Assessment Application Engagement and Assessment of Communities, social science homework help

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Working with entire communities and organizations might seem overwhelming, due to the large number of people involved. Where do you begin? It might be a relief to know that the GIM is just as useful to social workers practicing at the macro level as it is for those practicing at the micro and mezzo levels. In fact, you begin the process in the same way with proper engagement and the appropriate form of assessment before enacting an intervention. Successful engagement and assessment depends on strong interpersonal skills, regardless of the level of intervention. In some respects, skills such as empathy, warmth, genuineness, and general rapport-building are the same for macro work as they are for micro and mezzo work—they just may be applied in a different way. In other respects, this level of intervention depends on additional skills not often identified as social work-related, including negotiating, mediating, assessing, and budgeting. How might you utilize these skills when engaging and assessing communities? A competent and successful social work policy practitioner is able to meld these skills. This is of particular necessity when the goal is social change.

For this Assignment, review this week’s Resources. Refer to the community you selected for this week’s Discussion. Then imagine that you have been assigned to complete a needs assessment and identify potential resources for this community. You elected to interview key informants as one form of assessing this community. Consider who you would contact as a key informant for this community. Finally, think about how you might engage the informant to obtain the community details to complete your needs assessment.

Assignment: (2- to 4-page paper in APA format). Please use all three references

Your paper should include the following:

  • A description of the community you selected
  • A description of the key informants you would contact within that community
  • An explanation of why you would contact the key informants you selected
  • An explanation of the skills you might use to engage these informants to obtain the community details to complete your needs assessment and explain why you chose those skills.

Support your Assignment with specific references to the Resources. Be sure to provide full APA citations for your references.


References

Itzhaky, H., & York, A. S. (2002). Showing results in community organization. Social Work, 47(2), 125-131. Retrieved from the Walden Library databases.


Knee, R. T., & Folsom, J. (2012). Bridging the crevasse between direct practice social work and management by increasing the transferability of core skills. Administration in Social Work, 36(4), 390–408. Retrieved from the Walden Library databases.


Rome, S. H., & Hoechstetter, S. (2010). Social work and civic engagement: The political participation of professional social workers. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare, 37(3), 107–129.
Retrieved from the Walden Library databases.

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Administration in Social Work ISSN: 0364-3107 (Print) 1544-4376 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wasw20 Bridging the Crevasse Between Direct Practice Social Work and Management by Increasing the Transferability of Core Skills Ryan Tolleson Knee & Jeff Folsom To cite this article: Ryan Tolleson Knee & Jeff Folsom (2012) Bridging the Crevasse Between Direct Practice Social Work and Management by Increasing the Transferability of Core Skills, Administration in Social Work, 36:4, 390-408, DOI: 10.1080/03643107.2011.604402 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03643107.2011.604402 Accepted author version posted online: 31 Jan 2012. Published online: 31 Jan 2012. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 3500 View related articles Citing articles: 6 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wasw20 Download by: [Walden University] Date: 01 April 2017, At: 16:49 Administration in Social Work, 36:390–408, 2012 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0364-3107 print/1544-4376 online DOI: 10.1080/03643107.2011.604402 Bridging the Crevasse Between Direct Practice Social Work and Management by Increasing the Transferability of Core Skills RYAN TOLLESON KNEE Department of Social Work, University of Montana – Missoula, Missoula, Montana, USA JEFF FOLSOM AWARE Inc., Helena, Montana, USA The following is a conceptual article that critically examines a longstanding concern in social work administration that involves the promotion of social workers primarily educated for and employed in direct service or clinical positions to entry or middle management levels. A review of the literature identifies four core skills commonly learned in graduate foundational courses and whose applicability could be expanded, making them more relevant to management. The analysis provides specific suggestions to graduate social work programs and human service organizations so social workers in direct practice can better transfer the skills to improve proficiency in the non-technical aspects of human service management. KEYWORDS clinical, core skills, direct practice, generic skills, management, social work, transferability, versatility INTRODUCTION In 1977, Patti and Austin indicated, “In the foreseeable future the vast majority of persons assuming lower and middle-management positions will continue to be drawn from the ranks of direct practice” (p. 267). The authors identified the promotional practice as a troubling trend and predicted that, Address correspondence to Ryan Tolleson Knee, Department of Social Work, University of Montana – Missoula, Jeannette Rankin Hall, Missoula, MT 59812, USA. E-mail: ryan.tolleson knee@umontana.edu 390 Bridging the Crevasse 391 in spite of a growing number of graduate students selecting concentrations in administration, new managers would continue to be ones whose experience and skills were embedded in direct practice. A follow-up study of clinical social workers promoted to management positions confirmed their prediction, and findings further indicated that the managers had difficulty discontinuing their clinical practices and were frequently treating staff members as clients (Patti, Diedreck, Olson, & Crowell, 1979). Years later, Skidmore (1995) and Martin, Pine, and Healy (1999) identified that managerial positions were continuing to be filled by social workers whose primary expertise was in working with troubled clients and whose skills were less effective for the management and supervisory responsibilities required in entry and middle management positions. Patti (2000) then reconfirmed his earlier prediction by indicating that the most common career path continued to be promoting social workers in direct practice to supervisors and eventually to management and administrative positions. Unfortunately, the promotional practice has been exacerbated by the new managers receiving little or no management training and frequently relying on skills that worked well for clients but not for staff or organizations (Mor Barak, Travis, & Bess, 2004; Patti, 2000). Because of difficulties associated with the newly promoted managers and since fewer MSW graduates are selecting the administrative track (Ezell, Chernesky, & Healy, 2004), more organizations have chosen to hire graduates with degrees in public administration (MPA) or business administration (MBA) (Hoefer, 2003). Unfortunately, the decision to hire outside the profession could result in the MSW degree becoming less valued as one suitable for human service management, and the profession could begin to experience an ideological shift as people with a limited understanding of social work’s knowledge, skills, values, and ethics are placed in important decision-making positions (Wuenschel, 2006). “The image of the human service manager as incompetent lingers and competition continues” (Martin et al., 1999, p. 74). REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE One reason so many managers are promoted from direct service is because the vast majority of graduate level social work students choose clinical programs and concentrations. In their study of incoming MSW students, Rubin and Johnson (1984) indicated that 86% of incoming students were obtaining the MSW degree to enter private practice, 82% were planning to be in private practice within five years of graduation, and the majority were not committed to the profession’s focus on helping disadvantaged groups of people. Two years later, a follow-up to the study found that while students were less likely to believe they would enter private practice upon graduation than when they entered the program, respondents still remained most interested in private 392 R. Tolleson Knee and J. Folsom practice (Rubin, Johnson, & DeWeaver, 1986). In a similar study of incoming MSW students, Butler (1990) found that while more were interested in the profession’s mission to help the disadvantaged, the majority (84%), were still seeking a career in direct practice. Butler’s findings are consistent with others who found students shared a dual interest in direct practice and the profession’s traditional focus on disadvantaged populations (Bogo, Michalski, Raphael, & Roberts, 1995; Limb & Organista, 2006). Although the data on student interest in direct social work appears to be less than what Rubin and Johnson (1984) originally reported, the current literature indicates that approximately 80% of MSW students’ primary interests are in direct practice (Austin & Ezell, 2004). Strong interest in direct practice and working directly with clients is exacerbated by a declining student interest in administration (Ezell et al., 2004). Approximately 10% of MSW students choose the macro concentration (Patti 2003, Raymond, Teare, & Atherton, 1996; Swartz & Dattalo, 1990) and a modest 3%, or approximately 1,000 students, select the administrative concentration (Ezell et al., 2004). One of many possible explanations for the decreased interest is that students in administrative tracks experience anti-management comments, perceive anti-management attitudes, and hear statements that “administration is not real social work” (Ezell et al., 2004, p. 63). Students also feel pressured to become licensed and realign their initial interest in management to direct practice upon learning that more employment options are likely to be available following graduation (Pine & Healy, 1994). Other possible explanations are potentially rooted in the graduate programs themselves. In a survey of social work deans, Neugeboren (1986) found that 63% believed that direct practice was a prerequisite to becoming a manager. Foundation practice courses have also been narrowly focused on teaching skills specific to direct practice and working with individuals and families rather than small groups or teams (Ezell et al., 2004; Martin et al., 1999). Many students, especially those in direct practice (approximately 80%) who are less likely to complete an administrative course, have few opportunities to learn basic management skills or how to better apply the generic people skills frequently learned in direct practice courses (e.g., communication, interpersonal skills) to management settings and situations. The combination of the anti-management sentiments and the focus on individuals and families in foundation practice courses has the potential to keep direct practice students minimally informed about the role of management and to foster a bias against those in management positions (Patti, 2003). Furthermore, “the negative climates experienced in professional education of both management and non-management students may exacerbate the gulf between managers and clinicians as MSW graduates move into agencies, further increasing the strain between the competing domains within organizations” (Ezell et al., 2004, p. 74). Bridging the Crevasse 393 If students take the anti-management sentiments from the classroom to the workplace following graduation, the profession is likely to undermine many of its own aspirations and ethical principles, shooting itself in the foot as it limps forward. For example, many organizations employing clinical social workers are required by state regulatory and accrediting agencies to hire supervisors who are licensed and have direct practice experience. Teaching management skills to former direct practice social workers is difficult enough, and negative attitudes about management can make the process of transferring the new skills or positively socializing them into management roles even more challenging (Austin, Weisner, Schrandt, Glezos-Bell, & Murtaza, 2006). Social workers in direct practice who have proven their value to the organization and whose credentials help the organization to meet licensing and regulatory structures are often the ones first considered for management positions. Patti (2009) conservatively estimates that there are 360,000 management-related jobs in the private and public sectors (p.7), 25% of NASW members are in management-related positions (p. 8), and 27% of LCSW’s spend 20 hours or more each week completing managerial tasks (p. 8). Unfortunately, between 25% and 50% of MSW practitioners are completing management-related tasks with little or no training (Patti, 2009). In a survey of managers who belong to the National Network of Social Work Managers, Mor Barak et al. (2004) found that 80% of the respondents attended a clinical or combined clinical/generalist program and that one-third were enrolled in a clinical program (p. 29). The study further indicated that the majority of managers felt unprepared for their managerial responsibilities. Higher Education and Organizational Leadership Graduate schools of social work and public and private nonprofit leadership both share a responsibility to prepare clinical social workers for management and leadership positions. For schools of social work, the problem is magnified by students’ negative attitudes toward macro and administrative courses and increased pressure to provide micro content courses directed toward students’ more immediate educational and employment interests. Furthermore, the vast majority of MSW students are women and most administrators are men (Patti, 2003), thereby limiting the number of administrative role models for female students Scholars in the field of career development also indicate that women must still balance career aspirations with what they perceive as possible (Farmer, 1997). Super (1990) suggests that self-concept is a strong determinant in career selection and that, with more professional experience, the self-concept expands and creates new opportunities for career choices. Super’s explanation is consistent with Bandura’s (1977) contributions to social learning theory whereby through contextualized observations 394 R. Tolleson Knee and J. Folsom of others new behaviors can be assimilated and reproduced in the future. Since most social work students are women and administrators are men, and most are launching their first career, few have had opportunities to have the behaviors of leadership modeled for them by same sex mentors, thereby limiting career choice. Moreover, many students enter the social work profession to help people overcome personal problems and have a limited ability to envision a professional role beyond helping clients in a way similar to how they were helped (Sheafor, Horejsi, & Horejsi, 2000). In spite of students’ immediate desires to obtain training and a career in direct practice, nearly half will be promoted to management positions (Patti, 2009). As a result, well-developed management training programs and continuing education are critically important (Thompson, Menefee, & Marley 1999). Management training, however, can be expensive and time consuming, and administrative leaders must consider them in light of shrinking budgets and potentially limited positive impacts. Professional development and staff training in the private and public sectors is estimated at an annual cost of $100 billion and consumes 15 billion work hours of time each year. Unfortunately, the current return on the organization’s investment in the transfer of skills, knowledge, and attitudes from the classroom to current job performance is estimated at between 10%–15% one year later (Austin et al., 2006; Holton & Baldwin, 2003; Yamnill, & McLean, 2001). The literature clearly indicates that many managers who were previously in direct service positions frequently suffer from a case of “tunnel vision” that limits their capacity to effectively manage employees (Patti & Austin, 1977). As Patti (2003) states, “poorly socialized and inadequately informed graduates send an unfortunate message to the field” (p. 7). And, by applying direct practice skills to managerial problems, the staff and organizations they manage could be adversely affected. ANALYSIS-DIRECT PRACTICE AND MANAGEMENT SKILLS Many of the fundamental skills being taught in the foundation year are the ones most needed to effectively provide direct services to clients and to effectively manage people. The generalist focus of the foundation year has required that students acquire skills generic in nature and applicable to multiple settings and situations, including management. In their respective studies, Menefee and Thompson (1994), Martin et al. (1999), and Hoefer (2003) reached similar conclusions by identifying the skills that managers of human service organizations most frequently used were non-technical and include: communication, supervision, facilitation, teaming, and interpersonal skills. While technical skills were important, the authors also identified that they were less often employed when managing human service organizations. The only exception was Martin et al.’s (1999) study of students graduating Bridging the Crevasse 395 with an administration concentration, who indicated that communication and budgeting were the most important skills followed by leadership, team building, and problem solving (p. 85). The literature indicates that the fields of direct practice social work and human service and business management share a set of common core skills. Borrowing from each practice area, the following section identifies four generic skills frequently cited as requirements to effectively provide direct practice social work and to manage in mid-level administrative positions of human service organizations that employ clinical social workers. Each skill is defined with attention given to its significance and applicability in direct practice and management, identifying the similarities and differences of each skill, and how the different contexts have honed a specialized subset of practice behaviors making it potentially difficult to transfer the skills from a clinical to a managerial role. Communication Superb communication skills are a prerequisite to developing effective therapeutic relationships with clients, facilitating group and family meetings, conducting interviews, negotiating and mediating conflicts, and working effectively with other professionals (e.g., judges, physicians) (Hepworth, Rooney, Dewberry Rooney, Strom-Gottfried, & Larsen, 2010; Sheafor et al., 2000; Shulman, 1992; Trevithick, 2000). In fact, “verbal communication is at the heart of social work practice” (Sheafor et al., 2000, p. 136), and if social workers do not have the ability to communicate extremely well, their effectiveness is limited (Trevthick, 2000). Social workers in direct practice must possess sound verbal and non-verbal forms of expressing ideas, thoughts, and meaning through skilled questioning, paraphrasing, voice tone, facial gestures, eye contact and “tuned in” body movements to effectively establish rapport and convey a sense of genuineness, trust, empathy, and unconditional positive regard (Boyle, Hull, Mather, Smith, & Farley, 2006; Hepworth et al., 2010; Shulman, 1992). Similarly, social workers in direct practice must have the ability to accurately interpret verbal and non-verbal forms of communication and the capacity to actually experience the client’s emotional state in an accepting and non-judgmental manner (Hepworth et al., 2010; Shulman, 1992). In studies measuring what managers do, communication has been consistently identified as one of the most important skills for managers to possess (Hoefer, 2003; Martin et al., 1999; Menefee & Thompson, 1994; Whetten & Cameron, 2011) since “80% of a manager’s time is spent in verbal communication” (Whetten & Cameron, 2011, p. 239). Managers should be able to: understand multiple forms and styles of communication; accurately interpret what is being communicated verbally and non-verbally; and respond to cues appropriately. Managers who communicate effectively must 396 R. Tolleson Knee and J. Folsom also be articulate and succinct; keep staff accurately informed (Menefee & Thompson, 1994); minimize ambiguity when articulating goals and objectives (Whetten & Cameron, 2011); make presentations (Whetten & Cameron, 2011); respond empathically (Goleman, 1994); effectively converse with a diverse constituency (Whetten & Cameron, 2011); and exchange information internally and externally (Menefee & Thompson, 1994). Similar to social workers in direct practice, effective managers should understand that people perceive and interpret situations in a variety of ways and that the differences can frequently lead to miscommunication. Both roles require an ability to understand the emotional implications of difficult conversations and the capacity to monitor and manage one’s emotional state to minimize defensive reactions (Sheafor et al., 2000; Whetten & Cameron, 2011). In both positions, the listener must work to understand what is being communicated, determine how to best present complicated information, and monitor the affective and cognitive states of both the speaker and receiver to accurately judge the person’s understanding of what was communicated. Moreover, both roles require an ability to competently and quickly establish rapport; mediate and negotiate conflicts (Whetten & Cameron, 2011); provide sound supervision (Menefee & Thompson, 1994); establish positive working relationships (Goleman, 1994); convey a sense of competence and confidence; accurately interpret and respond to the emotions of others (Goleman, 1994); and convey an interest in the personal and professional development of supervisees (Austin et al., 2006) While both professional roles require exceptional communication skills, social workers in direct practice must fine tune a subset of communication skills that incorporate careful attention to the nuanced verbal and nonverbal forms of communicating emotions and how thinking processes, mood regulation, and behavior impact personal functioning. This subset of communication skills is particularly effective for gathering clinical information and assessing a client’s emotional state. The subset of skills, however, is rarely, if ever, needed in management. Similarly, managers’ communication skills are situationally fine tuned and perfected through the process of developing professional organizational relationships with clients, staff, and board members, and community relationships with legislators, community leaders, and donors. This subset of skills requires an ability to communicate with a more diverse group of people, within a wider range of contexts, and on a less intimate basis. In their study of managers who were previously employed as clinical social workers, Patti, Diedrick, Olson, and Crowell (1979) found that the respondents had “difficulty in changing from an individual to systems perspective, a hesitancy to disengage from clinical practice, and a tendency to treat subordinates as clients” (p.149). If a newly promoted manager is unable to distance himself from a previous clinical role and continues to rely on a subset of specialized communication skills that are Bridging the Crevasse 397 therapeutic, employees could become confused and professional boundaries blurred. To illustrate the point further, consider two common situations where new managers might use therapeutic communication skills and easily revert back to their former roles. The first example involves communication skills commonly used when facilitating group meetings. Middle managers are frequently required to facilitate meetings, small group discussions, and team brainstorming sessions. Clinical social workers are typically skilled group facilitators and trained to attend to interactional processes, the group’s capacity to actively explore emotional concerns, and generating positive feelings. While the group facilitation and corresponding communication skills are an asset for a new manager, if the focus is on group members’ cognition, affect, or behavior, the manager will likely fail to disseminate information, instructions, and guidelines that will assist the group members in completing their work. A similar example involves conflict resolution. If new managers use therapeutic communication skills to resolve conflict, the focus is likely to be on expressing feelings, which could further entrench each party’s respective position as being ‘right’ and subsequently jeopardize the possibility of reaching a solution (Northam, 2009). Direct practice social workers have refined the skill of communication within a specific context and precise role, perfecting a subset of skills well suited to clinical practice, but not to management. Unfortunately, therapeutic communication skills often become domain dependent, are more applicable to a client’s personal needs rather than an organization’s goals, and are difficult to cognitively reorganize to be made more useful for management (Billing, 2007). Problem Solving Clinical social workers would not be employed if clients could independently solve their personal problems. The personal problems social workers in direct practice typically address are complex, multi-dimensional, ambiguous, and require an ability to employ a wide array of complementary cognitive and interpersonal skills to effectively resolve them (Hepworth et al., 2010). Prior to engaging clients in a problem-solving process, social workers in direct practice must comprehensively assess how thought processes, coping strategies, emotional stability, family relationships, and environmental and political forces impact presenting problems. Social workers typically implement a framework to divide the problem-solving process into sequential and manageable steps to ensure that specific actions are implemented. Commonly used frameworks involve engaging clients in multiple phases and include: 1) exploring and assessing presenting problems; 2) implementing a plan of action and mutually establishing a set of goals; 3) evaluating and monitoring progress toward goal attainment; and 4) terminating the helping 398 R. Tolleson Knee and J. Folsom relationship (Hepworth et al., 2010; Shulman, 1992). A theoretical orientation and specific therapeutic tools then guide the intervention in an attempt to increase the likelihood that positive change will occur. To successfully engage clients in the problem-solving process, the social worker must have sound interpersonal skills and the capacity to reason abstractly and think critically to accurately analyze complex information provided by multiple sources (Sheafor et al., 2000). Finally, social workers in direct practice must know the clients’ strengths and resources and be able to engage both in the problem-solving process. A primary responsibility of middle managers is to address problems that staff members are unable to solve independently. The problems managers confront are frequently complex, ambiguous, multi-faceted, and cumulative, and originate from both within and outside of the organization (Brody, 2005; Whetten & Cameron, 2011). To successfully solve the internal and external problems that organizations typically face, managers frequently employ a problem-solving framework and trace the origin of the presenting problem by gathering information to provide a comprehensive understanding of what led to its development. A commonly used framework involves: 1) defining the problem, 2) generating alternative solutions, 3) evaluating and selecting an alternative, and 4) implementing and following up on the solution (Whetten & Cameron, 2011, p. 175). The process of defining the problem involves conducting an assessment and collecting factual information from relevant sources. The information is analyzed and relevant parties are usually involved to select and implement a potential solution. Finally, managers must evaluate how the imposed solution is impacting the problem and make modifications as needed to increase the likelihood that the problem is solved. Middle managers involved in organizational change employ a similar process and framework that involves: 1) establishing a climate of positivity, 2) creating readiness for change, 3) articulating a vision of abundance, 4) generating commitment to the vision, and 5) institutionalizing the positive change (Whetten & Cameron, 2011, p. 543). The framework encourages the active participation of employees impacted by the problems experienced in the workplace in an empowering process to increase the likelihood that the problems are resolved by the people most affected by them. To successfully solve the internal and external problems, managers must be skilled at analyzing problems and creatively solving them. Problem solving is a skill that social workers in direct practice and managers share. In both roles, a similar framework is used to define the problem, assess its origin and contributing factors, and implement a strategy and system to evaluate its success. Both positions also require an ability to analyze complex information, use sound reasoning and judgment skills, and to collaboratively engage the people most impacted by it. Although problem solving is a shared skill, the subset of practice behaviors are contextually developed and subsequently best suited for their respective practice Bridging the Crevasse 399 settings. For example, social workers in direct practice must hone a subset of problem-solving skills tailored to the personal needs of individual clients. The method commonly used by clinical social workers to solve or decrease the impact of the problem involves implementing a specific therapeutic technique (e.g., cognitive behavioral therapy) to extinguish the problematic behavior, alter thought processes, or improve emotions. The focus of the problem-solving effort is specific to the client or client system presenting the problem, and the solution is largely dependent on the specific needs of the client. The focus on an individual’s needs and presenting problem is unique to a clinical perspective and critical to ensure that the client’s presenting problem is effectively resolved. Managers engage in a similar assessment and problem-solving process, but the focus of the solution is on a larger system, and the organization’s mission and purpose will determine how the problem is perceived and subsequently solved. To help solve a client’s personal problems, social workers in direct practice must attend to how thoughts, mood, and behavior impact personal well-being. Managers, on the other hand, must attend to the organization’s mission and goals and be sure that problem solving consistently support both. Managers attempting to solve a problem associated with work productivity, for example, might contend with how negative thinking or unproductive behavior affects a teams’ ability to complete an assignment, but the employees’ thoughts and behaviors are secondary to finishing the project to meet the organization’s goals. If mid-level managers revert to their former roles and become preoccupied with the employees’ cognition or behavior, the organization’s goals could be compromised. Problem solving is an important skill for direct practice social workers and managers to possess. When attempting to solve problems in either position, a framework is needed that includes careful assessment, an understanding of available resources and strengths, and an evaluation of the solution being employed. Both positions share a common goal: solving a specific problem. However, the contrasting perspectives of the two positions complicate how the problem is initially framed and subsequently solved. To successfully problem solve, new managers must understand that the organization’s goals take precedence over individual needs. Empowering Others The process of “helping people, both individually and collectively, to gain power over their lives has been a part of social work’s philosophy since its founding” (Sheafor et al., 2000, p. 77). Clients seeking help from social workers in direct practice are often challenged by fears, negative self-concepts, and low levels of motivation that undermine their capacity to recognize personal strengths, solve personal problems, or to learn more positive behaviors and skills. To successfully empower clients, social workers in direct practice 400 R. Tolleson Knee and J. Folsom must create opportunities that build on individual and collective strengths (i.e., team, group, family) and instill a sense of confidence to limit selfdefeating thought processes or behaviors. Social workers must also counsel and teach through guided discussions and role plays that emphasize the knowledge, skills, wisdom, and experience clients possess, and build on strengths, instill confidence, recognize clients’ sources of power, and teach them how to employ personal assets in an effort to lead healthier lives (Gutierrez, Parsons, & Cox, 1998) Managers empower employees to help encourage productive and professional behaviors and to overcome apathy and discouragement that might limit their ability to reach organizational goals. It is critical for managers through their words and actions to support employees by recognizing their strengths and creating opportunities that energize productive behaviors and instill an intrinsic desire to complete work-related tasks (Austin et al., 2006; Whetten & Cameron, 2011). Through supportive teaching and coaching techniques, managers can create opportunities for employees to gain selfconfidence and initiative in a way that capitalizes on personal talents and creativity. While it is critical for managers to help create an empowering environment, they must also be strategic about how and when to use power to convey to employees that they are competent, able to make choices, that their actions have an impact and are meaningful, and that they can trust those in power (Whetten & Cameron, 2011, p. 447). Unfortunately, some managers might view empowering others as a threat to their own power and a recipe for anarchy, subsequently becoming less empowering, more top down, and autocratic when organizations are unstable (Whetten & Cameron, 2011), which can be commonplace in human services. Empowerment is a skill shared by clinical social workers and managers to help clients and employees better understand and capitalize on their talents and to reach their fullest potential. Both must create an environment that conveys a sense of trust and recognizes the strengths, competencies, and choice-making opportunities available. The subtle contextual differences that exist between the positions are largely based on well-established perspectives. Direct practice social workers should consistently support and encourage thinking processes and behaviors that further clients’ personal growth and capacity to overcome obstacles that have previously limited them. Managers must also foster a supportive environment that encourages personal and professional development as long as it supports the organization’s mission and goals. If new managers revert to their previous role and corresponding perspective by primarily focusing on individual needs rather than organizational goals, the agency’s mission could be compromised and the nature of the professional relationship blurred. To illustrate further, consider when staff members request a 10-hour a day, four-day workweek. If new managers respond to the employees’ personal needs Bridging the Crevasse 401 by immediately saying ‘yes’ or encouraging them to collectively advocate executive management for a policy change, the manager’s actions has the potential to: negatively impact the work of senior management; violate regulatory requirements established by licensing and accreditation agencies; negatively affect the workload and morale of staff who remain on a fiveday schedule; and decrease the availability of services for clients who can only meet on the days staff are now absent. Unfortunately, in this situation, the manager’s immediate approval or efforts to empower employees by encouraging them to advocate for their personal needs could have a backlash and very well disempower the organization and the clients it serves. It is important for new managers to carefully discern how and when to empower staff members, bearing in mind that the skill of empowering employees requires a systems perspective and recognizing that the personal needs of supervisees are secondary to organizational goals. By reverting back to a clinical role and corresponding individual perspective by empowering staff the same way clients were empowered, managers could jeopardize the organization’s mission and professional relationships. Self-Awareness Self-awareness is a critical skill that social workers in direct practice should possess and continually hone to understand how personal biases, emotional triggers, assumptions, and values will either aid or hinder their capacity to work effectively with clients. The ability to internally monitor personal thoughts and emotions can increase one’s capacity to understand how a client’s thoughts and emotions could impact their behaviors and personal lives. Being continually self-reflexive and knowing what aspects of self can be utilized is also identified as crucial to the therapeutic relationship (Cooper & Granucci Lesser, 2002). The 2008 Educational Planning and Assessment System (EPAS) also reinforces the importance of self-awareness and encourages a curriculum whereby social workers “gain sufficient selfawareness to eliminate the influence of personal biases and values in working with diverse groups” (CSWE, 2008, EP 2.1.4). Social workers in direct practice should understand what personal traits limit and benefit the therapeutic relationship and under what conditions one is most and least able to demonstrate empathy, flexibility, hopefulness, compassion, and self-determination (Sheafor et al., 2000). High levels of self-awareness guide how the use of self, self-disclosure, and counter transference might help or hinder the therapeutic relationship. By understanding personal feelings that result from hearing a client’s life story or through the client’s immediate behaviors, better diagnoses and corresponding treatment can occur (Cooper & Granucci Lesser, 2002). If a social worker in direct practice cannot introspect or actively self-examine the impact of 402 R. Tolleson Knee and J. Folsom personal cognition, emotions, and behavior, the therapeutic relationship can be negatively affected (Sheafor et al., 2000; Shulman, 1992). Whetten and Cameron (2011) identify self-awareness as one of the most important skills to develop since it impacts so many managerial responsibilities. The authors contend that in order for managers to understand and lead others, they must first be able to self-manage and understand how personal thoughts, feelings, behaviors, values, assumptions, and expectations, to name a few, impact their lives and how each might affect the lives of others. The Center for Creative Leadership reinforces the importance of selfawareness and identifies it as a critical skill and one that helps to: put people at ease; strike a healthy balance between personal lives and work; build and maintain relationships; and confront problem employees and manage organizational change (Leslie, 2003). In the book Emotional Intelligence, Goleman (1994) also identifies self awareness as crucial to: 1) understanding how personal thoughts, feelings, and reactions might impact decision making; 2) identifying strengths and weaknesses; 3) maintaining a positive outlook; 4) self-regulation; and 5) successfully building and maintaining relationships. Becoming more self-aware and understanding personal strengths has also become a national phenomenon as such best-selling books as Strengths Finder 2.0 and Strength-based Leadership has helped business and nonprofit managers and leaders to increase self-awareness and to identify and better understand the value of personal strengths, determine how to build on assets, and develop the capacity to identify and build on the strengths of others (Rath, 2007). Managers who possess strong self-awareness skills and are willing to continually improve them have the necessary foundation to successfully acquire other important management-related skills (Whetten & Cameron, 2011). Clinical social workers and managers must understand how personal characteristics affect their ability to accurately understand and respond to others. Self-awareness and the ongoing disciplined practice of reflecting on how personality traits impact professional relationships are critical to both positions. The skill, however, has subtle differences if developed as a direct practice social worker or as a manager. For example, the nature of the therapeutic relationship and the clinical social workers’ focus on personal problems experienced by individual clients shapes self-awareness skills that are more therapeutically confined and center on intra- and interpersonal processes and how each might impact emotional stability and the capacity to remain objective when analyzing the cognitions and emotions of clients. Since direct practice social workers perform few managerial tasks, self-awareness is likely to be less developed in such areas as: developing and maintaining professional relationships with community leaders and power groups; managing the politics that impact the organization’s goals; addressing organizational conflict; confronting or disciplining staff; and conducting performance evaluations. Bridging the Crevasse 403 The self-reflexive skills developed as a direct practice social worker are an asset and can be similarly applied as a manager. The process of introspection, however, should shift from how personal values, beliefs, and former experiences impact the therapeutic relationship, emotional health, and capacity for professional objectivity to how these and related items are likely to affect the ability to build and maintain professional relationships within and outside the organization and impact one’s capacity to create the conditions that help to promote the organization’s success. Summary Communication, problem solving, empowering others, and self-awareness are skills that social workers in direct practice and middle managers must possess to effectively execute their responsibilities. While each skill is required in both positions, transferring the skills into management is difficult if each was initially learned as a micro practice skill and subsequently perfected within the context of addressing personal problems experienced by individuals, couples, and families. Furthermore, the 2008 EPAS encourages schools of social work to create explicit curriculums that “respond to contexts that shape practice” to ensure that: . . . social workers are informed, resourceful, and proactive in responding to evolving organizational, community, and societal contexts at all levels of practice. Social workers recognize the context of practice is dynamic, and use knowledge and skill to respond proactively.” (EP2.1.9) In order for social workers to become more contextually competent and able to transfer their skills from direct practice to management, schools of social work and human service organizations will need to make specific changes. What follows is a set of recommendations to help both improve with that transition. RECOMMENDATIONS The first recommendation is a reiteration of what was proposed by Martin et al. (1999) and involves modifying the way foundational direct practice courses are taught. To help more social workers successfully transition from direct practice to management and to maximize the versatility of foundational core skills it is important for faculty to clearly identify how the skills apply to management. If such skills as communication, problem solving, empowering others, and self-awareness are purposefully confined within the parameters of direct practice, students will have a limited ability to implement them in other professional contexts (Billing, 2007). By providing 404 R. Tolleson Knee and J. Folsom clear examples, case studies, experiential activities, or reflective exercises the instructor can demonstrate how, for example, active listening can apply to a client being counseled and also pertain to an employee who is complaining about unfair workloads or vacation time. The instructor, however, should understand the versatility of active listening and its application in multiple settings rather than its sole application to individuals, couples, or families. By creating multiple contexts and opportunities for students to apply the skill, then its transferability will increase from one setting to another (Billing, 2007). The responsibility to improve the versatility of core skills should not rest solely with faculty teaching the foundational practice courses. Most professors, especially ones new to academia, strive to match their course objectives, learning competencies, and content to the program’s mission and guiding philosophy. When programs choose to be micro- or macro-focused, it automatically establishes precedence for its course content. Clinical programs might offer concentrations in macro practice or administration, but the literature suggests that foundational course content is more focused on individuals and families (Ezell, 2004; Martin et al., 1999). Rather than widening the chasm between the two areas of practice, deans and directors should help to ensure that the foundation year is truly generalist and that the program philosophy and academic climate reflects a commitment to finding common ground between direct practice and management rather than reinforcing a division between the two. Most schools of social work provide opportunities for professional development to clinical social workers, supervisors, and managers as their careers evolve and career-related responsibilities and interests evolve. Many schools have also partnered with human service organizations to develop management training programs specifically designed to address the specialized needs of the organization and the clients it serves. Private businesses and public nonprofits have also developed internal professional leadership programs. One that is outside of the social work profession but could serve as an effective model for organizations seeking to develop internal programs in partnership with a local university has been developed within the Baylor Health Care System in Dallas, Texas. As one of the largest health care employers in the nation with 4,000 affiliated physicians, Baylor developed a three-tier leadership program to help clinically trained physicians further develop their management and leadership skills. The three levels include: 1) A one-day course early in physicians’ entry into leadership roles (e.g., team/committee members), so they understand that direct clinical responsibilities are one facet of their job and another important role is to manage and lead teams of health care providers to ensure that the patient’s multiple health care needs are met. Bridging the Crevasse 405 2) Physicians who are interested in management and demonstrate strong leadership potential can be nominated and then apply to Baylor’s Physician Leadership Development Program, which consists of six instructional classroom days over a period of two years. Participants selected for the program attend a course developed by Southern Methodist University’s (SMU) Cox School of Business in collaboration with Baylor. Following each class session, a member of Baylor’s executive leadership team discusses how the system currently addresses such issues as financials or effective communication skills. Between course meeting times, senior physician leaders host a dinner for the program participants who read a case study that raises managerial concerns that physicians might be less skilled to address (e.g., conflict, miscommunication, and creative problem solving). The group discusses the management concerns raised in each case and considers how others might manage the situation. The group’s composition changes each meeting time to maximize learning opportunities among colleagues with senior managers functioning as mentors. 3) Each year one physician who applies for additional management training is provided a scholarship to attend SMU’s MBA program. Baylor’s leadership program was developed in response to physicians’ requests to have senior physicians who are trained in management to function in the hospital’s administrative positions. Similar to human service agencies, the program limited the possible negative impact of clinically trained practitioners assuming management responsibilities with no training and little idea of what they’re getting themselves into. Level one of the program also encourages physicians to expand the parameters of their perceived clinical responsibilities immediately by assuming an important leadership role and by understanding that their responsibilities are to their patients, the organization, and the teams that provide care. Level two responds to physicians’ intellectual curiosity and the hospital’s desire to build internal leadership by developing a partnership with a local university and by utilizing its internal expertise and administrative resources. The six-day program and interspersed roundtable discussions recognize the relevance of physicians’ technical skills and purposefully integrates skill development processes in such lesser developed areas as communication, mediation, and conflict resolution (Paul Convery, MD, MMM, senior vice-president and chief medical officer, Baylor Health Care System, personal interview, December 29, 2010). Human service organizations agencies might benefit from developing university partnerships and internal management training programs to help foster professional development, promote leadership skills, and retain talented clinical social workers by transitioning them into management positions. 406 R. Tolleson Knee and J. Folsom CONCLUSION The well-established trend of students choosing direct practice in graduate school and as an initial career, followed by opportunities to be promoted to management, is likely to continue. To help offset the negative impacts experienced by human service organizations who promote them, schools of social work should play a leadership role by finding ways to increase the versatility and transferability of core social work skills and by assisting human service organizations to educate and train better managers. 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The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare Volume 37 Issue 3 September Article 7 2010 Social Work and Civic Engagement: The Political Participation of Professional Social Workers Rome Susan Hoechstetter Alliance for Justice Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, and the Social Work Commons Recommended Citation Rome and Hoechstetter, Susan (2010) "Social Work and Civic Engagement: The Political Participation of Professional Social Workers," The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare: Vol. 37: Iss. 3, Article 7. Available at: http://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw/vol37/iss3/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Social Work at ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact maira.bundza@wmich.edu. Social Work and Civic Engagement: The Political Participation of Professional Social Workers SUNNY HARRIS ROME George Mason University Department of Social Work SUSAN HOECHSTETTER Alliance for Justice This article examines the involvement of practicing social workers in one type of civic engagement: the use of political processes to promote the public good. Based on a survey of 1,274 randomly selected members of NASW, this is the largest study to date examining the involvement of social workers in political action and policy advocacy. Findings suggest that approximately half of social workers demonstrate high levels of participation in the policy process. The authorsanalyze the frequency with which respondents engage in specific political and policy-relatedactivities, and compare these results to those of other studies. They also examine respondents'attitudes toward political participationand share recommendations for increasingthis aspect of civic engagement within the profession. Key words: Policy, advocacy, civic engagement Despite its great promise, the new millennium has witnessed the continued erosion of benefits and services for populations at risk (Parrott, Cox, Tristi, & Rice, 2008). In addition we face war and alienation abroad, an economic crisis and new hazards for immigrants at home, and profound threats to our civil liberties. In the face of these challenges, scholars and Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare, September 2010, Volume XXXVII, Number 3 107 108 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare activists have decried America's low levels of civic engagement. Distrust of government runs high, with turnout at the polls hovering around 45% for non-Presidential federal elections (Day & Holder, 2004) and topping off at 60-64% in Presidential races (Holder, 2006). The 9/11 tragedy boosted trust in government temporarily (Putnam, 2002), but the gains were short-lived. Even at their height, positive attitudes failed to generate concomitant changes in behavior. The tide may be turning, however. The Presidential elections of 2004 and 2008 generated larger voter turnouts than at any time in the previous forty years (Wolf, 2008), with voters in 2008 representing unprecedented racial and ethnic diversity (Lopez & Taylor, 2008). As social workers who value social justice and human rights, we have an ethical responsibility to participate in civic life by advocating for compassionate leaders and constructive social policies. This obligation appears explicitly in the NASW Code of Ethics: Social workers should engage in social and political action that seeks to ensure that all people have equal access to the resources, employment, services, and opportunities they require to meet their basic human needs and to develop fully. Social workers should be aware of the impact of the political arena on practice and should advocate for changes in policy and legislation to improve social conditions in order to meet basic human needs and promote social justice. (1999, Sec. 6.04) The Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards of the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE, 2008) and the International Federation of Social Workers' mission statement (IFSW, 2005) similarly testify to the importance of political action. This emphasis is a natural outgrowth of social work's long history of involvement in championing important social causes. Commitment to social and political action has taken many forms within the social work community. Some choose public service. There are currently ten social workers who are members of the U.S. Congress and sixty-eight who hold statewide office (NASW, 2008). Social workers also serve as staff in national, Social Work and Civic Engagement 109 state, and local legislative offices. Others work as advocates or lobbyists. Meanwhile, policy practice has gained some currency in social work education with faculty teaching courses, requiring assignments, and providing practicum experiences in political and policy settings (Anderson & Harris, 2005; Hoefer, 1999; Sundet & Kelly, 2002; Wolk, Pray, Weismiller & Dempsey, 1996). Review of the Literature Most research examining the political participation of social workers has sought to identify whether or not social workers are politically active, what characteristics distinguish those who are highly active from those who are not, and how social workers express their political involvement. Several studies have concluded that social workers, as a group, are more politically active than the general population (Parker & Sherraden, 1991; Ritter, 2007; Wolk, 1981). A number have categorized respondents into those who are inactive, active, and highly active. Replicating an earlier study by Wolk (1981), Ezell (1993) found that the proportion of politically active social workers had increased by nearly 20% over the course of a decade, from 66% to 85.7%. In a more recent study using a different measurement scale, Ritter (2007) found only 46% of her national sample of social workers to be active or very active in political affairs. The relationship between various demographic characteristics and level of political participation has been examined in a number of studies. Those found to be more active include African Americans (Ezell, 1993; Reeser & Epstein, 1990; Wolk, 1981), NASW members (Ezell, 1993; Hamilton & Fauri, 2001), macro practitioners (Ezell, 1993; Reeser & Epstein, 1990; Wolk, 1981), those with higher levels of education (Ezell, 1993; Parker & Sherraden, 1991; Wolk, 1981), those who are older (Wolk, 1981), those with higher salaries (Wolk, 1981), those who own their own homes (Parker & Sherraden, 1991), and those with more years of professional experience (Ezell, 1993). Finally, researchers have attempted to identify the specific activities in which social workers are most likely to engage. Because different researchers have employed different subjects, scales, definitions, and time frames, readers should 110 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare exercise caution in comparing results across studies. Instead, the findings are useful in painting a picture of what seem to be common trends. Studies that have asked about "voting" (Hamilton & Fauri, 2001; Parker & Sherraden, 1991; Ritter, 2007) found it to be the single most common activity, even compared to other forms of electoral participation. "Contacting legislators" and "belonging to organizations that take a stand on political issues" were also among the most common (Ezell, 1993; Hamilton & Fauri, 2001; Ritter, 2007; Wolk, 1981). At the other end of the scale were "campaigning" and "testifying," which consistently ranked last (Ezell, 1993; Hamilton & Fauri, 2001; Parker & Sherraden, 1991; Ritter, 2007; Wolk, 1981). Despite its importance, there remains little scholarly literature on the topic of civic engagement among social work professionals. Increasing our understanding of whether, how, and why social workers use political processes to promote the public good is critical to identifying strategies for increasing social work's influence in important policy debates affecting vulnerable client groups. The descriptive study presented in this article adds to the growing body of literature on this topic in several ways. First, it is one of the few to use a national sample. Most have relied upon subgroups of social workers: members of a single NASW chapter, licensed social workers within a single state, NASW chapter directors, etc. Second, this study features the largest sample size to date. With the exception of Reeser (1986), sample sizes have fallen in the 200-400 range, averaging about 350 respondents. This study is based on 1,274 valid responses. Third, the activity scale used here is more detailed than those used in other studies, addressing a larger number of activities and permitting finer distinctions in terms of frequency. Finally, this study includes a set of questions about social workers' attitudes toward political participation that adds a new dimension to previous research findings. Method A self-administered, self-report questionnaire was developed by the authors in 2000, and pre-tested with social work colleagues and students. Final revisions were made, and the instrument-together with a cover letter and business-reply Social Work and Civic Engagement 111 envelope-was subsequently sent by first-class mail to a computer-generated list of 3,000 randomly-selected "regular" members of NASW. Four weeks later a follow-up mailing, including cover letter, duplicate survey instrument, and reply envelope, was sent to those who had failed to respond to the initial mailing. Surveys returned by the post office as "undeliverable" were excluded, as were surveys completed by respondents indicating they were not currently practicing social workers. A total of 1,274 valid responses were obtained, for a return rate of 43%. The instrument is divided into three sections. The first contains a series of 20 statements representing various types of political activity. The activities were derived from two sources: some were based on those used in other studies; others were suggested by the direct experience of the researchers, both of whom are former registered lobbyists. Respondents were asked to signal how often they engage in each activity listed, using a Likert scale of "never," "rarely," "sometimes," "often," and "always." The second section contains a list of 22 statements expressing attitudes or beliefs regarding political participation and social work. Respondents were asked to indicate their level of agreement with each statement by marking "strongly disagree," "disagree," "no opinion," "agree," or "strongly agree." The final section asks for demographic information concerning educational background, practice background, age, sex, and political party affiliation. There is also an open-ended question soliciting additional thoughts regarding political participation and social work practice. Frequencies and cross-tabulations were computed using SPSS, allowing for percentage comparisons. A content analysis was performed on the responses to the open-ended question using open-source coding and categorization to identify recurrent themes. Characteristics of Respondents The vast majority of respondents (93.8%) hold an MSW degree. The modal length of time in social work practice is 1120 years. Approximately 78% identify as female and 22% as male. The largest age concentration (40.8%) is in the 46-55 year 112 Journal of Sociology &Social Welfare old category. Slightly more than 70% of respondents identify themselves as Democrats. Independents (12.4%) outnumber Republicans (7.9%). Those reporting no political party affiliation represent 6.4%. In addition, several respondents identified themselves as having run for, having held, or currently holding elective office. The largest cohort of respondents indicates working in nonprofit agencies (33.4%), followed in descending order by public agencies (25.9%), private clinical practice (23.8%), and for-profit settings (12.5%). Most (86.2%) work in urban or suburban areas. Nearly half (45.7%) are employed in health or mental health settings, including private/group practice, mental health facilities, and hospitals. Only 7% work for advocacy or membership organizations. Of the entire sample, 61.8% identify themselves as direct service providers. The clients served are largely lower and middle income (84.5%), with very few respondents primarily serving upper income clients. Results An overall rating of political participation was devised, based on the list of identified behaviors. Scores were divided into "high" and "low," reflecting the frequency with which respondents engaged in each political activity. Slightly fewer than half (46.6%) of respondents fell in the "high" range, while slightly more than half (53.4%) fell in the "low" range. Comparing rates of overall participation to various respondent characteristics yielded few significant differences. There was no discernable difference in level of activity related to issues of personal interest versus issues of professional interest. Respondents with a BSW degree were equally divided between the high and low categories, as were respondents with an MSW degree. Only doctoral level preparation showed a difference, with 75% of those with doctoral degrees falling in the "high" category compared with 25% in the "low" category. Age and years of social work practice experience both were positively correlated with civic engagement. The older the respondent, the more likely to be highly involved in political activity; similarly, the more years of social work practice experience, the more likely to be highly involved. Respondents Social Work and Civic Engagement 113 employed in the public sector showed the highest percentages of political activity (equally divided between the "high" and "low" categories), followed in order by those in nonprofit agencies, those in private clinical practice, and those in for-profit agencies (one-third of whom were in the "high" category and two-thirds of whom were in the "low" category). In terms of employment setting, those with the strongest showing in the "high" category work in universities (86.3%) and advocacy/ membership organizations (85.7%). Those with the lowest overall participation rates work in nursing homes (25% in the "high" category), correctional facilities (22.2%), and substance abuse programs (17.6%). In addition to overall participation, frequencies were calculated for each individual behavior in order to get a clearer picture of how social workers participate in civic life (See Table 1). The most common activities, defined as those engaged in "often" or "always" by more than half the respondents, include: voting (95.0%), keeping up with the news (89.2%), knowing who represents them in state and national government (79.4% and 85.3% respectively), encouraging friends, neighbors, or colleagues to vote (67.0%), monitoring legislation of interest (58.0%), sharing political opinions with others (54.6%), and discussing current policy issues with others (53.6%). The least common activities include: participating in (7.8%), helping to organize (3.4%), or encouraging others to attend (9.5%) rallies, marches, or demonstrations; voicing opinions through the media (7.1%); attending or testifying at hearings (11.5% and 4.3% respectively); actively campaigning for a candidate (13.4%); contacting legislators (17.9%); participating in community groups that seek to influence policy (18.2%); and keeping track of how legislators vote (26.7%). Particularly noteworthy is that more than 40% of respondents report never having attended a rally, march, or demonstration; nearly half (48.2%) have never contacted the media; and more than twothirds (68.3%) have never testified at a public hearing. Respondents were also asked about their attitudes and opinions regarding participation in the political process. For ease of reporting, responses have been organized into three thematic categories: Professional Role, Perceived Influence, and Educational Preparation. In a few cases where statements 114 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare Table 1. Frequency of Participation in Specific Activities I vote on election day 1269 I encourage others to vote on election day 10 (0.8) 11 (0.9) 43 (3.4) 264 (21.0) 941 (74.0) 45 (4.0) 100 (8.0) 267 (21.0) 385 (30.0) 471 (37.0) I share my political opinions with others 126 25 (2.0) 86 (7.0) 463 (36.6) 463 (36.6) 227 (18.0) I actively campaign for candidates of my choice 1266 384 (30.3) 411 (32.5) 302 (23.9) 105 (8.3) 64 (5.1) I read, listen to, or watch the news 1271 9 (0.7) 23 (1.8) 105 (8.3) 348 (27.4) 786 (61.8) I know who represents me in the state capital 1266 14 (1.1) 50 (3.9) 197 (15.6) 364 (28.8) 641 (50.6) I know who represents me in Congress 1265 10 (0.8) 42 (3.3) 134 (10.6) 318 (25.1) 761 (60.2) I follow the progress of legislation that interests me 1265 31 (2.5) 120 (9.5) 381 (30.1) 460 (36.4) 273 (21.6) I discuss current policy issues with others 1269 35 (2.8) 114 (9.0) 440 (34.7) 489 (38.5) 191 (15.1) I attend public hearings on issues that interest me 1269 402 (31.7) 418 (32.9) 304 (24.0) 105 (8.3) 40 (3.2) I contact my legislators to share my opinion on policy issues 1266 209 (16.5) 397 (31.4) 434 (34.3) 177 (14.0) 49 (3.9) I keep track of how my legislators vote on issues that interest me 1269 170 (13.4) 327 (25.8) 434 (34.2) 256 (20.2) 82 (6.5) I participate in political rallies, marches, etc. 1264 513 (40.6) 396 (31.3) 257 (20.3) 64 (5.1) 34 (2.7) I encourage others to participate in political rallies, marches, etc. 1265 513 (40.6) 379 (30.0) 254 (20.1) 78 (6.2) 41 (3.2) I help organize political rallies, marches, etc. 1266 906 (71.6) 235 (18.6) 83 (6.6) 21 (1.7) 21 (1.7) I testify at federal, state, or local hearings 1263 863 (68.3) 220 (17.4) 125 (9.9) 42 (3.3) 13 (1.0) I participate in community groups that seek to influence policy 1265 355 (28.1) 342 (27.0) 338 (26.7) 166 (13.1) 64 (5.1) I voice my opinions on policy issues to media outlets 1261 608 (48.2) 331 (26.2) 233 (18.5) 69 (5.5) 20 (1.6) I take an active role in relation to issues that affect my clients 1242 137 (11.0) 314 (25.3) 455 (36.6) 267 (21.5) 69 (5.6) I take an active role in relation to issues that affect me personally 1261 129 (10.2) 291 (23.1) 506 (40.1) 255 (20.2) 80 (6.3) Social Work and Civic Engagement 115 were phrased in the negative (to avoid acquiescent response set), they are re-phrased in the positive to allow for comparative analysis. The items comprising Professional Role are displayed in Table 2. A full 87.5% disagreed or strongly disagreed with the contention that it is unethical for social workers to be involved in politics, demonstrating that the vast majority find it ethically acceptable. Of the seven remaining statements, more than half the respondents agreed or strongly agreed with the first five, affirming the relevance of political action to their jobs and recognizing their professional obligation to stay informed, educate others, and advocate for constructive policies. The remaining two statements apparently were more problematic. Table 2. Professional Role and Political Participation N (Valid Responses) SD D N A SA It is unethical for social workers to be involved in politics 1238 651 (52.6) 432 (34.9) 115 (9.3) 29 (2.3) 11 (0.9) I consider it my professional obligation to stay informed about changes in social policy 1264 11 (0.9) 35 (2.8) 106 (8.4) 692 (54.8) 420 (33.2) Every social worker has an obligation to promote policies that benefit their clients 1240 36 (2.9) 140 (11.3) 255 (20.6) 564 (45.5) 245 (19.8) I wish I had enough time to advocate for policy changes affecting my practice or my clients 1232 47 (3.8) 144 (11.7) 267 (21.7) 564 (45.8) 210 (17.0) Increasing the general public's understanding of social policy is an integral part of the social work role 1232 45 (3.7) 177 (14.4) 328 (26.6) 532 (43.2) 150 (12.2) I consider political action relevant to my job 1228 62 (5.0) 161 (13.1) 179 (14.6) 498 (40.6) 328 (26.7) It is part of my mission to empower my clients politically as well as personally 1228 92 (7.5) 290 (23.6) 330 (26.9) 375 (30.5) 141 (11.5) I wish my agency would let me be more involved in politics 1121 145 (12.9) 276 (24.6) 512 (45.7) 131 (11.7) 57 (5.1) SD= Strongly Disagree; D= Disagree; N= No Opinion; A= Agree; SA= Strongly Agree 116 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare The statement on politically empowering clients generated the most ambivalence, with approximately 42% agreeing that it is part of their mission, 31% disagreeing, and 27% expressing no opinion. Finally, the statement "I wish my agency would let me be more involved in politics" elicited stronger levels of disagreement (27.5%) than agreement (26.8%), with 45.7% expressing no opinion. The second theme represented by the attitude/opinion questions concerns Perceived Influence. Responses are summarized in Table 3. These statements were designed to measure the degree to which social workers believe they have the power to influence policy outcomes. The vast majority of respondents (93.4%) agreed or strongly agreed that voting is important. Nearly 85% disagreed or strongly disagreed that influencing policy should be left to professional lobbyists, suggesting that they potentially see a role for social work practitioners in shaping policy outcomes. More than 65% indicated that they believe they could influence social policy if they tried. Table 3. Perceived Influence on Public Policy N (Valid Responses) SD D N A SA Voting is an important tool for influencing social policy 1243 16 (1.3) 23 (1.9) 42 (3.5) 490 (39.4) 671 (54) Influencing policy should be left to professional lobbyists 1249 422 (33.8) 637 (51.0) 126 (10.1) 52 (4.2) 12 (1.0) 254 (20.4) 579 (46.5) 215 (17.3) 165 (13.3) 32 (2.6) It is unlikely that I would have much influence, even if I tried to affect social policy 1245 SD= Strongly Disagree; D= Disagree; N= No Opinion; A= Agree; SA= Strongly Agree Finally, several statements sought respondents' opinions about the adequacy of their Educational Preparation for civic engagement. These appear in Table 4. The strongest level of agreement (78.1%) concerned the link between social work practice and social action. This compares favorably to the 36.2% who felt they'd had adequate guidance on integrating political action into their professional roles. A total of 41.7% said they wished they were more knowledgeable about how to impact the political process, and 47.5% expressed being satisfied with their level of political involvement. Social Work and Civic Engagement 117 Table 4. Educational Preparation for Political Participation N (Valid Repose) Responses) My social work education emphasized the link between social work practice and social action I wish I were more knowledgeable about how to effectively impact the political process I believe I've had adequate guidance on how to integrate political action into my professional role I am satisfied with my level of political involvement SD D N A SA 25 (2.0) 121 (9.7) 129 (10.3) 665 (53.2) 311 (24.9) 75 (6.0) 332 (26.7) 318 (25.6) 437 (35.2) 81 (6.5) 1243 102 (8.2) 431 (34.7) 259 (20.9) 346 (27.9) 103 (8.3) 1251 52 (4.2) 419 (33.5) 186 (14.9) 505 (40.4) 89 (7.1) 1251 1243 SD= Strongly Disagree; D= Disagree; N= No Opinion; A= Agree; SA= Strongly Agree Discussion The nearly equal division of respondents between high and low overall levels of political participation is not surprising, given the breadth and diversity within the profession. It echoes the profession's historical dual emphasis on casework and social action. The fact that nearly half of NASW members, nationally, are highly politically active is a positive sign, especially since some view NASW as a mainstream organization in which social work activists may be underrepresented. The levels of participation here are lower than those found (using a different index) by Wolk (1981) and Ezell (1993), but very similar to those found by Ritter (2007). The effects of educational preparation (PhD), age, and number of years in social work practice are consistent with other findings. The fact that those with BSW and MSW degrees are equally active might be considered at odds with previous findings in which higher levels of education correlated with higher levels of civic engagement. The finding here may be a positive one, reflecting the attention paid to policy practice in BSW curricula, as required by the CSWE curriculum policy statement. Alternatively, it could be interpreted as negative, reflecting the sometimes narrower "clinical" focus of many 118 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare MSW social workers. It is not surprising that public sector and nonprofit agency employees show higher levels of involvement than those in private clinical practice or for-profit agencies. Nor is it surprising that those employed by universities and advocacy/membership organizations show the highest levels of participation. Of some concern, however, are the overall low levels of participation by social workers in nursing homes, correctional facilities, and substance abuse programssettings beset by systemic problems and often in need of policy interventions. Looking at the various ways in which social workers manifest their involvement in the political process, a clear pattern emerges. With the exception of voting, the activities engaged in most often are those that require the least amount of effort; they could be described as passive rather than active. These include: keeping up with the news, identifying one's legislative representatives, following the progress of legislation, sharing political opinions with others, and discussing policy issues with friends and colleagues. At least half of the respondents indicated engaging in these activities "often" or "always." By contrast, those activities requiring greater commitment scored lower. These include contacting legislators, actively campaigning for candidates, testifying at hearings, attending marches or rallies, contacting the media, and joining community groups that advocate for policy change. A similar preference for activities requiring lower, rather than higher, levels of commitment was identified by Parker and Sherraden (1991) in their study of electoral politics and social work participation. Of the behaviors identified in the survey, perhaps the most widely studied is voting. The fact that 95% of respondents indicated they vote often or always is impressive. Even accounting for possible social desirability bias, this far outstrips the voting rate in the general population. It is, in fact, consistent with other studies all of which show more than 90% of social work respondents indicating they vote. Findings on several other items were more surprising. Only 18.2% indicated that they "participate in community groups that seek to influence local, state, or federal policy." First, this is at odds with the findings of previous studies that identify organizational membership as one of the more common Social Work and Civic Engagement 119 ways of expressing political involvement. Second, everyone in the sample is a member of NASW, an organization that has an active lobbying presence at both the national and chapter levels. The outcome here may be a function of how the item is worded: Perhaps most NASW members don't view their membership as "participation"-or perhaps they don't consider NASW to be a "community group." Another possibility is that members are unaware of NASW's role in political advocacy. This suggests that more aggressive outreach to NASW members around the Association's policy efforts could be an important strategy for increasing overall levels of political participation within the profession. The other finding that seems inconsistent with previous research is the small proportion of respondents who report contacting their legislators. The difference might be due to the ways in which the variable is measured across studies. For example, 60% of social workers may have contacted a legislator at least once during the past year (Hamilton & Fauri, 2001), but they might not characterize this in the present study as doing so "often" or "always." This interpretation of the data is supported by the fact that 34.3% say they contact their legislators "sometimes" and an additional 31.4% do so "rarely." Perhaps the findings are less inconsistent than they first appear. Also rated surprisingly low was "participating in marches, rallies, or demonstrations." Reeser and Epstein (1990) characterize this as one of a set of "non-institutionalized" social action behaviors. One of their key findings is that, between the 1960s and the 1980s, social workers increased their use of "institutionalized" methods of political participation and decreased their engagement in "non-institutionalized" behaviors. This finding is consistent with that pattern, yet it remains counterintuitive. With so many causes sponsoring walks and runs and rallies (AIDS, breast cancer, genocide, suicide prevention, gun control, gay rights, etc.), one would expect more social workers to participate. Perhaps respondents weren't thinking of the political agendas underlying these events, but only of their social or fundraising goals. Consistent with other research findings, involvement in electoral campaigns ("I actively campaign for the candidates of my choice") scored low. This may reflect the profession's 120 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare lagging attention to the importance of electoral politics. Unlike policy advocacy, electoral politics does not appear in the NASW Code of Ethics, nor is it mentioned in the CSWE curriculum policy statement. Some social workers remain uncomfortable with partisan politics, believing it is unethical or "dirty"-or mistakenly viewing it as an incursion into others' self-determination. (Haynes & Mickelson, 2010) Others may be wary of publicly affiliating themselves with a specific party or candidate, lest they jeopardize government or foundation support for their agencies. Social workers and social work students should clarify their legal rights to engage in partisan politics. Where appropriate, they can then begin with small expressions of their own electoral convictions: by putting up a yard sign, making a monetary contribution, sporting a bumper sticker, etc. Though looked on as relatively minor, these behaviors are a vital part of campaigning and may lead to more ambitious activities. Also consistent with previous research is the low ranking attributed to attending or testifying at public hearings. What is curious about this finding is that testifying is among the policy practice exercises most often incorporated into policy courses in schools of social work. The low numbers are likely due to lack of opportunity to attend hearings or to testify in the context of one's job. The work force might benefit from training that focuses on increasing social workers' comfort level with the art of testifying. Issues of great importance to human service agencies often are considered by state and local governing bodies. Increasing the visibility and input of professional social workers would be an invaluable asset in influencing budget and policy outcomes that can determine the survival of key programs and services. Using the media is another low-scoring activity, and one that has rarely been studied. Its importance, however, is undeniable. Political scientists have long observed that public call-in shows on radio and television skew conservative; social work voices are rarely heard. Fortunately, several policy textbooks now incorporate material on working with the media; hopefully the next generation of practitioners will be more comfortable with that role and will voice their opinions on important policy issues through strategic use of broadcast, print, Social Work and Civic Engagement 121 and electronic media. Finally, although more than half of respondents indicated they often or always discuss current policy issues with friends, neighbors, or colleagues, this is a number that can and should be increased. This kind of discussion is critical to shaping public opinion, and public opinion is an important determinant of policy change. Amidei (2002) extols the virtues of talking about the issues in public: on the subway, in the elevator, etc. Social workers often are reticent about expressing their views. This will require a cultural shift that should begin with social work education. We have an obligation to be knowledgeable and to share that knowledge (and resulting convictions) with policy-makers and with the public. Many social workers continue to harbor ambivalent feelings toward participation in the political process. Haynes and Mickelson attribute this reluctance to a "perceived conflict between political ideology and professional impartiality" (2010, p. 23). Students often express the mistaken belief that it is unethical for social workers to be involved in politics. The survey findings suggest, however, that among a strong majority of NASW members (87.5%), political participation is not viewed as ethically suspect. This comfort with political action on ethical grounds is essential; until we reach 100% agreement, we must continue to stress the integral relationship between political action, social work practice, and the quest for social and economic justice. Respondents were asked to express their views regarding what functions are relevant to their jobs, what obligations they hold as social work professionals, and how they perceive the parameters of the social work role. The responses were impressive: 88% said they consider it their professional obligation to stay informed about changes in social policy, approximately 67% said they consider political action relevant to their job, and approximately 65% agreed that every social worker has an obligation to promote policies that benefit his or her clients. In regard to relevance, however, many of the clinical practitioners expressed a different opinion in response to the open-ended question. A typical comment was: "In my opinion, community action is far removed from clinical practice." Another mental health professional wrote, "Politics is not much relevant to the 122 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare day-to-day issues in my practice." Comparing beliefs to action reveals some disparities; despite positive attitudes, fewer than half of the respondents demonstrated high overall levels of political participation. It is likely that lack of time is one explanation: 62.8% said they wished they had enough time to advocate for policy changes affecting their practice or their clients. Lack of time also emerged as a theme in the analysis of the responses to the open-ended question. The responsibilities of parenthood emerged as another. As one respondent wrote, "Since the birth of my baby, my time and energy are devoted to the politics at home! It feels impossible to march in D.C. like I did when I was in grad school. I suppose this is an area I will return to when my life changes again." The effect of agency rules and expectations is less clear. While only 6.8% indicated that they wish their agency would let them be more involved in politics, this could reflect one of two things: either their agencies already do permit their political involvement, or they lack interest in becoming more politically involved. Greater levels of concern about agency constraints surfaced in response to the open-ended question, largely among public employees. In some cases the agency's position seems to depend on the particular issues involved. For example: I believe my state agency (public health) is quite paranoid about lawsuits and doesn't encourage political action. An exception was when there was a threat to privatize all home health in the state. With agency leadership, we individual workers contacted fellows in other agencies and clients to write, call and testify at the state Congressional level. Perhaps the most interesting responses were to the statement: "It is part of my mission to empower my clients politically as well as personally." While 42% agreed, more than 30% disagreed and more than one-fourth expressed no opinion. The role of social workers in encouraging clients to be politically active-as distinct from advocating on their behalf-is an area that deserves further investigation. Although our profession subscribes to client empowerment as a fundamental practice goal, how we operationalize it remains unclear. This is an area Social Work and Civic Engagement 123 of enormous promise that could help give our clients a voice while promoting the public good and facilitating broad-based civic engagement (Rome, Hoechstetter, & Wolf-Branigin, In press). Scholars have long taken an interest in identifying what factors might predict greater engagement in the political process. Political scientists, in particular, have defined a series of variables that comprise a measure of what they call "psychological engagement" (Verba, Schlozman & Brady, 1995). Among them is something similar to what social workers call "agency"-that is, the belief that one has the ability to affect outcomes. Hamilton and Fauri (2001) and Ritter (2007) have tested this notion with a social work audience. They found that those who believe they have the power to influence outcomes are indeed more likely to engage in the political process. Against this backdrop, the findings in the current study are encouraging: a strong majority of respondents believe that voting matters and disagree that influencing policy should be left to professional lobbyists. More than two-thirds believe that, if they tried, they would be likely to have some influence over social policy. One respondent wrote: "It continually amazes me how one or two or three people-plain citizens-can get legislation passed or killed, if they have a good case that doesn't gore anyone's ox, and they are persistent in their efforts." On the other hand, a few responses suggest skepticism about the political process: "As someone who was very politically active in the 60s and 70s, I have become totally disillusioned with the political system and increasingly cynical about the political change process." Finally, respondents were asked about the adequacy of their preparation for policy practice. It appears that most respondents got the message about the interdependence of policy and practice, but many are having difficulty applying this conviction on the job. This suggests a need for continuing education that helps administrators, supervisors, and workers identify opportunities to incorporate political action into the work place as seamlessly as possible. Consider this comment: "Political involvement is an 'extra' when you have too few resources, too little time, and are generally doing more with less." The goal is for policy and practice to exist as an 124 Journal of Sociology &Social Welfare integrated whole, rather than as two separate pursuits. According to a few respondents, political participation can actually help relieve some of the stresses of the workplace: "I feel very strongly that it is our duty to become active in the political arena. Public policy impacts on our families in dramatic ways. I also feel it will help us to fight bum-out. I first became active as an advocate for child welfare when I was a CPS worker. When things felt hopeless I'd get involved in shaping policy." The study further suggests that another topic for continuing education should be skill development in policy practice. Over 40% of respondents said "I wish I were more knowledgeable about how to effectively impact the political process." While not a majority, this constitutes a sizeable number of social workers who might well become more active with the confidence and comfort that stem from proper training. Limitations As mentioned previously, this study adds to a limited body of research on the topic of social workers' political participation. Yet caution should be exercised in drawing direct comparisons across studies. Each has asked somewhat different questions, employed somewhat different samples, used somewhat different instruments, and applied somewhat different interpretations to the results. Taken together, however, they begin to create a picture of the status of the profession in relation to the political process. Although this study draws on a large, national, random sample of social workers, all are members of NASW. Although NASW is the largest association of professional social workers in the world, NASW represents only a fraction of those practicing social work. Since the responses were self-reported, there is also a risk of social desirability bias. Answers may be inflated in an effort to "look good" to the researchers. This study measured engagement in specific activities using a Likert scale of "never," "rarely," "sometimes," "often," and "always." These categories are imprecise, calling on respondents to interpret the labels and make judgments about the frequency of their various behaviors. Readers should consider this a relative, rather than an absolute, measure of participation. Finally, the Social Work and Civic Engagement 125 response rate of 43%, though respectable for a mailed questionnaire, suggests that findings should be generalized with caution. There is no way of knowing how those who didn't respond might have answered the questions. It is possible that non-respondents, as a group, have less interest in political action than those who took the time to complete and return the survey instrument. Conclusion This study surveyed a randomly-selected national sample of 1,274 practicing social workers, seeking to describe their attitudes toward, and engagement in, political action. The results show that slightly fewer than half of the respondents are "highly" politically active, with doctorally-prepared social workers, older social workers, and social workers with more years of practice experience demonstrating greater involvement. With the exception of voting, behaviors requiring lower levels of commitment were far more common than those requiring higher levels of commitment. Consistent with previous findings, testifying at hearings and campaigning for candidates were among those activities engaged in least frequently. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the social workers surveyed express little ethical ambivalence about engaging in political action. Most expressed the belief that political action is relevant to their jobs, and that they have an obligation to stay informed about policy changes and to promote policies that benefit their clients. Lack of time may inhibit some social workers from acting on these beliefs. Their comfort with encouraging political activity on the part of their clients is less clear. Respondents were divided about whether they have a role in empowering their clients politically. This is an issue deserving of furthe...
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