Walden University Positive Social Change Discussion

User Generated

Gvnan24

Humanities

Walden University

Description

Websites and social media sites can provide important sources of data that will help expand your understanding of the stakeholders who are connected to the phenomena you are exploring.

Walden has devoted an entire website to making visible its actions and activities about social change. At the social change website, you will find videos, annual reports, text, and images. As you explore this data source, consider what text, images, and reports you would like to include as part of your data analysis exercise.

To prepare for this Discussion:

  • Choose one of the three social change literature review articles found in this week’s Learning Resources and review the article in detail.
  • Explore the Walden Social Change website and locate an additional document, video, or webpage that will inform your understanding of the meaning of positive social change. Reflect on any additional sources you find.
  • Next, write field notes based on the information you gathered from the Walden social change website and any other documents or websites that might inform your changing impressions about the meaning of positive social change.
  • Finally, review the media programs related to coding and consider how you will use this information to support this Discussion. Note: In your Excel Video Coding template there is a tab for your website data. Use this tab to place your content and codes for the website.

Prepare a brief explanation of your understanding of the meaning of positive social change thus far. Refer to the additional sources you have reviewed this week, and comment on how they are shaping your experience. Use the data you gathered from your analytic memo to support your explanation.

Be sure to support your main post and response post with reference to the week’s Learning Resources and other scholarly evidence in APA style.

Learning Resources

Required Readings

Saldaña, J. (2016). The coding manual for qualitative researchers (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

  • Chapter 1, “An Introduction to Codes and Coding” (pp. 1–42)
  • Chapter 2, “Writing Analytic Memos About Narrative and Visual Data” (pp. 43–65)

Ravitch, S. M., & Carl, N. M. (2021). Qualitative research: Bridging the conceptual, theoretical, and methodological (2nd ed.) Sage Publications.

  • Chapter 8, “An Integrative Approach to Data Analysis” (pp. 233–252)
  • Chapter 9, “Methods and Processes of Data Analysis (pp. 254–294)

Rubin, H. J., & Rubin, I. S. (2012). Qualitative interviewing: The art of hearing data (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

  • Chapter 12, “Data Analysis in the Responsive Interviewing Model” (pp. 189–211)

The following articles are examples of literature reviews on the aspects of social change. Choose one of the articles for this week’s Discussion 2.

Ashoka. (2017). My changemaker toolkit. Retrieved from https://issuu.com/ashokachangemakers/docs/my_changemaker_toolkit_2017_issuu

Tackling Heropreneurship. (n.d.). The impact gaps canvas. Retrieved from http://tacklingheropreneurship.com/the-impact-gaps-canvas/

Thomas, E.F., MCGarty, C., & Mavor, K.I. (2009). Transforming “Apathy into movement”: The role of prosocial emotions in motivation action for social change. Personality & Social Psychology Review, 13(4), 310-333.

Kezar, A. (2014). Higher education change and social networks: A review of the research. Journal of Higher Education, 85(1), 91-125.

Aguinis, H. & Glavas, A. (2012). What we know and don’t know about corporate social responsibility: A review and research agenda. Journal of Management, 38(4). 932-968.

Walden University. (2015). Social change. Retrieved from https://www.waldenu.edu/about/social-change

As you review this website, think about Walden’s meaning of social change and how this website will guide you as you consider positive social change for your Major Assignment 2.

Document: Excel Video Coding Document Template (Excel spreadsheet)

Review this Excel template as you view this week’s media programs. Also, you will use this template for organizing your transcripts and preparing them for coding.

Required Media

Laureate Education (Producer). (2016). Introduction to coding [Video file]. Baltimore, MD: Author.

Note: The approximate length of this media piece is 10 minutes.

In this media program, Dr. Susan Marcus, Core Research Faculty with the School of Psychology at Walden University, introduces you to the world of coding using Word or Excel documents. In this first video, you will learn how to organize your data.

Accessible player

Laureate Education (Producer). (2016). From content to coding [Video file]. Baltimore, MD: Author.

Note: The approximate length of this media piece is 12 minutes.

In this media program, Dr. Susan Marcus, Core Research Faculty with the School of Psychology at Walden University, introduces coding and how to move from content to codes. This video focuses on what Saldaña (2016) calls “first cycle” coding. Three different approaches are presented. Analytic memos will also be discussed.

Accessible player

Optional Resources

Walden Univeristy Center for Research Quality (2021). Narrative Methodology Retrieved from https://mym.cdn.laureate-media.com/2dett4d/Walden/RSCH/2021/Narrative_Methodology/index.html

This resource provides tutorials on narrative methodologies.

Walden Univeristy (2018). Qualitative Designs and Methods. Retrieved from https://academicguides.waldenu.edu/researchcenter/resources/design

This resource provides tutorials on narrative methodologies.

Unformatted Attachment Preview

Transforming “Apathy Into Movement”:The Role of Prosocial Emotions in Motivating Action for Social Change Emma F. Thomas The Australian National University, Canberra Craig McGarty Murdoch University, Perth, Australia Kenneth I. Mavor The Australian National University, Canberra This article explores the synergies between recent developments in the social identity of helping, and advantaged groups’ prosocial emotion. The authors review the literature on the potential of guilt, sympathy, and outrage to transform advantaged groups’ apathy into positive action. They place this research into a novel framework by exploring the ways these emotions shape group processes to produce action strategies that emphasize either social cohesion or social change. These prosocial emotions have a critical but underrecognized role in creating contexts of in-group inclusion or exclusion, shaping normative content and meaning, and informing group interests. Furthermore, these distinctions provide a useful way of differentiating commonly discussed emotions. The authors conclude that the most “effective” emotion will depend on the context of the inequality but that outrage seems particularly likely to productively shape group processes and social change outcomes. Keywords: I emotion; social identity; helping/prosocial behavior; group processes; morality n 1938, Carl Jung wrote, “There can be no transforming of darkness into light and of apathy into movement without emotion” (p. 32). In this sentence, Jung celebrates the profound role that emotion plays in directing and shaping human behavior. Although individual emotion has long been a mainstay of clinical, personality, and social psychological research (e.g., the work of Ekman et al., 1987; Manstead & Fischer, 2001; Scheff, 1990; Scherer, Schorr, & Johnstone, 2001, to name a few), the advent of intergroup emotions theory (Mackie, Devos, & Smith, 2000; Mackie, Silver, & Smith, 2004; Smith, 1993) signaled increasing interest in the contribution that group-based emotion can add to the study of social phenomena, including prejudice and discrimination (Brown & Hewstone, 2005; Smith, 1993), social harmony and reconciliation (Nadler & Liviatan, 2006), and social and political action (e.g., Iyer, Schmader, & Lickel, 2007; Leach, Iyer, & Pedersen, 2006; van Zomeren, Spears, Leach, & Fischer, 2004; see earlier contributions from relative deprivation theory, Runciman, 1966; Walker & Smith, 2002, for a review). This article concentrates on a specific aspect implied in the Jung quote above: the power of emotion to transform “apathy into movement.” More specifically, this article explores the transformation of an advantaged group’s apathy into movement to promote greater social equality. Following Leach, Snider, and Iyer (2002), we define advantaged groups as those “secure in their position, due to their greater size or control over resources” (p. 137). Thus, the scope of this article is defined by, first, a focus on group emotion and, second, a focus on emotions that advantaged group members experience in relation to other people’s deprivation. We argue that it is in this situation of relative advantage that the power Authors’ Note: The research has been supported in part by the Australian Research Council Discovery Project Grant No. DP0770731. The authors wish to thank Galen Bodenhausen and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this article. Please address correspondence to Emma F. Thomas, Regulatory Institutions Network, The Australian National University, Canberra, ACT, 0200, Australia; e-mail: emma.thomas@anu.edu.au. PSPR, Vol. 13 No. 4, November 2009 310-333 DOI: 10.1177/1088868309343290 © 2009 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc. 310 Thomas et al. / TRANSFORMING APATHY INTO MOVEMENT   311 of emotion to transform apathy to action is most profound—what Nietzsche (quoted in Leach et al., 2002) called “poisoning the consciences of the fortunate” (p. 136). Accordingly, this article explores the various emotional reactions that advantaged groups can have to the disadvantage of others and the potential for these discrete emotions to motivate efforts to achieve greater social equality. We draw on recent developments in the social identity literature that outline the ways that social group memberships shape prosocial behavior (e.g., helping and solidarity; Reicher, Cassidy, Wolpert, Hopkins, & Levine, 2006) to provide a framework for understanding the various prosocial effects of group emotion. Taking a social identity perspective (Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987; Turner, Oakes, Haslam, & McGarty, 1994), we explore the ways that social identities and emotion can, in combination, profoundly inform perceivers about the social context and shape their reaction to it. We argue that such an approach can help to differentiate oftenconfused emotion labels (e.g., sympathy and empathy) but also provide a useful way to distinguish between different prosocial strategies (e.g., tokenism, helping, solidarity, cooperation). We begin our analysis by outlining the developme­ nts in the social identity literature that detail the underlying group processes responsible for producing prosocial outcomes. In particular, Reicher et al. (2006) have argued that there are three interrelated group properties that are implicated in prosocial behavior. We then go on to explore the ways that emotion may theoretically shape these three prosocial group processes. In the next section, we move on to discuss the possibility that prosocial emotions might usefully be further classified on the basis of the sorts of social strategies they promote. We draw on Wright and Lubensky’s (2008) distinction between social cohesion and social change strategies. On the basis of these arguments, the main sections of this article are underpinned by a framework that uses Reicher et al.’s (2006) three categories to explore group processes and emotion and Wright and Lubensky’s (2008) two strategies to delineate prosocial emotion outcomes. In particular, we provide an analysis of the three prosocial emotions (guilt, sympathy, and outrage; Montada & Schneider, 1989), structured in terms of the etiology of the emotion; its implications for group processes (as relates to Reicher et al.’s, 2006, insights); and the sorts of social strategy outcomes likely to emerge (social cohesion or social change; Wright & Lubensky, 2008). We conclude with a discussion of implications for existing research but also the implications for people seeking to mobilize advantaged group members in support of positive social change. SOCIAL IDENTITY AND GROUP EMOTION: A DYNAMIC FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR What sorts of identity processes underpin prosocial behavior? Let us note at the outset that we are using the general term prosocial to cover a number of separate behaviors including helping behavior, altruism, cooperation, and solidarity (Penner, Dovidio, Piliavin, & Schroeder, 2005; Schroeder, Penner, Dovidio, & Piliavin, 1995). These prosocial strategies will be differentiated throughout the article—indeed, it is one of the key purposes of the article—but at this point, let us generalize across them and explore the psychological underpinnings that are generally understood to motivate an advantaged group to help, assist, and otherwise take action on behalf of members of another disadvantaged group. The social identity approach (Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Turner et al., 1987) suggests that there are three core processes that underpin prosocial group behavior: category inclusion, category norms, and category interests. Reicher et al. (2006) crystallized these three elements into their social identity model of helping (see also Reicher, Hopkins, Levine, & Rath, 2005). The first, category inclusion, is a cognitive perceptual process that relates to the location of (inter)group boundaries. A wealth of evidence now supports the assertion, derived from the social identity perspective, that people will take action to support in-group members and that this can manifest in intergroup helping (Levine & Thompson, 2004; Reicher et al., 2006), political solidarity (Subašic´, Reynolds, & Turner, 2008), cooperation between groups (Gaertner, Dovidio, Anastasio, Bachman, & Rust, 1993), and even bystander emergency intervention (Levine, Cassidy, Brazier, & Reicher, 2002; Levine, Prosser, Evans, & Reicher, 2005). In Reicher et al.’s (2006) social identity model of helping, the first element relates to the need for a meaningful superordinate categorization to be available, such that advantaged and disadvantaged can be included in a common in-group. In a similar vein, Subašic´ et al.’s (2008) recent model of political solidarity emphasizes a shared identity meaning with the minority group (and not the authority) as underpinning support for, and solidarity with, a disadvantaged minority. The second element, category norms, relates to the rhetorical meaning associated with the group, as evidenced by the group norms. When an identity is salient, people will behave in line with group norms that prescribe 312   PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW appropriate and normative forms of action (Jetten, McAuliffe, Hornsey, & Hogg, 2006; Jetten, Spears, & Manstead, 1997; Terry & Hogg, 1996). Reicher et al. (2006) argue that the group norms must promote helping. Their analysis of documents used to mobilize support of Bulgarian Jews during World War II demonstrated the ways that the category norms for the Bulgarian identity prescribed support for a persecuted people. The final element, category interests, relates to the strategic concerns that accompany helping behavior. In particular, Reicher et al. (2006) suggest that helping is more likely to come about when in-group interests (e.g., maintenance of a positive in-group identity) are served by helping. Thus, in the WWII era documents, identity concerns were represented such that the Bulgarian ingroup would be threatened by not helping. Other research has shown that group members can engage in helping behavior to strategically improve the group’s stereotype (Hopkins et al., 2007) and/or restore a threatened identity (van Leeuwen, 2007). Overall, Reicher and colleagues argue that effective categories will be those that are able to include everyone whom one is seeking to mobilize (category inclusion) but also those categories that have the resources to render normative the actions one is advocating (category norms) and represent the strategic reasons for doing so (category interests). However, the social identity approach also emphasizes the fluid, dynamic, and constructed nature of social identity (Onorato & Turner, 2004). Other work by Reicher, Haslam, and colleagues (e.g., Reicher, 1996, 2004; Reicher, Haslam, & Hopkins, 2005) has highlighted the ways that social identities are contested by group members, yielding a continual process of identity construction, reconstruction, and transformation through consensus (see also Postmes, Haslam, & Swaab, 2005; Postmes, Spears, Lee, & Novak, 2005). Put another way, the category inclusion, category norms, and category interest elements discussed by Reicher and colleagues are also dynamic, contestable, changeable, and fundamentally shaped through processes of argumentation and consensualization among group members (Reicher et al., 2006). Building on these insights, in this article we explore the ways that emotions can powerfully shape the social identity processes outlined by Reicher et al. (2006) and others (Hopkins et al., 2007; Levine et al., 2005; Subašic´ et al., 2008; van Leeuwen, 2007). We argue that exploring the synergies between group emotion, and the sorts of identity processes outlined above would contribute much to our understanding of prosocial group behavior. For group emotion to contribute usefully to our understanding of the dynamic processes of identity construction, reconstruction, and transformation, it is necessary to have a dynamic theory of group emotion. Indeed, the existing literature on social identity and group emotion suggests that the causal relationships between the two are likely to be bidirectional, dynamic, and complex (Kessler & Hollbach, 2005; Smith & Mackie, 2006). Consistent with these points, Baumeister, Vohs, DeWall, and Zhang (2007) have emphasized the role of anticipation, reevaluation, and reconstruction in the emotion process, whereas Smith and Mackie (2006) have discussed the ways that group members can, over time, disengage with groups that elicit negative group emotions. Let us briefly discuss this literature, toward further clarifying the dynamic causal properties of social identity and group emotion. On one hand, group emotion is often theoretically understood as stemming from the straightforward appr­ aisal process elaborated in intergroup emotion theory, where appraisal based on a group (social) self leads to group emotion, which leads to group action (Mackie et al., 2000; Smith, 1993). Similarly, in the recently articulated social identity model of collective action (SIMCA; van Zomeren, Postmes, & Spears, 2008), these authors causally place a salient social identity before the experience of emotional reactions to injustice (group emotion). Figure 1a depicts the simple causal model where a salient social identity leads to congruent group emotions, which then shape particular action strategies. This is group-based emotion, as it is traditionally defined and understood (Iyer & Leach, 2008; Smith, Seger, & Mackie, 2007), where social identities are (partially) enacted through an emotion pathway (van Zomeren et al., 2008). On the other hand, we argue that it is also useful to explore the ways that emotions can equally give rise to social group memberships and/or inform group norms. Indeed, recent evidence suggests that social identities can be actively created by group members based on shared cognition (where shared cognition refers to shared knowledge structures; Swaab, Postmes, van Beest, & Spears, 2007). In a similar vein, Peters and Kashima (2007) have described the ways that the social sharing of emotion can create links among people and foster a shared understanding of the world. This shared understanding can be used to coordinate social interaction within a group but also action between groups (Leach & Tiedens, 2004; Peters & Kashima, 2007; Smith et al., 2007). Figure 1b depicts this simple causal model where emotion can form the basis for an effective social category, which then motivates social action. Given that we propose that group formation can stem from emotional experience, it seems likely that perception is personalized, or individuated, in this context (which is different from how group emotion is traditionally defined and Thomas et al. / TRANSFORMING APATHY INTO MOVEMENT   313 1a: salient social self (social identity) gives rise to group emotion. Social Identity Group Emotion Social Action 1b: recognition of shared emotion precipitates group formation. (Individual) Emotion Social Identity Social Action Figure 1 A dynamic causal model of social identity and group emotion. NOTE: In everyday social interaction, the two processes would be interactive. understood; Iyer & Leach, 2008). That is, the emotion is initially experienced at an individual level, but the recognition that others share the emotion forms the basis for group formation (see Peters & Kashima, 2007). We further articulate some of the implications of this causal order below where we consider how group emotion might shape the processes outlined by Reicher et al. (2006). Thus, on the basis of the available literature, both causal orderings seem likely and plausible in the everyday social context of group emotion and identity. Consistent with these points, Kessler and Hollbach (2005) emphasized the bidirectionality of causal links between emotion and identification. Elsewhere (Thomas, McGarty, & Mavor, 2009), we have argued that these elements are best seen as part of a dynamic system of interrelations, where causal ordering will vary over time and depending on social context. In particular, we argued that a shared group membership can give rise to, or facilitate, the experience of group emotion and other action-relevant beliefs (as in Figure 1a; see Mackie et al., 2000; van Zomeren et al., 2008), as may be the case in established, historical social groups, but that, similarly, those emotional experiences can also trigger psychological group formation and subsequently become encapsulated in “what it means” to be a group member (Turner, 1991), as may be the case of incipient, emergent social groups (Figure 1b). Such ideas are also broadly consistent with recent developments exploring the role of individuality within the group, which have emphasized the ways that individuality can shape emergent groups (as in Figure 1b) and groups shape individuals (as in Figure 1a) (Postmes, Haslam, & Swaab, 2005; Postmes & Jetten, 2006). Thus, incorporating these different causal orderings is consistent with the dynamic, iterative, transformational, and constructed nature of social identity described above. Given these points, what are the ways that group emotion can contribute to our understanding of the three interrelated processes outlined by Reicher et al. (2006)? We argue that the experience of emotion can fundamentally inform the perceiver about the social context by (a) providing a basis on which to categorize in-group members or out-group members based on whether the emotion is shared or not; (b) informing the content, and relational meaning, of the identity; and (c) shaping the ways that group members take strategic action. These are the three general processes considered most important in the work outlined above on social identity and helping (Reicher et al., 2006). Let us consider each of these points in more detail. Category Inclusion With regard to the first component, category inclusion, we argue that advantaged groups’ emotions have the potential to shape and restructure (inter)group boundaries. For example, experiencing feelings of fear in relation to another person is unlikely to lead to a categorization of that person as an in-group member; the very fact that someone elicits a fearful reaction is indicative of a different worldview and antagonistic relationship (Bar-Tal, 2001; Turner, 2005). Conversely, experiencing the same emotion is more likely to give rise to a perception of the other person as an in-group member (see Peters & Kashima’s, 2007, work on emotion sharing; Swaab et al., 2007). Extending on this point, we argue that some emotions have the potential to traverse ostensible intergroup boundaries. Because emotions can assist in creating a shared worldview and uniting previously separate groups in coordinated social action (Peters & Kashima, 2007), then it follows that emotions that can be experienced by both the advantaged and the disadvantaged are likely to be more successful at motivating genuine attempts to create intergroup equality and cooperation. Category Norms Emotions can also inform group members about the reasons for, and context of, disadvantage and, in doing so, can powerfully shape normative considerations (the second component). For example, group guilt is understood to be accompanied by appraisals of ingroup responsibility (Branscombe, Doosje, & McGarty, 2002). To the extent that perceptions of in-group responsibility become embodied in the group membership (in relation to the disadvantage suffered by the other group), then this emotion is likely to inform norms for specific sorts of action. The idea that an emotional reaction can inform relational meaning, or normative content, of an identity is contained in the arguments of Stürmer, Simon, and Klandermans (Si...
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Explanation & Answer

Please view explanation and answer below.

Student
Gender

Video Code #
1

Direction
My Notes

Student Program of
Study
2

Subject matter/topic
3

What happened in the Video? (2)

1st Cycle Descriptive
5

Transcript

1st Cycle Concept
6

6

Quick Memos

2nd cycle Patterns
7

8

Video Code #

My Notes

Student
Gender

Student
Program of
Study

Subject
matter/topic

What happened in the Video? (1)

Transcript

1st Cycle Descriptive

1st Cycle Concept

2nd Cycle Patterns

Quick Memos

Video Code #

My Notes

Student
Gender

Student
Program of
Study

Subject matter/topic

What happened in the Video? (2)
1st Cycle Descriptive
transcript

1st Cycle Concept

Quick Memos
2nd Cycle Patterns

Website Source

Type of Page/Source

Subject matter/topic

https://academicguides.waldenu.edu/social-change/changemakers
Page Document
Faces of FAY Photography Project
A story of a faculty
member of the Clinical
mental Health
counselling Program

Web page/report content

1st Cycle

1st cycle

2nd cycle

Memos

Photography Project

Photos of FAY photography project features Christie Jenkins, a Core Faculty member in the Clinical Mental Health

She’s a wife, the mother of twin 11-year-old girls and a 6-year-old girl. Her changemaker story began when She start
Each year, in June, she travels to Washington DC to march on the Hill. she speaks with legislators about continued fu
She works with the Children's Advocacy Center in Toledo, Ohio. It is a one-stop shop for child abuse victims of dom
Her vision and lesson from her activities is that she will continue to march on the Hill, work with survivors of abuse,
Currently she’s also the President-elect of SAIGE and she looks forward to continuing her work with Walden's LGB
“If people want to learn more or get involved, where could they get more information?”- Christie Jenkins

er in the Clinical Mental Health Counseling program in the School of Cou...


Anonymous
Just the thing I needed, saved me a lot of time.

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