Reading Worksheet Your Name: ____________________________________________ Title or name of the article, chapter or reading selection: ___________________________ Author(s) (if known): ___________________________________________ What is the general topic of the article, chapter or reading selection? __________________________________________________________________________ Summarize the article, chapter or reading selection: What is the main argument or point of the article, chapter or reading selection? What did the author(s) want to get across in the reading? Discuss at least one main point or part of the article, chapter or reading selection that supports their argument. Identify two words and their definition that you were unfamiliar with prior to reading the article, chapter or reading selection. November 14, 2021: Latest Revision CHAPTER 12 Diversity CHAPTER OUTLINE ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ Racial Minorities in Policing Unequal Treatment Performance of African American Police Women in Policing Unequal Treatment Performance of Women Officers Affirmative Action Equal Employment Opportunity Increasing Diversity in Police Departments Promotional Opportunities Integration of Minorities and Women into Policing Police Culture Structural Characteristics Pregnancy and Maternity Sexual Harassment Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Officers Future Prospects Diversity CHAPTER OUTLINE ■ ■ ■ (continued) Summary Critical Thinking Questions References KEY TERMS ■ affirmative action plan ■ civil service, or merit system ■ defeminization ■ diversity ■ double marginality ■ empirical evidence ■ police culture ■ policewomen ■ policewomen ■ quid pro quo harassment ■ representative bureaucracy harassment ■ structural characteristics ■ testimonial evidence ■ sexual OLICING IN AMERICA REMAINS a white male-dominated industry, even after decades of calls from reformers to diversify policing in terms of race, ethnicity, and gender. Indeed, representation of females and racial/ethnic minorities has increased dramatically during the past 30 years; however, these groups remain underrepresented in most police organizations, particularly in smaller and rural police departments, which make up the overwhelming majority of departments in the United States. As America continues to become more diverse, diversity of police departments has again become important for both political and performance reasons. This chapter will focus on gender and racial/ ethnic diversity within police departments. Although diversity has widespread political support in many communities, the actual difference that diversification makes in police effectiveness is less clear. In general, it is believed that a diverse police department is more effective than one that is not. Diversity has become so important that it is often considered a significant strategy to reform departments with performance problems, particularly as they relate to use of force and community fear and distrust. Organizational theorists contend diversity in public agencies can enhance overall performance and that agencies that reflect the population they serve are more likely to function properly and be responsive to the needs and desires of minority populations and enhance legitimacy of the public agency. This perspective is representative bureaucracy, which posits that "diversity within the public workforce, especially in terms of characteristics such as race and ethnicity will help ensure that the interests of diverse groups are represented in policy formulation" (Bradbury and Kellough 2008, p. 697). Public agencies, like police departments, that are more representative of its population, reinforce its commitment to equal access to power, accurately reflect group preferences, enhance group willingness to cooperate, and are a more efficient use of resources (Kennedy 2012; Selden 1997, Morabito and Shelley 2015). There are two different dimensions to representative bureaucracy. First, passive representation is determined by a ratio of group membership within the organization to the population it serves. In other words, in a city that serves a population that is 25 percent racial minorities, perfect passive representation suggests that 25 percent of the police department would be racial minorities. Passive representation is determined in a relatively straightforward manner. Second, active representation is how the composition of the department impact outputs and policies, in that a more representative p o l i c e ~ produce more equitable outputs (Kennedy 2012; Morabito aad lll!'l•112: P 377 378 Contemporary Issues outputs that benefit those who are passively represented (Meier 1993). This may be more challenging to measure. Also, it appears that passive representation is a precursor to active representation-theoretically, a less diverse police department will have a more difficult time producing equitable outputs. The President's Task Force on 21st Century Policing appears to echo this perspective and recommends the following: Law enforcement agencies should strive to create a workforce that contains a broad range of diversity including race, gender, language, life experience, and cultural background to improve understanding and effectiveness in dealing with all communities. (2015, 16) This recommendation suggests that enhancing diversity can benefit police departments and, as a corollary, that a lack diversity can harm police departments. The Department of Justice conducted an investigation of the Ferguson Police Department after the shooting of Michael Brown and subsequent civil unrest and concluded that the department's lack of diversity undermined community trust. The Department of Justice went on to indicate the Ferguson Police Department "can and should do more to attract and hire a more diverse group of qualified police officers" (Department of Justice 2015, 89) but cautioned that increasing (passive) representation alone may not be enough-it is a necessary but only initial first step in reform within Ferguson. The investigation went on to say, diversity of all types-including race, ethnicity, sex, national origin, religion, sexual orientation and gender identity-can be beneficial both to police-community relationships and the culture of the law enforcement agency. Increasing gender and sexual orientation diversity in policing in particular may be critical in re-making internal police culture and creating new assumptions about what makes policing effective. (Department of Justice 2015, 89) Inside Policing 12.1 discusses Baltimore's challenges to diversify their police department. The evidence regarding the impact of diversity on police effectiveness can be categorized as either testimonial or empirical. Testimonial evidence is based on the opinions of individuals who have strong political beliefs about the importance of diversity or whose experience (e.g., as citizens or police officers) has led them to believe that a diverse department is either more or less effective. In general, testimonial evidence about the effectiveness of diversity is usually favorable. Empirical evidence regarding the effectiveness of diversity based on data is derived from systematic study of one or more effectiveness criteria (e.g., crime rates, arrest rates, and citizen trust of police or fewer complaints, civil suits, and confrontations). It is not clear whether diversity makes a measurable, sustained difference in the effectiveness of the police. INSIDE POLICING 12 .1 Black Cops in Baltimore Reformers emphasize the importance of diversity within police ranks, but that doesn't seem to have helped Baltimore PD over the last 20 years or so. This article discusses the experiences of black officers within the department, including police commissioners, and why crime and community relations problems have persisted. SOURCE: Modern Policing blog, February 19, 2016. www.oup.com/cordner/black-cops-in-baltimore/. Diversity There is some evidence, however, that diversity can make a difference in some areas of police effectiveness in the short term. For example, Weitzer (2000) analyzed surveys of three Washington, DC, communities, where each community possessed different racial and class characteristics, and found that citizens in middle-class communities reported that black and white officers act similarly in their communities; however, citizens in lower-class communities were more likely to report perceived variations in officer behavior. However, when asked whether they would prefer to have mostly white or mostly black officers working in their neighborhood, black and white teams, or no preference, the majority of citizens indicated that they would prefer racially mixed policing teams or indicated no preference. This was true regardless of community racial characteristics or economic characteristics. Also, citizens in New York who came into contact with female officers (when they were first put on patrol) had a higher regard for the police department than they had before (Sichel et al. 1978). Having a diverse police department may also improve its effectiveness and efficiency. The police rely heavily on the active participation of citizens to achieve their goals, and police departments that lack diversity may be more challenged to accomplish them. Historically, police departments have systematically discriminated against minorities and women in employment, assignments, promotions, and social acceptance. In addition, many white men have not, and do not, consider minorities and women their equals in terms of either capabilities or competencies. Beginning in the 1960s, governmental intervention was required to eliminate discrimination in employment and promotion. Legally, and in terms of government policy, this intervention became known as affirmative action. During the early to mid-1960s, inner-city riots and campus demonstrations occurred that were often sparked by police actions. These events raised questions that went to the very core of the police role and operations in a democratic society: Are the police isolated from the community? How important is it to have community representation in police departments? How important to the community are the nonenforcement aspects of the police role? What type of individuals should be recruited as police officers? As discussed, several national commission reports addressing these and other fundamental questions about the police cited the need to increase especially minority but also female representation throughout the police field. The following is a brief discussion of the history of minorities and women in policing. Racial Minorities in Policing Little has been written about the early development of racial minority police officers in this country. Virtually all the literat ure that is available concerns African Americans and makes it clear that blacks and other minority members, until recently, have had little access to policing. For example, although there were black police officers in Washington, DC, as early as 1861 (Johnson 1947), by 1940 they represented less than 1 percent of the police population (Kuykendall and Burns 1980). Since World War II, however, there has been a steady increase in the proportions of black officers, as well as other minorities, in policing. In general, although the proportions of blacks and other minorities reflect the available workforce in some communities, most departments do not have minority personnel equal to their numbers in the available workforce (see "Increasing Diversity in Police Departments"). Minority representation of police grew in many cities only as a result of pressure from the black community. In Chicago, for instance, black citizens complained frequently of the "stupidity, prejudice and brutality" of white officers (Gosnell 1935, 245). After 1940, the use of black police increased as a result of the emerging political participation of blacks. 379 380 Contemporary Issues Liberal whites (Rudwick 1962) often supported organized movements. Often a church or civic group would become concerned about crime rates, law enforcement in black areas, or race relations because of either racial tension or a desire for integration. Believing that using black officers to patrol black areas would substantially reduce black hostility toward the police, community leaders would usually agree to make a few experimental appointments (Johnson 1947). Unequal Treatment Although African Americans were increasingly being hired into policing, they were not treated equally in the areas of powers of arrest, work assignments, evaluations, and promotions. Frequently, black officers were allowed to patrol only in black areas and to arrest only other black citizens. If a white person committed a crime in a black neighborhood, a black officer would have to call a white officer to make the arrest. In a 1959 survey of 130 cities and counties in the South, 69 required black officers to call white officers in arresting white suspects, and 107 cities indicated that black officers patrolled only in black neighborhoods (Rudwick 1962). Elysee Scott, associated with the National Organization for Black Law Enforcement Executives, grew up in a small Louisiana town in the 1950s and remembers that the black police officers rode in cars marked "Colored Police" and were allowed to arrest only "colored" people (Sullivan 1989). Black officers were frequently restricted in type and location of assignments, and superior officers negatively manipulated performance ratings. Dismissal because of race was also a possibility. In addition, black and white officers rarely worked together (Gosnell 1935); even as late as 1966, squad cars were not completely integrated in the Chicago Police Department (National Center on Police and Community Relations 1967). Promotions were rare for black officers. Leinen (1984) reported that in the mid-1960s, only 22 police departments had promoted blacks above the rank of patrol officer. Even when promotions did occur, blacks were not congratulated by whites or given duties involving active command. In at least one instance, black lieutenants were assigned to walk a beat as patrol officers (Gosnell 1935). However, Hickman and his colleagues (2001) found no direct effects of officer race on outcomes of internal department disciplinary procedures in their examination of Philadelphia police officers. This may suggest that the kinds of discrimination that did exist in the past are less common today. Performance of African American Police As noted previously, the riots of the mid-1960s were a major reason that increased emphasis was placed on the role of minorities in policing. Because a large number of these riots were triggered by incidents involving white officers patrolling black areas, many people thought that community relations would be improved if there were African American officers in these areas. Several national reports came to the same conclusion. For instance, the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice stated, Police officers have testified to the special competence ofNegro officers in Negro neighborhoods. The reasons given include: they get along better and receive more respect from the Negro residents; they receive less trouble ... they can get more information; and they understand Negro citizens better. (1967, 162) Evidence to support the belief that black officers would perform more satisfactorily in black areas has been mixed. On the one hand, many black citizens wanted black officers because it would provide an opportunity for more public jobs, more understanding, less white police brutality, and more effective supervision of black criminals (Landrum 1947; Diversity Myrdal 1944). On the other hand, Rudwick (1960) has argued that blacks from lower socioeconomic classes preferred white to black officers. He found that poorer, uneducated blacks frequently asked for white officers when in need of help and were more likely to plead guilty to a charge made by a white officer (Rudwick 1962). Some evidence indicates that black officers are actually more punitive on black citizens than white officers. In a study in Philadelphia in the 1950s, Kephart (1957) found that the majority of black officers believed it was necessary to be "stricter" with their "own" people than they were with nonblacks. Alex (1976) found that black officers were actually challenged more by young blacks and may have viewed themselves as protectors of the black community. In contrast, black officers needed to prove to the white officers that they were not biased and therefore treated black suspects the same as they treated white suspectsor even more harshly. Contemporary research on this issue draws similar conclusions; Brown and Frank (2006) reported that black officers were significantly more likely to arrest black citizens than white officers. In his influential book Black in Blue (1969), Alex termed this dilemma double marginality. This double marginality was evident by the mid-1960s, when the apparent desire of many black citizens for black police began to lose appeal. Studies conducted in San Diego and Philadelphia, for example, found that some black citizens felt that blacks who chose to become police officers were "selling them out." Of course, given the tenor of the timespolice officers in general were viewed as enemies in minority communities-such a finding is hardly surprising. It is also interesting to note that although many still take the view that predominantly minority neighborhoods need minority patrol officers, others view such an approach as a form of segregation. It is ironic that many of those same people who, during the riots of the 1960s, demanded that black officers be sent into black areas later condemned the same practice as racist (Sullivan 1989, 342). Also, there is some evidence to suggest that the racial and ethnic composition of the police organization can influence behavior, but not in the manner that may be expected. Part of the rationale for diversifying police organizations was that minority officers may "police" minority communities differently. Historically, the white male-dominated police were viewed as treating minorities more punitively, and presumably this disparity would be less prevalent if minorities were more adequately represented within policing. Recent research has examined this phenomenon from the perspective of race and traffic stops specifically, determining whether the racial composition of police patrol divisions impacted the proportion ofminorities stopped within that area. Even after taking racial composition of the neighborhood into account, Wilkins and Williams (2008) found that increased representation of black officers within a patrol division resulted in higher proportions of blacks stopped. This was true also for ethnicity: patrol divisions with higher proportions of Hispanic officers had correspondingly higher proportions of Hispanics stopped (Wilkins and Williams 2009). This may be because of the impact of officer socialization- minority officers may be more likely to identify with other officers than minority citizens, and racial/ethnic differences in police organizations alone may have little influence on reducing disparity in b~havior. Weitzer (2000) indicated that having racially mixed policing teams could have several benefits. First, the teams can have a moderating effect on officers of each race. This means that officers could "check and balance," or compensate for, the behavior of their partners. Second, racially mixed teams can lead to socializing each officer in ways to interact with citizens of different races. Third, racially mixed teams provide a symbolic benefit for the police department, indicating unity and cohesion between officers of different races. Based on these results, little benefit appears to ensue from adhering to the old style of assigning 381 382 Contemporary Issues officers to communities based on the race of the officer or makeup of the community (e.g., black officers in predominantly black communities, white officers in predominantly white communities). Today, as African American officers become more self-assured and less likely to accept discriminatory practices, double marginality is less of a problem. On the one hand, in one study conducted in the aftermath of the Miami riots of the early 1980s, Berg, True, and Gertz (1984) found that black police officers were far less detached and alienated from the local community than were white or Hispanic officers. On the other hand, some police officials believe that black officers have trouble relating to the community because they tend to identify with their white colleagues, who often have a limited understanding of cultural differences (Georges-Abeyie 1984). It is difficult to know how large an issue double marginality remains for minority officers, but one thing seems clear: as long as there is tension between minority communities and police departments, minority officers will be caught in the middle. It is anticipated that as the degree of discrimination lessens, both within and outside police departments, the problem of double marginality will lessen accordingly. Women in Policing Women remain significantly underrepresented in policing. This might be in part because the crime-fighter image that is often portrayed in policing does not coincide with social perceptions of acceptable female behavior. Policing often involves male-attributed activities such as aggression and physical competence. Common characteristics associated with women (e.g., compassion, empathy, and nurturing) are seen as less needed, if not undesired, in police work (DeJong 2004; Garcia 2003; Milton 1972; Parsons and Jesilow 2001). Regardless of the reasons why women remain underrepresented in policing, it is often indicated that healthy and effective police organizations would benefit from a more integrated force. Female officers at the beginning of the twentieth century were to aid male officers by performing duties deemed to be "unmasculine" or "not true police work," such as clerical work or supervising juveniles in custody. But contemporary policing operates with male and female officers enjoying equal police powers and responsibilities (Garcia 2003; Miller 1999; Miller and Hodge 2004). The first woman to hold full police powers was Lola Baldwin in Portland, Oregon, who in 1905 was hired in a social-work capacity with the responsibility of protecting young girls and women. Such a crime-prevention role was viewed as separate from the traditional police role; as Walker notes, "Once the police began to think in terms of preventing juvenile delinquency, they responded to the traditional argument that women had a special capacity for child care" (1977, 85). Between 1905 and 1915, several police departments across the country copied Portland's example. The policewoman idea achieved the status of an organized movement in 1910 with the appointment of Alice Stebbins-Wells to the LAPD. Like Baldwin, Stebbins-Wells had a background in social work and was assigned to care for young women in t rouble with the law and to prevent delinquency among juveniles of both sexes (Walker 1977). Stebbins-Wells became the national leader for the policewomen's movement, which lasted into the 1920s. Her appointment led to the appointment of women to similar positions (as police social workers) in police departments in at least 16 cities by 1916 (Walker 1977). By 1925, 210 cities had women working in police positions- 417 as police social workers and 355 as jail matrons (Owings 1925). Diversity Between 1925 and 1965, both the numbers and the functions ofpolicewomen increased, but only minimally. For example, a 1967 survey of police departments in the nation's largest cities indicated that there were only 1,792 women with police powers (Berkeley 1969). When they were represented on the force, policewomen typically comprised less than 2 percent of the personnel (Eisenberg, Kent, and Wall 1973; Melchionne 1967) and were excluded from patrol duties. During this period most police departments had policies that not only discouraged the hiring of women, but often included quotas, usually 1 percent or less (Simpson 1977). Unequal Treatment Prior to the 1950s, the role ofwomen in policing was restricted primarily to social-welfare assignments, including dealing with juvenile and family problems; being prison matrons; detecting purse snatchers, pickpockets, and shoplifters; investigating sexual assault; and clerical work (Eisenberg, Kent, and Wall 1973). During the 1950s, their role was expanded to cover narcotics and vice investigations (Garmire 1978). In this period, it is ironic that the advocates for women in policing tended to argue that because of their "unique" contributions, including their skills with women and children, defusing domestic violence, and doing undercover work, they should be allowed to join the law enforcement profession (Melchionne 1967). Of course, such an argument likely added to the prevailing view that women could handle specialist activities in "their areas," but were not suited for general police work. As Balkin notes, "It is an interesting if unanswered question why there was reluctance to demand simple equality for women in police work" (1988, 30). Undoubtedly, a large part of the answer lies in the strong tradition placed on the law enforcement (as opposed to social service) nature of the job. In addition, Wilson and McLaren (1963), in their highly influential text Police Administration, were firmly against the equal employment of women. They argued that although women could be of some value in specialized activities and units, they were not qualified to head such units. Men, they noted, were more effective administrators and "were less likely to become irritable and overly critical under emotional stress" (Wilson and McLaren 1963, 334). Although these stereotypical images of women and police work were soon to be challenged, the major breakthrough for the equal treatment of policewomen on the job was the passage of the 1972 amendments to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. After this date, police departments were required, often under the threat of a court order, to eliminate such discriminatory practices of hiring and job assignment. The changes that followed were drastic. For example, in 1971 there were fewer than 12 policewomen on patrol in the United States; by 1974, this number was approaching 1,000 (Garmire 1978). In 1968, the first women were assigned to patrol work in the Indianapolis Police Department (Milton 1972). Within five years, many of the nation's largest police forces, including those of New York, Philadelphia, Miami, Washington, and St. Louis, had women working in patrol (Sherman 1973). By 1979, the percentage of policewomen assigned to patrol was approximately 87 in city departments serving populations larger than 50,000 (Sulton and Townsey 1981). In a comprehensive survey for the Police Foundation (1990) of municipal departments serving populations ranging from 50,000 to more than a million, it was shown that the integration of women into all police assignments has continued to grow at a steady pace. The data indicated that by 1986, 98 percent of the responding departments assigned women to patrol, and women were being assigned to field-operations units (including patrol, special operations, and traffic assignments) in slightly greater 383 384 Contemporary Issues proportion than their overall representation in policing (Martin 1989). Today, policewomen are assigned to virtually all police functions. Performance of Women Officers Early critics of gender diversity in policing argued that women could not handle the physically demanding job of patrol that had barred them from patrol work. The influence of officer gender on behavior is inconsistent and mixed, making it difficult to make firm statements or broad conclusions. There is conjecture that gender diversity will change policing, because females are presumed to be less aggressive and coercive and more nurturing and supportive than males. However, there is insufficient empirical evidence to support this stereotype (Skogan and Frydl 2004), and the evidence that does exist is often conflicting or highly contingent on the nature of the behavior being examined and the context of the situation. For example, early evaluations of the first generation of women patrol officers found that they performed in a highly satisfactory manner. The first study of women on patrol was conducted in Washington, DC, in 1973 (Bloch and Anderson 1974). A matched pair of 86 newly trained policewomen and policemen were placed on patrol and evaluated for one year. The results indicated that men and women performed in a generally similar manner. Women responded to similar calls and had similar results in handling violent citizens. Some interesting differences were also found: women made fewer arrests, but appeared to be more effective than men in defusing potentially violent situations. Additionally, women had a less-aggressive style of policing and were less likely to be charged with improper conduct. The unmistakable conclusion drawn from these results was that female officers can perform effectively on patrol. Two additional major studies closely followed the Washington study, both with similar conclusions. In 1975, Sherman conducted an evaluation of policewomen on patrol in the St. Louis County Police Department; the first 16 women put on patrol in the county were compared with a group of 16 men who had been trained with the women officers. The results indicated that the women were equally as effective as the men in performing patrol work. Again, interesting differences were noted: women were less aggressive, made fewer arrests, and engaged in fewer preventive activities, such as car and pedestrian stops. Citizen surveys indicated that women were more sensitive and responsive to their needs and handled service calls, especially domestic disturbances, better than men. The second study, conducted in New York City in 1976 by Sichel et al. (1978), was comparable to the Washington study in methodological rigor and sophistication. Comparison groups of 41 women and men officers with similar background characteristics were evaluated. Based on 3,625 hours of observation on patrol and some 2,400 police- citizen encounters, the results indicated that both groups of officers performed in a similar manner. However, women officers were again judged by citizens to be more respectful, pleasant, and competent; furthermore, citizens who came into contact with women officers tended to have a higher regard for the police department. Similar findings on the effectiveness of policewomen on patrol have been reported throughout the 1970s in departments of widely divergent sizes and geographical locations. A review of these studies by Morash and Greene (1986) pointed out that despite the generally favorable evaluations, gender biases were inherent in the study designs. For example, there was an emphasis on traits stereotypically associated with "maleness" and policing, and approximately two-thirds of the policing situations observed were related to direct or potential violence, although such incidents are not frequently encountered. Also important, although the studies found differences in men's and women's behavior, they did Diversity not consider the possibility that the women's policing style in resolving conflicts and disputes, rather than escalating incidents into unnecessary arrests, might have had a beneficial rather than a negative effect. Public policing may indeed benefit from police styles that play down the values of coercive authority, conflict, and interpersonal violence (Morash and Greene 1986). Contemporary research presents mixed results on the influence of gender and behavior. Specifically, much of the extant research indicates that male and female officers make similar arrest decisions during encounters with suspects (Robinson 2000; Novak, Brown, and Frank 2011). Examinations of behavior beyond law enforcement draw similar conflicting conclusions. Research by Rabe-Hemp (2008) examined whether female officers engaged in different levels of social control during encounters with citizens. She categorized this controlling behavior as either lower levels (e.g., verbal commands or advising citizens to leave the scene or cease engaging in disorderly behavior or wrongdoing) or extreme levels (threatening, searching, interrogating, restraining, or arresting citizens). Further, she examined gender difference in supporting behaviors, such as telling the citizen to seek assistance from family or friends, use the legal process, or file a complaint. She found that female officers were less likely to engage in extreme controlling behaviors than male officers. However, this cannot be interpreted as a criticism of female officers or otherwise suggest they are unable, unwilling, or incapable of engaging in such behavior- it is more plausible th at female officers are able to deescalate potentially physical confrontations with citizens. Meanwhile, she also reported that lower-level controlling behavior or the propensity to provide citizens with support did not vary across officer gender. Female officers were as likely to engage in verbal social control strategies as males, and male officers were as supportive as females. Rabe-Hemp (2008, 431) concludes that "assuming female officers manifest stereotypically feminine traits in policing tasks is clearly an overly simplistic conceptualization of the meaning and impact of gender in policing." Within the context of domestic violence, there is evidence suggesting that male and female officers exercise "controlling actions" at similar rates; however, female officers are also more likely to provide support to victims during these situations (Sun 2011). Other studies also indicate that female officers use force and coercion at parity with their male counterparts. Paoline and Terrill (2004) found little difference in the use of coercion by officers between genders. Similarly, Hoffman and Hickey (2005) found that female officers used unarmed physical force during arrests at approximately the same rate as male officers. This represents a significant departure from the stereotypical belief that female officers, because of their gender, are less capable or willing to engage in this behavior. However, they also noted that female officers exercised force with a weapon (i.e., firearms, flashlights, batons, OC spray) at a lower rate than male officers. Thus, suspects were significantly less likely to endure injuries during encounters with female officers because female officers were less likely to use weapons during these encounters. Bazley, Lersch, and Mieczkowski (2007, 190) found that although male and female officers employ force similarly, females "applied force levels within a narrower range of justifiable options than their male counterparts," suggesting that female officers respond differently to the level of resistance they encounter. Finally, Parsons and Jesilow (2001) argue that the attitudes and behavior of female police officers differ little from that of their male counterparts. The authors attribute these similarities to a number of factors, including self-selection, department screening, and socialization. They posit that many women who are drawn to policing possess a propensity for the stereotypically masculine characteristics outlined previously (i.e., aggression, 385 386 Contemporary Issues physical competence, logic, and stable emotions). Typically, police departments continue to select and train officers according to the traditional law enforcement orientation. They further find that occupational socialization contributes to similarities in values, beliefs, and behaviors for both men and women (although women often find this process more difficult and iso~ating than male officers). This has separated male and female officers alike from the general population. The result is a collection of male and female officers who are more similar than many might believe. Affirmative Action The National Advisory Commission's Report on Police stated that "when a substantial ethnic minority population resides within the jurisdiction, the police agency should take affirmative action to achieve a ratio of minority group employees in approximate proportion to the makeup of the population" (1973, 329). The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (1968, 316) suggested that police departments should not only intensify their efforts in minority recruitment, but also increase the numbers of minorities in supervisory positions. Attempts to remedy past discriminatory employment and promotional practices are reflected in an affirmative action plan. In other words, the department tries to make an affirmative, or positive, effort to redress past practices and ensure equal employment opportunity. Such plans have been developed voluntarily, although often with political pressure or by court order following legal action. In one study of the nation's 50 largest cities, Walker (1989) found that affirmative action plans appeared to play an important role in police employment trends. Nearly two-thirds (64%) of the departments reported operating under an affirmative action plan at some point during the five-year period. Interestingly, 23 of the affirmative action plans were court ordered, and only 7 were voluntary. McCrary (2007) examined whether courtordered affirmative action litigation impacted the racial composition of police departments or city crime rates. A caution of affirmative action is that police departments may hire less-qualified, less-desirable individuals to meet court-imposed quotas, and this would compromise public safety. He compared 314 cities across more than 30 years and concluded that the litigation resulted in a 14 percent increase in hiring of black officers. He also found little support that litigation impacted crime-affirmative action did not appear to adversely impact public safety. Much of the growth of minorities in policing over the past several decades can be attributed to affirmative action plans and policies. Inside Policing 12.2 explores one city's attempt to provide greater discretion to the chief in order to encourage diversity within the police department. INSIDE POLICING 12 . 2 Diversity Challenge in Indianapolis This article reports that Indianapolis is considering giving the police chief more discretion in hiring as a way to increase diversity. The city came under a consent decree in 1978 but has made limited progress. Current recruiting efforts are extensive but "We're looking for the best of the best, right? So is everybody." SOURCE: Modern Policing blog, April 11, 2016. www.oup.com/cordner/diversity-challenge-in -inclianapolis/. Diversity 387 The impact of affirmative action plans on recruiting females is less clear. Zhao, He, and Lovrich (2006) examined hiring practices of a representative sample of police departments serving more than 25,000 residents to determine what factors impacted female recruitment between 1993 and 2000. They found that the proportion of female officers increased from 9.03 percent to 10.59 percent, with significant increases in white females (6.72 to 7.39%) and Hispanic females (0.50 to 0.80%). However, the proportion of black female officers in police departments did not change significantly. Zhao and colleagues went on to examine what factors did explain these changes. They found that although informal affirmative action plans increased the proportion of females overall and white females in particular, informal affirmative action plans were unrelated to the proportion of black and Hispanic females. Furthermore, police departments with court-imposed affirmative action plans were not correlated with the proportion of female officers overall or across any racial or ethnic categories. In other words, "a formal affirmative action program does not have a significant effect on hiring of female police officers" (Zhao, He, and Lovrich 2006, 480). Factors that increased the proportion of black and Hispanic females were largely external to the department-the size of the black and Hispanic population of the city was related to increasing diversity in black and Hispanic female officers, respectively. This research calls into question the effectiveness of court-ordered affirmative action plans in increasing gender diversity and also notes that although informal plans may increase the proportion of female officers overall, they do not impact an increase in black or Hispanic female representation in police departments. Equal Employment Opportunity In general, the legal challenges to discrimination in employment are brought under either (1) the "equal protection of the laws" clause of the Fourteenth Amendment (which protects citizens of all states) or (2) the Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972 (which extended to public agencies the "anti-discrimination in employment" provisions of Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act). Title VII prohibits any discrimination in the workplace based on race, color, religion, national origin, or sex. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission was established in 1964 to investigate possible violations of the act. Moran (1988, 274) suggests that much of the resistance to affirmative action litigation rests on the belief held by many police executives that the civil service, or merit system, is a fair and effective means of producing a professional force. This system generally involves selecting in rank order those individuals who obtained the highest combined score on an objective, multiple-choice, written exam (many of which have been shown to be culturally biased and not job related) and an oral interview. Additionally, candidates must meet several physical, medical, and personal requirements to qualify for appointment to the department. The problem with this "fair" and "effective" system is that it has excluded women, except in some specialized positions, and many minorities from police work. The federal courts began to recognize that many selection standards that appeared to be neutral in form and intent in fact operated to exclude minorities and women. In general, the courts have indicated (Moran 1988, 275-276) that a police department must: (1) establish that a selection procedure can be scientifically linked to job performance (i.e., "jobvalidated") or (2) restructure the selection process in a manner that does not discriminate against qualified minorities. The outcome of the affirmative action litigation has been that, from a scientific perspective, little "merit" existed in the police-selection process. In fact, such standards as height, weight, age, and gender have not been correlated to job performance. 388 Contemporary Issues In the landmark decision in this area, Griggs v. Duke Power Co. (1971), the U.S. Supreme Court held that the use of a professionally developed examination (for intelligence) could not be used if it had a discriminatory effect. The Court pointed out that Title VII prohibited tests that are neutral in form but discriminatory in operation; that is, if a selection practice excludes minorities or women (although not intended to do so) and cannot be shown to be job validated, it is prohibited. Griggs further found that once discrimination has been established, the burden of proof in establishing the validity of the practice shifts to the defendant (i.e., employer). In other words, once a police department has been judged to engage in a discriminatory practice, the department must indicate to the court that the practice (or requirement) is job related (Moran 1988). In contrast, if a selection standard or requirement does not have a discriminatory impact, there is no need for validation. Furthermore, if a requirement can be shown to be a valid requirement for the job, even if it may have a discriminatory impact, it may be allowed to remain as a requirement. Chapter 14, for example, discusses how higher education may be shown to be a bona fide occupational qualification for policing and thus allowed as a requirement for initial selection. Increasing Diversity in Police Departm.ents The number of women and minorities in police departments has increased consistently since the 1960s, although the increase has been uneven. Walker (1989) reported that of the nation's 50 largest cities, between 1983 and 1988, nearly half (45%) made significant progress in the employment of black officers; however, 17 percent reported a decline in the percentage of African American officers. Sklansky (2006) indicated that the percentage of minority officers in major police departments has increased dramatically between the 1960s and 2000 and that at least two cities (Detroit and Washington, DC) are more than 50 percent minority. Three police departments (Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Washington, DC) have a higher proportion of black officers than black residents. Forty-two percent of the departments reported significant increases in the percentage of Hispanic officers employed, whereas approximately 11 percent indicated a decline and 17 percent reported no change. Latino representation in police departments is more likely within cities that experience rapid growth in Latino populations (Perez McClusky and McClusky 2004). A survey of municipal police departments serving cities of 50,000 or more (Martin 1989) indicated that in 1978, women comprised 4.2 percent of sworn personnel, and by 1986 they comprised 8.8 percent. In local departments with 100 or more officers, approximately 99 percent have women officers, but fewer than 1 percent have 20 percent or more female representation. Furthermore, most of these departments are sheriffs' departments, where many women officers work in the jails (Carter, Sapp, and Stephens 1989). The Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) conducts regular surveys on the cultural changes taking place in policing. The increasing percentages of women and minorities can be readily observed in Figure 12.1. Women comprised 12.2 percent of all full-time local police officers in 2013 compared with 11.9 percent in 2007, 11.3 percent in 2003, 10.6 percent in 2000, 10 percent in 1997, 8.8 percent in 1993, 8.1 percent in 1990, and 7.6 percent in 1987. Inside Policing 12.3 further illustrates diversity within large police departments but notes too that the total proportion of minority officers has remained stable in recent years. Black officers accounted for 11.9 percent of the total in 2007, up slightly from 11.7 percent in 1997, 2000, and 2003, 11.3 percent in 1993, 10.5 percent in 1990, and 9.3 percent in 1987. Hispanic officers comprised 10.3 percent of full-time officers, up from 9.1 percent in 2003, 8.3 percent in 2000, 7.8 percent in 1997, 6.2 percent in 1993, 5.2 percent in 1990, and Diversity 14..-------------- - - - - - - -- -12.2 ■ 1987 ■ 1990 ■ 1993 ■ 1997 ■ 2000 ■ 2003 2007 2013 Female FIGURE 12 .1 Percentage of Female Local Police Officers, 1987-2013. SOURCE: Reaves, B.A. 2014. Local Police Departments, 2013: Personnel, Policies and Practices. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics. INSIDE POLICING 12. 3 Police Diversity-A Mixed Picture Under the headline "Police diversity lags in many cities" USA Today presents data showing that "in at least 50 cities with more than 100,000 people, the percentage of black police is less than half of what blacks represent in the population." Clearly many cities have work to do. In the same story, though, data are presented showing that, nationally, the percentage of black police in 2010 was exactly equal to the black portion of the U.S. population-12%. The story offers no comment on this positive statistic, though it is probably a surprise to many readers. SOURCE: Modern Policing blog, January 23, 2015. www.oup.com/cordner/police-diversity/. 4.5 percent in 1987. Overall, approximately one in four local police officers in America are racial/ethnic minorities (25.3%). This is a steady increase of minority representation compared with 1987, when minorities comprised 14.6 percent of police personnel (Reaves 2014) (Figure 12.2). The uneven representation of females and minority officers in departments of varying size is shown in Tables 12.1 and 12.2. Although women comprised 12.2 percent of all local police officers in 2013, these percentages were highest in large jurisdictions, with 16.7 percent of officers in jurisdictions of 250,000 (see Table 12.1). In contrast, females comprise only 7 percent of officers in jurisdictions with fewer than 10,000 people. This relationship was supported by Morabito and Shelley (2015), who report that female representation increased with increased department size. Additionally, females were more likely to occupy supervisory or leadership positions in large police departments. In jurisdictions larger than 250,000, 6.6 percent of departments had female chiefs and 14.8 percent of front-line supervisors were females. In contrast, small departments were less likely to have female chiefs and had a smaller proportion of female front-line supervisors. 389 390 Contemporary Issues 14 ...-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -12.2 - -- - - - 11.6 ■ 1987 ■ 1990 ■ 1993 ■ 1997 ■ 2000 ■ 2003 2007 2013 Blacks Hispanics/ Latinos FIGURE 12 . 2 Percentage of Black and Hispanic Police Officers, 1987-2013. SOURCE: Reaves, B.A. 2014. Local Police Departments, 2013: Personnel, Policies and Practices. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics. TABLE 12 .1 Female Representation among Selected Positions in Local Police Departments, by Size of Population Served, 2013 POPULATION SERVED All sizes CHIEF FIRST-LINE SUPERVISORS ALL FULL-TIME SWORN PERSONNEL 2.7 9.5 12.2 250,000 or more 6.6 14.8 16.7 50,000-249,999 3.7 8 10.8 10,000-49,999 3.4 5.6 8.3 Less than 10,000 2.3 5.7 7 Source: Bureau ofJustice Statistics, Law Enforcem ent Management and Ad ministrative Stat istics (LEMAS) Survey, 2013. African American officers, who comprised approximately 12.2 percent of the total, also had the highest percentages in large jurisdictions, with black officers comprising approximately 18 to 23 percent in jurisdictions larger than 250,000 residents; Hispanic officers were the most represented in jurisdictions with populations greater than 250,000, comprising 11.6 percent. Morabito and Shelley (2015) also found that nonwhite and black diversity within police departments increased with the size of the organization. Hispanic officers had the highest representation within the largest police departments, those exceeding 1 million population. Other minorities, including Asians, Pacific Islanders, American Indians, and Alaska Natives, represented about 3.5 percent of the total (see Table 12.2). This distinction is important because a typical municipal police department is small and relatively few police organizations serve jurisdictions greater than 250,000. Three surveys of women in policing further indicate their uneven development and continued gender-specific problems. The first survey of 800 police executives by the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) reported that women comprise 12 percent of the police officers, but are not represented at all in nearly 20 percent of the departments ("Plenty of Talk" 1999). Furthermore, the IACP found that 91 percent of the departments had no women in policy-making roles, and 10 percent reported that gender bias was one of TABLE 12 . 2 Race and Ethnicity of Full-Time Sworn Personnel in Local Police Departments by Size of Population Served. 2013 WHITE(%) BLACK/AFRICAN AMERICAN* (%) HISPANIC/ LATINO(%) ASIAN/NATIVE HAWAIIAN/ OTHER(¾) AMERICAN INDIAN/ ALASKA NATIVE*/ PACIFIC ISLANDER* ( %) TWO OR MORE RACES*(%) 1,000,000 or more 72.8 12.2 11.6 2.4 0.6 0.5 500,000-999,999 53.4 17.0 24.7 4.4 0.2 0.3 250,000-499,999 59.8 23.2 9.9 4.5 0.4 2.2 100,000-249,999 67.4 18.6 11.0 2.1 0.6 0 .3 0.3 POPULATION SERVED 50,000-99,999 73.9 12.3 10.7 2.5 0.3 25,000-49,999 80.4 8.0 9.3 1.6 0.3 0.4 10,000-24,999 86.3 5.9 5.7 0.9 0.9 0.4 2,500- 9,999 87.8 5.1 5.7 0.7 0.4 0.3 0.4 1.4 0.3 2,499 or fewer 89.0 4.4 4.4 Note: Detail may not sum to total because of rounding. •Excludes persons of Hispanic or Latino origin. Source: Reaves, B. A. 2014. Local Police Departments, 2013: Personnel, Policies and Practices. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics. w .... ID 392 Contemporary Issues the reasons women were not promoted. In addition, women had filed more than one-third of the lawsuits against departments charged with gender bias and sexual harassment. Based on the findings, the IACP recommended that police departments should implement fairer screening procedures, institute more rigorous policies against sexual harassment, and increase recruiting drives designed to attract and retain more women in policing. A survey-of some 700 state and local police departments with 100 or more full-time sworn officers by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (Reaves and Goldberg 1999) found that sheriffs' departments employed the highest percentage of female officers (15%)-although many of those worked in the jails rather than on patrol-followed by county departments (11%), municipal departments (9%), and state agencies (5%). The third survey, by the National Center for Women and Policing (2002), found that women held 12.7 percent of all sworn positions in 2001. The data indicate that many police departments are culturally diverse and becoming more so all the time. Although this trend is uneven throughout the country, within the next several decades, half or more oflocal police officers likely will be women and minorities. Such growth, however, assumes a continued emphasis on affirmative action and equal employment opportunity programs, which may be subsiding in some departments (see Chapter 14). Promotional Opportunities A comparison study of 290 police departments of female police supervisors (Martin 1989) shows that women represented 2.2 percent of all municipal supervisory levels in 1978 and 7.6 percent in 1986 (including 3.7% at the sergeant level, 2.5% at the lieutenant level, and 1.4% above the lieutenant level). Another study of departments with 100 or more sworn personnel by the National Center for Women and Policing (Lonsway et al. 2002) found higher percentages of women supervisors. The center evaluated the number of females in supervisory positions among large police departments as well as smaller and rural police departments. They found that for women, although they are underrepresented in police departments, the disparity is more pronounced at higher levels of the organizational chart. Women comprised 9.6 percent of supervisory positions (lieutenant and sergeant) in large agencies and 4.6 percent in smaller and rural agencies. Among top command positions (captain or above), women were represented at the rate of 7.3 and 3.4 percent. In sum, although the proportion of women in American police departments continues to experience modest increases, the proportion of females in positions of power and policy making in these organizations remains low. Inside Policing 12.4 highlights Vermont's efforts to recruit and prepare females for policing, and Inside Policing 12.5 highlights the prevalence of female chiefs in the United States and discusses institutional barriers in the United Kingdom. Data on minority promotions are more limited than data on females. According to officials in African American and Hispanic national organizations, no agency routinely and systematically gathers information about the promotion of minorities. Despite the lack of data, many affirmative action specialists claim that most minority officers are not promoted equally compared with white officers and remain essentially at the entry level (Sullivan 1989). As with female officers, however, it is also true that because minority members have not been well integrated into policing, until recently they have not had a sufficient amount of time in which to be promoted. Wide variation exists in promotion practices among police departments. In general, the departments with the best records of promoting minority officers appear to be those in cities that have large minority populations and minority leadership in the mayor's office or Diversity INSIDE POLICING 12.4 Recruiting Women into Law Enforcement Recognizing the fact that females remain underrepresented in policing and citing research identifying the advantages of having gender diversity in the workforce, staff at the Vermont Works for Women (a nonprofit organization that has a track record of recruiting and preparing women to work in nontraditional occupations) created Step Up to Law Enforcement. This program, established in 2004, is a six-week, preacademy, gender-specific training course designed to provide training and a real-world introduction to working in policing and corrections. The program emphasizes key components including preparation for physical tests required for academy entry, introduction to critical issues in policing and corrections, introduction to firearms, employment skills for policing, preparing for oral board interviews, interviews with local police departments and corrections agencies, employment support from Vermont Works for Women staff after graduation and access to Vermont Works for Women job banks. SOURCE: http://vtworksforwomen.org/sule/. INSID E POLICING 12 . 5 Female Chiefs The number of US women police chiefs has roughly doubled in the last 5-10 years-increasing from 1% to 2% of all chiefs, according to this article. About 12% of all sworn police in the US are female. This article describes some of the institutional factors that tend to hold women back from top jobs in UK policing. SOURCE: Modern Policing blog, April 7, 2012. www.oup.com/cordner/women-chiefs/. at the top levels in the police department. Thus, as Sullivan (1989) has noted, black officers in Chicago and Atlanta (or Detroit) or Hispanic officers in Miami (or Los Angeles) are more likely to be promoted than their colleagues in cities with larger white populations and power bases. Walker and Turner (1993) reported the percentage of black and Hispanic officers in eight nationally representative large police departments and the percentage holding supervisory ranks are considerably lower than minority representation among officers. Sklansky (2006), highlighting the LAPD, reported that the proportion of nonwhite officers was approximately 60 percent; however, minority (particularly Hispanic) representation decreased at higher levels of the hierarchy. In 2000, nearly 70 percent of the top command in the LAPD was white. · The Supreme Court's ruling in Paradise (U.S. v. Paradise 1987) also appears to set the direction in attempting to balance the need to rectify past discriminatory practices while protecting innocent third parties from discrimination. Rulings such as Paradise, along with continued emphasis on minority recruitment and affirmative action plans, should contribute substantially toward a higher percentage of minority personnel in supervisory positions in the near future. One interesting dilemma has developed, however, with respect to minority promotions at the local level-namely, "federal raiders," who recruit away top 393 394 Contemporary Issues minority candidates (Sullivan 1989). Because federal agencies usually require some law enforcement experience prior to employment, federal agents often recruit their personnel from local police departments. Furthermore, because federal agencies tend to be viewed as more prestigious and may pay more, it is easy to understand why they are often successful in recruiting the most qualified personnel (especially minorities and women) local departments have to offer. Such raiding results in the loss by local departments of the minority officers with the greatest potential for promotion. Officers' motivation to seek promotion appears to vary by race and gender, and suggesting that police organizations simply "encourage" underrepresented groups to seek promotion may be ineffective or even counterproductive. Whetstone (2001) explained that personal, professional, and organizational reasons influenced whether officers sought promotion. White officers were significantly more likely to indicate that promotion was a personal goal, whereas minorities were significantly more likely to seek promotion to achieve a leadership role. Whetstone further noted that whites were less likely to be encouraged to seek promotion than minorities. Similarly, Archbold and Schulz (2008) and Archbold and Hassell (2009) found female officers reported being consistently encouraged by supervisors to seek promotion. However, they indicated that female officers felt they were being encouraged because of their gender, rather than because they were highly qualified or effective leaders. This belief created an unanticipated negative effect-females were actually less likely to pursue promotion, in part because they were encouraged to do so under what they interpreted as illegitimate reasons. Whetstone indicated that male officers were much more likely to not seek promotion because doing so would result in a loss of pay. Although promotion almost universally includes an increase in base salary, a sergeant's earning potential can decrease because he or she may not be able to engage in lucrative off-duty assignments (or "side jobs"). Female officers, in contrast, were significantly more likely to cite child-care concerns for opting out of the promotional process (see also Archbold and Hassell 2009). Shifts are often assigned based on seniority, with new sergeants given the least desirable shifts (e.g., midnights). Because overnight child-care options are scarce, a promotion to sergeant could be viewed as an unnecessary hardship for officers, particularly for females. Police organizations must encourage and promote diversity at all levels of the hierarchy, and minorities and females appear particularly underrepresented in supervisory positions. But addressing the issue of disparity at supervisory levels appears complicated and should be approached delicately. Simply encouraging minorities and females to be promoted can cause some to feel slighted and marginalized, resulting in otherwise qualified individuals choosing not to seek promotion. Additionally, a variety of factors appear to influence the decision to pursue (or not pursue) promotion, some ofwhich vary across race and gender. Responsible organizations must take these into consideration while creating a culture that provides qualified officers with the opportunity to seek promotion. Integration of Minorities and Women into Policing The preceding discussion indicates that an increasing percentage and number of both minorities and women are entering the law enforcement field. Much of this increase, however, is caused by the passage of the 1972 amendments to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. These amendments, as well as subsequent court decisions based on them, forced police departments to alter, radically in some instances, their selection and promotional practices. Hence, the question remains: How well are these "nontraditional" officers being treated once they are inside the department? This section examines how well women and minorities appear to be integrating into the police work environment, as well as prospects for the future. Diversity Because many male officers have been opposed to women in policing in general and women on patrol in particular (see Bloch and Anderson 1974; Martin 1980; Charles 1981; Linden 1983), it is not surprising that women have had a particularly difficult time breaking into policing. Although many departments are moving toward community policing, for the most part they remain tradition bound and masculine. Linden (1983) contends that men tend to object to women on patrol because they fear that women will not be able to cope with physical violence and that the image of the police will suffer. For example, a survey of police departments in the Northwest (Brown 1994) indicated that only one-third of male patrol officers actually accepted a woman on patrol and that more than half did not think women could handle the physical requirements of the job as well as men can. Martin (1980) further notes that women threaten to disrupt the division of labor, the work norms, the work group's solidarity, the insecure occupational image, and the sexist ideology that is contrary to the men's definition of police work as "men's work" and their identity as masculine men. Police Culture The major underlying dilemma confronting women in policing is the police culture, which has as its foundation a sexist and macho perception of the role of police. As Martin has noted, The use of women on patrol implies either that the men's unique asset, their physical superiority, is irrelevant (as it is, on most assignments) or that the man with a female partner will be at a disadvantage in a physical confrontation that he would not face with a male partner. (1989, 11) The nature of police work creates a peer culture between officers that makes it difficult for women to assimilate. Franklin (2005) summarizes elements ofpolice culture to include machismo and adventure, coercive power and control, heterosexism, solidarity and group loyalty, sexism, physical conflict resolution, glorification of violence, desire for action, and excitement and danger. She concludes that these elements "form the social systems that serve to keep women from fully participating in policing" (Franklin 2005, 7). According to this research, many individuals within the policing industry continue to view women as outsiders and as inappropriate for policing. As emphasized previously, in general the police role is not physically demanding and requires a much stronger mental than physical capacity. In addition, no research indicates that strength is related to police functioning, nor does any research suggest that physical strength is related to an individual's ability to successfully manage a dangerous situation (Charles 1981). As the earlier review of the research on the performance of policewomen indicated, women not only perform satisfactorily on patrol, but also tend to be exemplary in the less aggressive, nontraditional aspects of the role (e.g., interacting with citizens, handling domestic disturbances). This finding suggests that in many respects, women may actually be better suited for police work than men. McDowell (1992) reports 'that the Christopher Commission (investigating the LAPD after the Rodney King beating) found that the 120 officers with the most use-of-force reports were all men and that civilian complaints against women were consistently lower. Policewomen, by contrast, tended to perform better in meeting the public, handling domestic violence, and dealing with rape victims. Women face other hurdles in attempting to be accepted into the policing profession. For instance, the use of sexist language, sexual harassment, sexual jokes, tokenism, and sexrole stereotyping all contribute to severe adjustment problems for women (Martin 1989; 395 396 Contemporary Issues Martin and Jurik 1996). Men frequently use language to keep women officers in their "place" by referring to them as "ladies" or "girls," suggesting that they need to be protected. Women who do not conform to sex-role stereotypes and are "tough" enough to gain respect as officers may be labeled "bitches" or "lesbians" in an attempt to neutralize their threat to male dominance (Berg and Budnick 1986; Prokos and Padavic 2002), a process referred to ~s defeminization. Possibly because ofthe hurdles women face on entering policing, some research (Martin 1979) has suggested that two separate identities may develop: policewomen and policewomen. The former attempts to gain her male colleagues' approval by adhering to traditional police values and norms, with law enforcement her primary orientation; the latter attempts to perform her duties in a "traditionally feminine manner" by making few arrests, infrequently using physical activity, and placing strong emphasis on "being a lady." Although Martin's research included only 32 female officers, 7 of whom were classified as policewomen and 8 as policewomen (with the rest in between), it is important that police departments promote policies and practices that allow female officers to be "themselves" and to utilize the particular strengths that many women bring to the job. In fact, Rabe-Hemp (2009) suggests this may actually be the case. Through interviews with officers, she found that females tend to negotiate between the policewomen and policewomen ends of the spectrum. Female officers she interviewed rated themselves higher than their male counterparts across "feminized forms of police work" (Rabe-Hemp 2009, 124), including dealing with victims, children, and juveniles and community policing. However, female officers were critical of female peers who appeared to proscribe to a dominant end of the policewomen and policewomen continuum. In general, research on policewomen suggests that they are still struggling for acceptance, believe that they do not receive equal credit for their work, and are often sexually harassed by their coworkers (Daum and Johns 1994). One study of more than 500 women officers from nine western states revealed that open sexual discrimination and sexual harassment were far more common today than expected, especially by supervisors and commanders, who not only tolerate such practices by others but also frequently engage in such practices themselves (Timmins and Hainsworth 1989). The survey also indicated that duty assignments were often based on gender. Martin (1989) further notes that frequent sexual jokes and informal harassment cause many women to avoid interaction with men that might be viewed as having a sexual connotation. To maintain their moral reputation, they may sacrifice the opportunity to build the close interpersonal relationships that are necessary for gaining sponsors and mentors (i.e., an influential person who provides guidance and assistance). Without backing from the informal political network within the department, women will likely have a more difficult time being promoted or gaining specialized job assignments. This lack of access to the informal political network within a department also applies to minority officers. Although there are many reasons why minorities may not be assigned to specialized jobs or promoted equally compared with whites, some of which were discussed earlier, Sullivan (1989) believes the major reason is that minority networks usually do not reach the upper echelons of power and the existing white network. He suggests that this is a catch-22 situation- that is, minority promotions will increase only when more minority officers are promoted. Once again, it is important to recognize how necessary equal promotional opportunities are for both minority and female officers. Structural Characteristics Women also face problems relating to the structural characteristics or features of police departments (Martin 1989). For example, most training academies place a strong Diversity emphasis on physical fitness. Once a certain level of fitness and performance has been achieved, however, it generally need not be maintained; that is, few departments require any testing of physical performance beyond that of the academy. Such an emphasis tends to magnify the importance of physical differences between the sexes, which tends to perpetuate the sex-role stereotype. This is not to suggest that police officers should not be physically fit, but that fitness should be within the parameters of job-related standards. Furthermore, if physical standards are job related, then they should be maintained throughout an officer's career, at least in those jobs where such a requirement is necessary. Training academies also often fail to place the proper amount of importance on the development of the interpersonal skills that are essential to effective police work. Such skills are usually more highly developed in women than in men, and their absence from the training curriculum deprives women of excelling in an important job-relevant area. Consequently, as Martin observed, "New women recruits enter male turf on male terms with little recognition of their own problems or strengths" (1989, 12). Associated with the problem of not recognizing the importance of interpersonal skills is the performanceevaluation process itself. Despite the favorable response to the effectiveness of women on patrol, internal performance-evaluation criteria tend to have a gender bias that is favorable toward males. Some research (Morash and Greene 1986) has discovered that such criteria tend to emphasize traits that are primarily associated with a male stereotype (e.g., forcefulness and dominance). Additionally, Lonsway (2003) reviewed research related to women's lack of physical prowess making them unsuitable for police work. She noted that although there are times when physical strength is advantageous for officers, such situations are relatively rare in everyday policing. Further, she notes that police departments have been unable to create valid tests that can predict successful performance of physical activities. Pregnancy and Maternity An important policy area concerning women officers is that of pregnancy and maternity or disability leave. As more women enter policing and become pregnant, their treatment becomes important not only to the officer and her family, but also to the department and the community. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act was amended in 1978 to add the Pregnancy Discrimination Act, which outlaws discrimination on the basis of pregnancy, childbirth, or any medical condition they might cause. Employers are thus required to treat pregnancy as they would any other temporary disability (Rubin 1995). The Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) of 1993 also provides employees up to three months ofleave for medical conditions that include pregnancy. Although over time police departments have continued to integrate the Pregnancy Discrimination Act and the FMLA into their personnel policies, the practice of how police organizations address pregnancy varies considerably. Also, as Kruger (2007) notes, the FMLA has limitations for policing, and departments can identify exceptions to accommodating pregnant officers. Recognizing that it is unfair to force females to choose between professional goals and family choices, Kruger provides a series of recommendations, including (1) light-duty assignments, (2) fetal protection policies (e.g.,, certain types of police functions, such as firearms training involving discharging lead dust, may be hazardous to fetuses), (3) maternity uniforms and equipment, (4) maternity leave, and (5) job sharing and flex time (Kruger 2007). Kruger (2007) goes on to recognize that employees also share some of the resp onsibility in managing pregnancy and family planning professionally. Certain stages in an officer's career may be particularly unsuited for maternity (e.g., academy training, FTO, or 397 398 Contemporary Issues probationary periods), and officers may choose to defer pregnancy until later. Recognizing this, planned child care may be part of the employee's responsibility (Kruger 2007). An issue not raised is related to organizational size-larger police departments may be more structurally equipped to provide the accommodations discussed above. Smaller, rural police departments may be challenged to provide opportunities such as job sharing (because ther~ may not be a second officer with whom to share the job). Pregnancy and maternity will impact large and small departments differently, and policies must be tailored for each organization. Se xual Harassme nt Maintaining a healthy working environment free from sexual harassment is a priority for all employers. However, the environment for policing may be particularly susceptible to sexual harassment because it is male dominated; policing generally encourages a culture of machismo. The previous discussion on police culture established that policewomen still face sexual harassment by their coworkers- and if women officers are to gain equal treatment and status in police departments, sexual harassment must be taken seriously by the department and be eliminated. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act prohibits sex discrimination. Sexual harassment is simply another form of sex discrimination. Sexual harassment in the workplace has been defined across three different dimensions, discussed here. Unwanted sexual attention includes sexually suggestive comments that are made to or about a person as well as inappropriate touching. Gender harassment includes behaviors such as dirty jokes or stories told in the workplace or comments that put women down. Quid pro quo literally translates to "this for that"; the term is used to describe situations where an employee is forced to submit to unwanted sexual advances as a condition of employment, with either a tangible job reward for complying or a punishment for refusing (Lonsway, Paynich, and Hall 2013, 178). Research confirms that sexual harassment continues to exist in American police organizations. Somvadee and Morash (2008) utilized a sexual experience questionnaire (SEQ) (developed by Fitzgerald et al. 1988) to categorize harassment in policing across several dimensions: gender harassment (suggestive, crude, sexist remarks), unwanted sexual attention, and sexual coercion. In interviews with 117 female officers across a number of different agencies, they found gender harassment was common. The most common form of harassment was suggestive stories or offensive jokes- 83.7 percent of officers indicated experiencing this behavior at least once over the previous two-year period. Other common forms of harassment included being treated differently because of sex (69.2%), crude sexual remarks (68.3%), putdowns because of sex (53.8%), and sexist remarks (51.2%). Unwanted sexual attention was less common; however, 45.2 percent of officers reported discussion of sexual or personal matters at work. Other unwanted sexual attention included unwelcome touching (36.7%). Other more perverse harassment was relatively rare, although alarming. A total of 5.1 percent of female officers experienced subtle sexual bribery over the previous two-year period, and 5.9 percent reported being treated badly for sexual noncooperation. Subsequent research also utilizing the SEQ reports similar experiences with sexual harassment. Lonsway, Paynich, and Hall (2013) reported that 82.6 percent of male officers and 92.5 percent of female officers experienced sexual harassment in the previous year. Of female officers, 48.5 percent reported unwanted sexual attention (e.g., sexually suggestive remarks, sexual or romantic advances), 4.3 percent reported quid pro quo harassment, and 91.2 percent reported gender harassment (dirty jokes, saying things that put women down, etc.). The perpetrator of sexual harassment typically was a coworker (not a supervisor). Consequences associated with sexual harassment included work withdrawal, decreased Diversity work, supervisor and coworker satisfaction, job and life stress, and depression and anxiety. The vast majority of officers never reported sexual harassment to supervisors-85.5 percent of female officers never reported. The most common reason for nonreporting was that the incident was not perceived as serious enough to file a report; however, it is worth noting that 27.5 percent of female officers cited concern about the reaction of a supervisor or coworker as influencing their decision to not report. Notably, 23.2 percent of female officers indicated concern about how reporting could impact their career, whereas only 15.7 percent of male officers noted this concern. This harassment has negative impacts on female officers. Haarr (1997) conducted interviews with and observations of officers in a Midwestern police department. Every female participant in her study reported experiencing some degree of sexual harassment. This harassment was often intended to marginalize women in the police department, indicating that policing is not a legitimate occupation for women. Further, Morash and Haarr (1995) indicated that sexual harassment was a significant contributor to female officer workplace stress. Any sexual harassment, no matter how seemingly benign or harmless to the perpetrator, can significantly impact women with regard to stress, socialization, and patterns of interaction within the organization. Collins (2004) examined sexual harassment cases filed with the Florida Criminal Justice Standards and Training Commission between 1993 and 1997. Female officers alleged that male officers exposed them to crude or offensive remarks in 73 percent of the cases, and 33 percent of the cases alleged "frequent sexist remarks." Twenty-four percent of the cases alleged sexual coercion-namely, job-related considerations that would be traded for sexual favors. Thirty-six percent of these cases ended in punitive discipline for the harasser, such as probation, remedial training, suspension, or some combination thereof. Termination resulted in only 16.7 percent of the cases. Although this research provides a good overview of the nature and outcome of sexual harassment cases, it is unclear whether it is descriptive of sexual harassment in general because so few cases are officially reported. Police departments must have a policy that defines and prohibits sexual harassment, because failure to have such a policy may be construed as deliberate indifference, exposing the department to claims of liability. Employees who claim sexual harassment will not have to prove economic or psychological injury to win a claim. Even when such a policy exists, the department may still be held liable. Departments can also be held liable, even if they did not know of the offending behavior, if a court determines that they should have known about it. Departments are also generally liable for the acts of their supervisory personnel (Rubin 1995). Accordingly, every complaint of sexual harassment should be taken seriously and acted on immediately, with a follow-up investigation. Confidentiality should be maintained, and every step of the investigation should be documented. Whenever harassment is found, swift remedial action- including warnings, reprimands, suspension, or dismissal-should be taken (Rubin 1995). This action not only sends a message that sexual harassment will not be tolerated, but also indicates (to t~e courts) that the department is seriously attempting to control harassment. Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Officers This chapter has focused on diversity issues related to race/ethnicity and gender; however, introduction of diversity related to sexual orientation deserves highlighting. Lesbian and gay officers may share many of the experiences of other minorities within policing. Early hypothesized benefits of diversity within policing included providing the police with a different, more representative lens in which they view the community and the unique crimes, 399 400 Contemporary Issues problems, and need for services across communities; parallel barriers for integration in policing may also exist. This chapter previously noted that elements of police culture include machismo, heterosexism, and sexism (Franklin 2005). Policing is a hypermasculine occupation and adheres to strong in-group norms, making integration of lesbian and gay officers difficult. Unlike racial/ethnic minorities and females, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) officers are not outwardly or immediately identifiable as minorities; therefore, officers may choose to hide their sexual orientation and "serve in silence" to avoid alienation and avoid harassment (Colvin 2014) and may experience double marginality in ways discussed earlier in this chapter related to African American police officers. The extent of diversity in police departments with regard to sexual orientation is unclear because, unlike racial/ethnicity and gender, police departments do not (cannot) track or report the sexual orientation of their workforce. Policing LGBT communities is discussed further in Chapter 15, and this chapter will discuss experiences and diversity of lesbian and gay officers. Full understanding of LGBT diversity within police departments remains understudied, but surveys of LGBT officers indicate integration issues similar to those experienced by racial/ethnic minorities and female policing pioneers. On the one hand, LGBT officers report good relationships with nongay supervisors and peers, and LGBT officers overwhelmingly report positive relationships with gay and nongay communities. On the other hand, however, LGBT officers reported their sexual orientation was a barrier to professional development. In fact, only 48 percent of LGBT officers agreed with the statement "my job advancement opportunities are the same as non-gay officers" (Colvin 2014, p. 197). Officers indicated this was in part because of assignments tending to be people-focused assignments (recruiting, public relations, training, liaison, etc.) rather than specialized crime-focused assignments, such as homicide or narcotics units. This suggests that sexual orientation may indirectly impede promotional opportunities. Other barriers for equal employment opportunities include performance evaluations, work schedules, and assignment of partners (Colvin 2009). Differential treatment within the workplace is also common, regardless of whether peers and supervisors are aware of officers' sexual orientation. The majority ofLGBT officers reported exposure to homophobic talk in the workplace (67%) and feeling like an outsider within their police department (51%). LGBT officers also reported a high rate of social isolation (48%), tokenism (43%), and repeated harassment (34%) (Colvin 2014). Perceptions of fairness and equity are important aspects of diversity within healthy police departments, and although the extent of LGBT diversity or experiences of LGBT officers is limited and anecdotal, it appears that experiences of this minority population may be similar to those of racial minorities and females. Future Prospects Over the past three decades, substantial progress has been made in the recruitment and hiring of minorities and women in policing. However, although some departments have accomplished this voluntarily, others have been reluctant and were forced by the courts. This situation, combined with the traditional police culture, has created serious problems for minorities and women with respect to integration and equal treatment within the field. Below, Cedric Alexander discusses diversity in a variety of forms in the "Voices from the Field" box. Police departments will continue to struggle with the complex problems associated with minority hiring and promotion. If they are to increase-or, in some instances, VOICES FROM THE FIELD Cedric L. Alexander Public Safety Director, DeKalb County, Georgia When I began my law enforcement career in the 1970s as one of a pinch-"handful" implies more than there were-of AfricanAmerican deputies in a Florida panhandle sheriff's department, I was "diversity." So I admit it, I have very positive feelings about the diversity concept. Among other things, it gave me my life's work. But let's admit two other things. Number one, diversity today is a loaded word and a loaded concept. Many private companies and public organizations, including police departments, proudly advertise their diversity as an asset, a benefit, and also the right thing to do. That's fine, but behind the urge to advertise is a somewhat less than conscious admission that diversity is still something special or unusual and maybe even uncomfortable. Not everybody likes it. Some people are even resentful of it and try to dismiss it as a symptom of "political correctness." Number two: Diversity is a fact-not a value (although it is valuable), not the product of civil rights law (although it is protected legally), and not a figment of "political correctness" worthy of dismissal. It is a fact of 21st-century American life, and it is therefore a fact of 21st-century American policing. There is no dismissing a fact. The United States, especially its cities, is becoming increasingly diverse. There was a time not very long ' ago when "diversity" in DeKalb County, in metro Atlanta, where I am director of public safety, was defined by the colors black and white, period. Today, more than half the population is African American, 38 percent is white, about a third is non-Hispanic white, 10 percent Hispanic of any race, and 5 percent is Asian. Some 8 percent of our community is foreign born. In addition, all of what we call the "major religions" are well represented, and there is a large LGBT community. Our county has a lively business community, which actively hires for diversity because they want their local businesses to reflect the makeup of the locality. Every public-facing enterprise can gain advantages from a diverse workforce, and that includes police agencies. My approach is to identify key demographic groups that are underrepresented in my department, and do what I can to address the deficiencies through recruitment. But we make a mistake if we try to achieve diversity in a police department by exclusively recruiting people who "look like" the people they serve. Black officers for the predominantly black neighborhoods, Asians for the Asian enclaves, Hispanics . .. you get it. This is not hiring for diversity. It is recruiting for segregation. The truly diverse department is staffed with officers effective at, comfortable with, and enthusiastic about working with everyone in every neighborhood in the jurisdiction. Diversity deals with differences, but it is about the universal, the human values we all share. I want my officers to work up from that universal foundation, even as they take both interest and satisfaction in the varieties of upbringing, experience, and cultural background, perceptions, thoughts, and emotions they , encounter among the people they serve. More importantly, I want them to take pride in serving everyone with the highest professionalism, respect, and integrity. Two of the most important qualities I look for in a police officer are curiosity and courage. These are essential to being an effective first responder, an effective investigator, and-not coincidentallyeffective in serving a diverse community. I know that many in the public-and even many in my own profession-believe that this is "a bad time to be a cop." Dig just a little bit into that sentiment, and you quickly strike the reason why some say it's such a bad time: racial differences, ethnic differences, cultural differences-in a word, diversity. These are challenging times, to be sure. But nobody ever told me policing was easy-anytime. In contrast to some of my colleagues, I believe there has never been a better time to serve as a police officer. What makes it so rewarding is diversity. We in the helping professions need to catch up to the variety around us. That means that whoever joins a police force today has unparalleled opportunities to participate in shaping, reshaping, inventing, and reinventing policing for 21st-century America. We begin by accepting the fact that is diversity, listening to it, learning from it, and respecting it. -------------------------------- ·-----------------------------------------------------------~ 402 Contemporary Issues maintain-their minority representation, they should pay particular attention to several areas (Sullivan 1989). First, agencies must continue to actively recruit among minorities while attempting to improve community relations and eliminating the reasons many minorities have had to distrust the police. Second, because studies have indicated that many of the entry-level paper-and-pencil tests are not job validated, it may be necessary to design a new series' of tests that can more accurately measure potential police performance while ensuring that they do not discriminate against racial or ethnic groups. Finally, because minority members may have been at a disadvantage prior to their police service, departments may need to initiate special programs to help these officers develop the needed skills and knowledge to perform effectively on the job. This final suggestion applies equally to female candidates, especially with respect to the physical requirements of the hiring process. To improve the recruitment and retention of women in policing, departments must attempt to accelerate change in the traditional, militaristic, male-dominated, sexist police culture. Although important strides have been made with respect to deemphasizing the highly militaristic and masculine approach to police organization and management, especially by those departments moving toward community policing, such traditions are firmly entrenched and difficult to overcome. As more women enter the field and move into supervisory positions where they can impact policy, change is likely to occur more quickly. As with minority personnel, police departments must continue to eliminate those aspects of the selection process that are discriminatory toward women and that cannot be job validated. Departments must implement policies and practices that are not discriminatory. Minority and women personnel must become fully integrated into police work. Only then can these officers become true role models and not merely tokens within their departments. Possibly the best recruitment device at a police department's disposal is its own personnel, who can act as sponsors and mentors for others who wish to enter the field. Additionally, real and perceived barriers for reporting sexual harassment should be removed. It is inadequate to merely have an organizational policy forbidding sexual harassment; it is also necessary to ensure that reporting processes are easily available, that complaints are taken seriously, and that perceptions of retaliation are mitigated. Over the next decade, one important influence on minority and women recruitment is making police work attractive to them. Since these groups are recruited vigorously by other public-sector (including federal police departments) and private-sector agencies, the pool of qualified applicants may be shrinking. Accordingly, it may be even more difficult in the future to recruit qualified candidates. At least one study (Hochstedler and Conley 1986) has indicated that a major reason blacks tend to be underrepresented in municipal police departments is that they simply choose not to pursue a career in policing. One thing is clear: if departments are to remain competitive for minorities and women in the future, they must have an active and innovative recruitment strategy, promote a police culture that treats all employees equally and with respect, and, if necessary, have an equitable plan regarding selection, duty assignment, and promotional opportunity. Sum.m.ary Given all the possible factors that can influence the relationship between police and citizens, it is unlikely that a police department that is a perfect cultural match for a community will necessarily be more effective for that reason alone. In the long term, the integrity, competence, and style of the officer and the philosophy, strategies, and methods of the department have the greatest impact on effectiveness. However, diversity continues to have Diversity substantial political support because many persons believe that it is equitable to employ minorities and women, given the discrimination they have experienced in the past. The development of diversity in policing was traced in this chapter. Included in this analysis was an examination ofhow minorities and women, once they enter the profession, are treated unequally, although their performance is generally satisfactory. There has been litigation regarding the impact of equal employment opportunity legislation and the use of the civil service, or merit, system. Reliance on the use of a non-job-validated merit system for both selection and promotion in policing has led many police traditionalists to believe that a form of reverse discrimination and lowering of standards is occurring. Although the implementation of affirmative action plans in policing is complex, such plans have played an important role in police employment trends, in some cases significantly increasing the number and percentage of minorities and women. Once inside the department, however, these nontraditional officers have not always been well received-in large part because of the traditional police culture. As more minority and women officers enter policing and are promoted to higher ranks, their integration and acceptance into the field should become easier. Whether police departments can continue to attract qualified minority and women personnel depends on the public's interest in the police occupation, an active recruitment strategy, a departmental culture that treats members equally and with respect, and perhaps a well-developed affirmative action plan. Critical Thinking Questions 1. Is diversity important in policing? Explain why or why not. 2. Briefly discuss the types of unequal treatment received by minority and female officers when they first entered policing. Were their experiences essentially the same, or did they differ in significant ways? 3. What is the civil service system? Is it discriminatory? Why or why not? 4. Discuss the importance of the Griggs and Paradise decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court regarding affirmative action plans. 5. In the push to diversify American police departments, some suggest that the unintended consequence of reverse discrimination may occur. Discuss whether this perspective merits concern. 6. Briefly discuss the growth of diversity in police departments over the past several decades. What is the significance of this growth? 7. Briefly describe several problems confronting women and minorities in attempting to integrate into the police work environment. What are the prospects for the future? References Alex, N. 1969. Black in Blue. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. _ __ 1976. New York Cops Talk Back. New York: Wiley. Archbold, C. A., and Hassell, K. D. 2009. "Paying the Marriage Tax: An Examination of the Barriers to the Promotion of Female Officers." Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management 32: 56-74. Archbold, C. A., and Schulz, D. M. 2008. "Making Rank: The Lingering Effects of Tokenism on Female Police Officers' Promotion Aspirations." Police Quarterly 11: 50-73. Balkin, J. 1988. "Why Policemen Don't Like Policewomen." Journal ofPolice Science and Administration 16: 29-38. 403 404 Contemporary Issues Bazley, T. D., Lersch, K. M., and Mieczkowski, T. 2007. "Officer Force versus Suspect Resistance: A Gendered Analysis of Patrol Officers in an Urban Police Department." Journal of Criminal Justice 35: 183- 192. Berg, B., and Budnick, K. 1986. "Defeminization of Women in Law...
Purchase answer to see full attachment