not aware of competition of other organizations
Our branch worst of organization
All important decisions taken by individuals
* Items with negative loadings are reworded negatively.
Table 9
P3: Isolated v relational
Code
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CT2
CT7
CT4
CT1
PP29
CT5
0.854
0.853
0.788
0.746
0.708
0.604
Description
Typical member warm
Typical member relational
Typical member flexible
Typical member initiating
Newcomers are helped to adapt quickly to job and group
Typical member fast
* Items with negative loadings are reworded negatively.
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Garibaldi de Hilal: Brazilian Culture and Cultural Agreement 153
Table 10
P4: Egalitarian v hierarchical
Code
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Description
PP50
PP36
PP47
PP2
PP54
PP20
PP7
0.730
0.717
0.708
0.683
0.649
0.597
0.514 2nd
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Ordinary members never meet their top managers
Meeting times only kept approximately
People from the right background better chance of being hired
Little concern for personal problems of employees
Administrative discontinuity
Top managers resent being contradicted
Subordinates have to work according to detailed instructions from superiors
* Items with negative loadings are reworded negatively.
results. This factor also shows that the organization is perceived as a closed system
as indicated in the items that state that the
organization and its people are closed and
secretive and that they are not aware of competition from other organizations.
Yet, just like in a set of mirrors, the
dimensions present their own opposites as
shown in Factor P3 – isolated v relational
(Table 9) – where the view of the ‘home’, of
the relational axis is clearly represented.
XYZ is an organization that exists in a complex system of social relationships, of links
among its members. In the Brazilian case, in
certain situations the ‘street’ is encompassed
inside the ‘home’, treating the organization
as if it were a large family. The result is a discourse where personal relationships constitute the framework of the whole system. In
the ‘street’, society is encompassed by the
axis of impersonal laws, hiding the domain of
personal relationships. Brazil can be read or
understood from both perspectives, and both
possibilities are institutionalized in the organization.
Consequently, the ethic that applies
depends on how the organization is perceived (as the ‘street’ or as the ‘home’, i.e. isolated or relational), thus implying the concept
of a double-edged ethic. There are interpretation codes and ways of behavior that are
opposite and that are valid only for certain
people, actions and situations.
Factor P4 – egalitarian v hierarchical
(Table 10) – complements factor P1 (employee oriented v job oriented), also showing
the fascination that Brazilian organizations
have for hierarchy and tradition, describing
an organization that could be interpreted
using the code of ‘the street’, the code of laws
and of individualism, as indicated by the
items that state that ordinary members never
meet their top managers, that top managers
resent being contradicted and that subordinates have to work according to detailed
instructions from their superiors.
Factor P5 – parochial v professional
(Table 11) – shows how long-term planning,
rational thinking and the fact that quality
prevails over quantity can be embedded in a
closed system, represented by the item that
states that only very special people fit into the
organization.
Factor P6 – informal v formal (Table 12)
– shows formality in discourse, in dealing
with each other as well as regarding the dress
code. Such formality fits the hierarchically
process-oriented structure, as shown in the
item that states that subordinates have to
work according to detailed instructions from
their superiors.
All in all (Table 13), the analysis of the
value and practice dimensions appears to
denote that the relational universe provides
the appropriate environment that would
‘facilitate’ existence in societies with high
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154
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 6(2)
Table 11
P5: Parochial v professional (closed system)
Code
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PP8
PP46
PP40
PP16
PP34
0.830
0.821
0.704
0.657
0.642
Description
We think three years ahead or more
Our top managers only decide on the basis of facts
We let quality prevail over quantity
Everybody is conscious of costs of time and materials
Only very special people fit into our organization
* Items with negative loadings are reworded negatively.
Table 12
P6: Informal v formal
Code
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PP39
PP10
PP33
PP51
P...
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