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Sex Education, Contraception, and Pregnancy
©Monika Adamczyk/123RF.COM.
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CHAPTER OUTLINE
Introduction, 288
Sex Education, 288
Sex Education in Cross-Cultural Perspective, 293
Contraception, 294
History, 294
Types of Contraceptives, 295
Choosing the Right Contraceptive, 303
Pregnancy, 304
The Psychology of Trying to Have a Baby, 305
Psychological Changes During Pregnancy and After Birth, 306
Abortion, 306
The Psychology of Human Sexuality, Second Edition. Justin J. Lehmiller.
© 2018 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2018 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Companion Website: www.wiley.com\go\lehmiller2e
Lehmiller, J. J. (2017). The psychology of human sexuality. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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Introduction
When and where did you first learn about sex? There is a surprising amount of variability in
how people answer this question. Some people learned from a sex education course taught
in middle or high school, whereas others learned from parents, friends, books, Wikipedia,
or perhaps even pornography. Obviously, each of these sources could provide very different
information, and even among those who learned from their school, there can be a staggering
difference in content from one curriculum to the next. This wide range of experience tells us
that children and adolescents are not getting standardized information about sex, and this is
part of the reason unintended pregnancy, abortion, and sexually transmitted infections (STIs)
are as common as they are. One goal of this chapter is to shed some light on the nature of sex
education in the twenty-first century and to examine how different types of programs impact
adolescents’ and adults’ sexual attitudes and behaviors.
In addition, we will consider the topics of contraception and pregnancy. Our discussion of
contraception will provide a review of some of the most common forms of birth control on the
market today and consider some of the unique benefits and drawbacks of each. In my experience, far too many college students tend to think that condoms and birth control pills are their
only options when it comes to pregnancy prevention, and research has found that there are
many misunderstandings about just how effective different forms of birth control really are
(Eisenberg et al., 2012). There are also some little-known psychological side effects of hormonal birth control worth considering.
We will finish this chapter by discussing pregnancy. In particular, we will focus on the psychological effects associated with trying to get pregnant, as well as psychological changes that
occur during pregnancy and after birth for both partners. We will also address the topic of
abortion, including the most common reasons for ending a pregnancy and the psychological
effects abortion can have on women and men.
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Sex Education
Despite the fact that the vast majority of parents believe their children should receive a fairly
thorough sex education, a surprising number of kids fail to get it (NPR, 2004). The problem
is that many parents feel too embarrassed to talk to their kids about sex (Walker, 2001), so
they pass the responsibility off to the schools. That would not necessarily be a bad thing if the
schools were providing kids with the information they need, but it turns out that many schoolbased sex education programs are teaching insufficient and, in some cases, incorrect information (Committee on Government Reform, 2004). Schools are only partially to blame, though,
because in the United States, governmental mandates to provide sex education to adolescents do not necessarily even require that the information given is medically accurate! In fact,
whereas 24 states mandate sexual education for students, only 13 require that accurate information be provided (Guttmacher Institute, 2016). Apparently, many US lawmakers believe that
students should indeed learn about sex, just not the information they actually need to know.
The end result is that, in far too many cases, kids simply are not learning what they should.
Many of them end up turning to their peers and porn for answers; however, those sources tend
to impart less than reliable information (see chapter 15 for more on this). Many adolescents
therefore embark on their first sexual experience with a profound lack of knowledge about sex
and the human body, which helps to explain why there are so many unintended teen pregnancies and why young people have the highest rates of STI acquisition (in fact, young people aged
15–24 make up about half of all new STI cases in the United States each year; CDC, 2012a).
Lehmiller, J. J. (2017). The psychology of human sexuality. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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Sex Educatio
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Figure 11.1 Sex education courses often contain insufficient and, in some cases, inaccurate information about
sex and sexuality. ©Marek Uliasz/123RF.COM.
Adolescents in the United States have higher rates of unintended pregnancy and STIs compared to other Western industrialized nations, including France, Germany, the Netherlands,
and Australia (Alford & Hauser, 2011; Weaver, Smith, & Kippax, 2005). In the United States,
the birth rate for teenage women aged 15–19 is 24.2 per 1,000, with a public cost of nearly $10
billion each year (CDC, 2016). These sexual health disparities are not a result of US teens being
more sexually active; rather, what appears to be going on is that US teens are less likely to use
condoms and other forms of contraception than their counterparts in other Western countries
(Alford & Hauser, 2011). In recent years, usage of contraceptives among US teens has been
rising while the birth rate has been falling—in fact, the teen birth rate in the United States is
currently at a historic low (CDC, 2016). However, despite this improvement, the United States
continues to lag behind many other nations in this regard.
Why are US teens less likely to use condoms and contraception? Although there are many
factors contributing to this (including cultural differences in the acceptability of teenage sexual
activity and access to condoms), a major element in this equation is inadequate sex education.
As some evidence of this, let us look at a study of US women who have had an unintended
pregnancy and were asked why they did not use contraception to try and prevent it. As seen in
Table 11.1, nearly half of all women surveyed said they “did not think they could get pregnant”
(Mosher & Jones, 2010). If that many women do not understand when pregnancy can occur, it
is clear that we simply are not teaching people enough about sex or about their bodies.
In the United States, a culture war has been waged over the past few decades over the content
that should be covered in school-based sexual education. This has resulted in three different
methods of teaching adolescents about sex. First is the abstinence-only approach, in which
the focus is teaching kids to abstain from sex. Information on obtaining and using contraception and condoms is not provided. Second is abstinence-plus, where kids are still taught that
abstinence is the best policy, but they are provided with information on contraception and
condoms so that students who decide to have sex are prepared. Third is comprehensive sex
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Table 11.1 Reasons women did not use contraception before an unintended pregnancy.
Reason
Percentage of women reporting that reason
Did not think you could get pregnant
43.9%
Did not really mind getting pregnant
22.8%
Concerned about side effects of birth control
16.2%
Did not expect to have sex
14.1%
Male partner did not want to use contraception
9.6%
Male partner did not want you to use contraception
7.3%
Note: Women could select more than one answer. Data obtained from Mosher & Jones (2010).
Your Sexuality 11.1 What Should School-Based Sex Education Look Like?
Experiences with school-based sex education vary widely, ranging from awkward to awesome.
Think for a moment about what your experience was like (if any). Do you think you learned what
you needed to know? Using your own experiences as a guide, imagine that you have the opportunity to design a sex education course that your own child might take. How would your course
deal with the following issues?
●●
●●
●●
●●
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●●
At what age or grade would your course begin?
Would students be separated by sex, or would everyone learn together?
Would your course be mandatory or would attendance be optional depending upon the
desires of the other children’s parents?
Would abstinence be the ultimate goal of your course? Why or why not?
After the course, would students have the opportunity to access condoms and/or birth control
for free and without their parents’ knowledge?
education, in which abstinence is not emphasized as the primary goal. Instead, students are
provided with a wide range of information and the focus is developing responsible decisionmaking skills when it comes to sexual activity. Advocates of the abstinence-only approach
argue that providing too much information promotes teenage sex, whereas advocates of the
more inclusive approaches argue that some teens will have sex no matter what they are told,
and they need to learn how to protect themselves. What do you think about these different
approaches? Weigh in with your opinion by checking out the Your Sexuality 11.1 box.
US survey studies find that Americans’ support for abstinence-only education is low, with
support remaining relatively steady in recent years at about 15% (Moore, 2015; NPR, 2004). By
and large, American parents support abstinence-plus (46%) or comprehensive education (36%;
NPR, 2004). Despite the fact that support for abstinence-only education is low, it is widely
taught, and advocates of this approach have had great success in attracting federal funding for
such programs. In fact, a survey of principals in middle and high schools found that 30% of
US schools were teaching abstinence-only (NPR, 2004). The United States is unique among
Western countries in having this high prevalence of abstinence-based education. However,
abstinence-only programs do not appear to be particularly effective in achieving their goals and
may have the counterintuitive effect of exacerbating the sexual health issues facing teenagers.
For instance, a study of 1,719 teenagers in the United States examined the link between type
of sex education received and sexual health outcomes (Kohler, Manhart, & Lafferty, 2008).
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Sex Educatio
Results indicated that, compared to comprehensive sex education, abstinence-only did nothing to reduce rates of sexual activity, teenage pregnancy, and STIs. In fact, this study found
that students who received comprehensive sex education had a 50% lower risk of teenage pregnancy than students who received abstinence-only! Several other studies have reported similar
effects. For example, research has found that in US states where abstinence-only sex education
is more widespread, teenage pregnancy rates are the highest (Stanger-Hall & Hall, 2011).
Thus, it does not appear to be the case that providing comprehensive sex education encourages students to have sex or to attempt riskier behaviors; rather, it is a lack of information that
tends to be problematic. Some have argued that the abstinence-only approach may also be
potentially harmful in the sense that it ignores the needs of certain groups. For instance, we
know that most teenagers are sexually active and that the average age of first intercourse in the
United States is 17, with some starting much sooner than that (CDC, 2012b), for reasons discussed in chapter 10. Failing to provide information about condoms and contraception therefore does an active disservice to teens who eventually become sexually active. Abstinence-only
programs also frequently ignore the sexual health needs of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender youth by leaving sexual orientation and gender identity out of their programs entirely and
by promoting sexual intercourse within heterosexual marriage as the ideal. Moreover, a study
by the US Department of Health and Human Services found that more than 80% of abstinenceonly programs contained scientific errors, taught false information, and promoted gender
stereotypes (Committee on Government Reform, 2004). For example, some programs falsely
claimed that HIV is spread via sweat and tears, which, as we will see in chapter 12, is not
true. Others claimed that condoms are not effective at preventing the spread of STIs, and that
women need “financial support” while men need “admiration.”
In addition to the fact that some abstinence programs teach students incorrect information,
these programs may also leave students with the impression that safe sex and pleasurable sex
are at odds with one another. By using scare tactics (e.g., STIs) as a way of motivating students
to practice safe sex, these programs imply that condoms and pleasure just are not compatible.
This association is further reinforced by the popular media, which usually depicts sex as highly
pleasurable, while completely avoiding the topic of safety. Sex education programs might be
well-served by reconceptualizing safe sex in pleasurable terms because if we can make safe sex
seem more desirable to students, they may be more inclined to practice it. To that end, several
sex education organizations have begun a mission of promoting pleasurable safe sex by using
techniques such as eroticizing the use of condoms (e.g., learning how to make the application
of a condom sensual), teaching couples how to have better sex, and helping people to improve
their sexual communication (Philpott, Knerr, & Boydell, 2006).
Related to this, sex education programs might also do well to frame messages about contraception in positive terms rather than negative terms. As some support for this idea, longitudinal research has found that young adults are more likely to use condoms themselves after
receiving positively-framed messages that emphasize the success rate of condoms compared
to negatively-framed messages that emphasize the failure rate of condoms (Garcia-Retamro
& Cokely, 2015). Thus, attention must be given not only to the content of the information
included in sex education programs, but also the way it is framed.
Thus, to best address the sexual health needs of teenagers, school-based sex education must
go beyond talking only about abstinence and the dangers of sexual activity. However, changing
what schools are teaching will not resolve all of the issues. Parents also need to play a more
active role in their children’s sex education because schools cannot teach everything and kids
need a safe and reliable resource to go to when they have questions. For some practical suggestions on increasing sexual communication between parents and their children, see the Digging
Deeper 11.1 box.
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Digging Deeper 11.1 When and How Should You Talk to Your Kids About Sex in the Age of
Internet Porn?
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How are adolescents learning about sex today? By pointing, clicking, and streaming through an
endless supply of Internet pornography (Bowater, 2011). Online porn is now the default form of
sex education for a growing number of kids because they are not getting the information they
need elsewhere. Many of us find this prospect kind of scary. Although it is unlikely that you can
prevent your children from searching for porn, what you can do is teach them about sex in a
responsible way so that porn does not become their “how-to” guide for sex and relationships.
When it comes to teaching kids about sex, most parents do not know what they should say,
how they should say it, or when it should happen. As a result, many parents do not talk about
sex at all, or they do not address it in a serious way. This is a shame because, by a wide margin,
teenagers report that their parents are the most influential figures in their lives when it comes
to making decisions about sex, and most teens report that they would have an easier time postponing sexual activity if they could talk more to their parents about sex (Albert, 2010). So when
should you have “the talk” and what should you say?
Figure 11.2 Talking to kids about sex can be an awkward and embarrassing experience for some parents,
but it is important to not let that stop the conversation. ©Golden Pixels LLC, 2013. Used under license from
Shutterstock.com.
1) Initiate the talk about sex early. Too many parents want to wait until their kids are older or until
the time seems “right.” However, the longer you wait, the less likely it is that the talk will happen, or if it does, it may be too little, too late. Admittedly, it is more difficult with boys than it
is with girls to determine the “right” age, because girls’ menstruation provides a natural segue
into talking about sexual development. However, consider that some kids are searching for
online porn as early as age 6 (Dima, 2013)! With that in mind, it tells us that both boys and girls
need a relatively early lesson with age-appropriate content.
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Sex Education in Cross-Cultural Perspective
Digging Deeper 11.1 (Continued)
2) Find out when and what your kids are learning about sex in school, and be prepared to fill in the
gaps. Consider attending the sex education program your kids will be exposed to or speak
with your child’s teacher about what will be covered. You do not want to assume that your
kids are getting all of the knowledge they need. Just consider that about one-third of teenage
boys and girls report receiving no formal instruction regarding contraceptive use in school
(Martinez, Abma, & Copen, 2010). You need to know what the school is providing so that you
can supplement it and answer questions.
3) Recognize that uncertainty and embarrassment are common reactions for any parent in this situation. Please do not avoid having the talk because you do not know how or because your
parents never had the talk with you. Few people know what they are supposed to say in this
situation, and there is not one “correct” way to do it. You may find the talk embarrassing, but
if you are worried that you will not have the right words or be able to describe things well
enough, bring out some pictures and books to help, or try to tie the conversation in with
things that you see together on television.
4) Do not leave all of the hot-button and serious issues off of the table. The talk that you have about
sex should include more than just the mechanics of how babies are made, because your kid
wants (and needs) to know more than just the basics. Topics such as sexual orientation, masturbation, oral sex, and sexual assault should all be addressed too. You might think that teaching your kids how to avoid pregnancy is the only goal here, but keep in mind that vaginal
intercourse is just one of many sexual activities teenagers might pursue and that not all children are heterosexual.
5) Keep the conversation going and be sure to talk about relationships too. Finally, keep in mind that
“the talk” is not a one-time thing. This is an ongoing conversation. New questions are bound
to come up and it is impossible to teach someone everything in the span of one conversation.
Also, remember that your talks should not focus exclusively on sex—it is important to talk
about relationships too. Developing healthy relationships is something most of us learn by
trial and error. For many of us, sex, love, and intimacy go together, so try to relate these to one
another over the course of your talks.
Note: Reprinted with permission from Sex and Psychology (www.lehmiller.com).
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Sex Education in Cross-Cultural Perspective
Up until this point, our discussion of sex education has focused primarily on the United States,
where there is currently an inconsistent patchwork of programs. It is important to note, however, that other countries have adopted a much more unified approach. For example, let’s consider the Netherlands, a nation where comprehensive sex education has been mandated for all
students since 1993 (Weaver et al., 2005). In their sex education classes, Dutch students are
required to learn about not just pregnancy and STIs, but also sexual orientation, respecting
differences and sexual diversity, and developing the skills necessary to establish healthy sexual
and romantic relationships, such as sexual communication and decision-making (Bell, 2009).
Dutch teachers are also given training in how to lead a sex education class and they do not have
major restrictions placed on the topics that they can address. If students express interest in a
topic, it is fair game for their teachers to cover it. This stands in stark contrast to the United
States, where state laws sometimes require teachers to ignore certain topics (e.g., sexual orientation), even when students ask questions about them.
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Beyond the Netherlands, other countries that mandate comprehensive sex education for all
adolescents include Sweden, Australia, France, and Germany. The specifics of the approaches
utilized in each of these countries certainly varies quite a bit, but all of them are similar in that
they recognize teenagers as sexual beings and strive to provide them with accurate information and resources that will help them to lead healthy sex lives. The benefits of taking such
an approach are evident: on almost all sexual health metrics (i.e., teen birth, abortion, STI,
and contraceptive use rates), these countries tend to fare much better than the United States
(Bell, 2009).
Contraception
Although contraception is often discussed in the context of sex education, the focus is usually on condoms and birth control pills. In reality, however, there are dozens of methods and
techniques that can help reduce the odds of pregnancy resulting from sexual activity. Before
we detail these methods, let us begin with a brief history of birth control because I think it will
give you a greater appreciation of both the sheer number of methods available today and their
ease of use.
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History
The concept of birth control is not new. In fact, we can trace the origins of fertility regulation back to the ancient Greeks and Egyptians. For example, one of the earliest known contraceptives was a diaphragm made out of crocodile excrement mixed with honey that Egyptian
women would insert into the vaginal canal to block passage of sperm (Jutte, 2008). Why crocodile dung? I do not know, but suffice it to say, this was probably not the best idea. Other creative
(and more sanitary) techniques emerged over time, such as jumping up and down or squatting
and sneezing after sex as ways of expelling semen from the vagina. However, as you might
imagine, these were not particularly effective methods either, and were probably rooted more
in superstition than anything else.
In the 1500s, condoms made their debut (Youssef, 1993). The earliest condoms were either
made of linen or animal intestines. It is not clear how effective those early condoms were, but
it is possible that they had at least some efficacy, given both their popularity and the fact that
condoms made from animal intestines are still produced and sold today (marketed as “skin”
or “natural skin” condoms). Despite the fact that condoms were first developed centuries ago,
they did not become cheap and widely available until recently. Mass production of condoms
did not occur until the 1800s when vulcanized rubber was invented; however, those condoms
were as thick as the tires on a bike and (obviously) were not particularly appealing, let alone
pleasurable. When latex rubber condoms were developed about a century later, the fit and feel
of condoms was forever altered and they really caught on.
Contraception took another massive leap forward in the 1950s when scientists developed the
first birth control pill. However, they had to be very sneaky when seeking approval from the US
Food and Drug Administration because, at that time, contraceptives were illegal throughout
much of the country and the world more broadly. In a clever bit of marketing, instead of asking
for the pill to be approved as a contraceptive, they asked for it to be approved as a treatment
for menstrual disorders (Eig, 2014). This meant that, upon its public debut, the pill’s packaging
warned that pregnancy prevention was a potential side effect. This is kind of funny considering
that pregnancy prevention is what the pill was expressly designed to do! In the end, this turned
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Histor
out to be one of the rare cases in which people started lining up for a drug because they wanted
to experience a side effect.
In the United States, it was not until 1965 that the Supreme Court made a landmark ruling
in Griswold vs. Connecticut that marital couples had a right to privacy that extended to the use
of contraceptive devices. Previously, people in some US states could not necessarily even get
things like condoms if they wanted to due to legal prohibitions. As a result, many were forced
to turn to homemade contraceptive remedies, including (I hate to say it) Coca-Cola douches.
Just so you know, while Coca-Cola does indeed have spermicidal qualities, lab tests have found
that Diet Coke is superior (Umpierre, 1985). That said, soda is not an effective contraceptive
and is not recommended for such purposes because flushing the vagina with your favorite
carbonated beverage can cause vaginal infections or, even worse, embolisms (i.e., air bubbles in
the bloodstream that can block the flow of blood). In addition, sperm travel far too quickly for
any type of post-sex douche to have significant contraceptive effects.
Fortunately, women and their partners have a multitude of far more effective and less scary
options for birth control in the modern world due to scientific advances. In the following section, we will consider the major classes of contraceptives legally available and their unique
strengths and weaknesses.
Types of Contraceptives
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Behavioral Methods
The goal of behavioral methods of birth control is to prevent or reduce the odds of pregnancy
by altering one’s behaviors. The major advantage of this class of methods is that they are easy on
your wallet and pose no health risks (unlike hormonal contraceptives). However, these behaviors
are challenging to implement perfectly because they require excellent relationship communication and because, as we noted in chapter 9, people have a limited ability to exert self-control. The
major behavioral methods include abstinence, outercourse, withdrawal, and fertility awareness.
The strict definition of abstinence would be zero genital contact, but some people interpret
this differently. For instance, consider the results of a study of 298 Canadian college students
who were asked to determine whether each of 17 different behaviors were allowed according to
their own personal definition of abstinence (Byers, Henderson, & Hobson, 2008). Results indicated that there was not 100% agreement on any behavior. Most participants felt that behaviors such as kissing (92.2%) and oral contact with the breasts (77.4%) were permissible during
abstinence, and very few thought that penile–vaginal intercourse (6.8% without orgasm, 7.5%
with orgasm) and penile–anal intercourse (11.1% without orgasm, 8.1% with orgasm) were
permissible. Participants were more split on whether genital touching (59.2% without orgasm,
48.6% with orgasm) and oral sex were acceptable (43.7% without orgasm, 39.1% with orgasm).
As you can see, there is no universal definition of abstinence, so it can be hard to know exactly
what someone means when they say they are “abstinent.” That said, if one’s definition prohibits
penile–vaginal intercourse, abstinence is the only guaranteed way of preventing pregnancy
because it would not allow semen to come into contact with the female reproductive tract.
Outercourse refers to any type of sexual activity other than penile–vaginal intercourse.
Thus, outercourse may mean very different things to different people, but the basic goal (similar to abstinence) is preventing sperm from entering the vagina. This will virtually guarantee
pregnancy prevention, assuming that nothing slips and goes where it is not supposed to go
during sexual activity.
Withdrawal, also known as coitus interruptus and “pull and pray,” refers to removing the
penis from the vagina prior to ejaculation. This method provides some protection from pregnancy, but is not perfect because (1) the pre-ejaculate secreted by the Cowper’s glands has the
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potential to contain active sperm (as discussed in chapter 3) and, perhaps more importantly,
(2) some guys are not particularly good at judging when they are going to ejaculate. How effective is withdrawal? For this and the other contraceptive methods that follow, we will discuss
effectiveness in terms of both perfect use and typical use. For purposes of this book, perfect use
will tell you the percentage of women who will not get pregnant over the course of a year if they
utilized a given method consistently and never made a mistake. However, perfect use is rarely
achieved in the real world, so you should pay more attention to typical use rates, which provide
the same information, but account for human error. With that said, withdrawal is 96% effective
with perfect use, but only 78% effective with typical use (Trussel, 2011). Thus, while withdrawal
is better than nothing, it is not something you can bank on in practice. To compare perfect and
typical use rates for all forms of contraception covered in this chapter, see Table 11.2.
Fertility awareness refers to a class of methods that attempt to inform women when they
are most likely to be fertile so that they can temporarily abstain from vaginal intercourse or use
barriers. There are many possibilities here, including the standard days method, which involves
plotting the menstrual cycle on a calendar to determine which days are likely “safer” to have
sex, and the symptothermal method, which involves checking for biological indicators of ovulation (e.g., cervical mucus consistency and body temperature). When a woman is ovulating, the
consistency of her cervical mucus resembles egg whites, and her body temperature immediately after awakening in the morning will be slightly elevated. Overall, effectiveness rates for
fertility awareness methods are similar to withdrawal (see Table 11.2), but biological methods
tend to be more effective than the calendar method.
Table 11.2 Typical and perfect use effectiveness rates for various contraceptives.
Effectiveness rates
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Method
Typical use
Perfect use
No method
15%
Spermicide
72%
82%
Fertility awareness methods
76%
95–99.6%
Withdrawal
78%
96%
Female condom
79%
95%
Male condom
82%
98%
Diaphragm
88%
94%
Oral contraceptives (combined &
progestin-only)
91%
99.7%
Contraceptive patch
91%
99.7%
Vaginal ring
91%
99.7%
Depo-Provera
IUD
Contraceptive implant
Female sterilization
Male sterilization
15%
94%
99.8%
99.2–99.8%
99.4–99.8%
99.95%
99.95%
99.5%
99.5%
99.85%
99.9%
Note: Numbers indicate the percentage of women who will not become pregnant after one year of use. Adapted
from Trussel, J. (2011). Contraceptive failure in the United States. Contraception, 83, 397–404, with permission from
Elsevier.
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Figure 11.3 Fertility awareness methods utilize a variety of techniques to advise women of their fertile
periods, during which time they will either abstain from sex or use barriers. ©Gunita Reine/123RF.COM.
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Barrier Methods
The purpose of barrier methods is to prevent sperm from reaching the uterus during penile–
vaginal intercourse. These methods are good for people who do not have sex on a regular basis
because they do not need to be practiced every day in order to be successful. However, partners have to use them every time and use them correctly to avert unintended pregnancy. This
class of methods includes male and female condoms, spermicides, and cervical barriers (i.e.,
diaphragms and cervical caps).
Male condoms consist of a thin latex (or polyurethane, for people with latex allergies) sheath
that covers an erect penis during sexual activity. Condoms are one of the most popular methods of birth control in use today (Mosher & Jones, 2010) and offer a major advantage over
other contraceptives in that they also provide some protection against STIs. With perfect use,
condoms are 98% effective at preventing pregnancy, but when you factor in human error, that
drops to 82% (Trussel, 2011). Why? A review of 50 condom use studies revealed 14 common
errors people make when using condoms (Sanders et al., 2012). In some studies, up to 51% of
participants reported putting a condom on after intercourse had already started, up to 45%
reported removing a condom before intercourse was over, and nearly half reported condom
application errors that increase the likelihood of breakage, such as failing to leave space at the
tip to collect semen or failing to squeeze air from the tip while putting the condom on. Other
errors included failing to withdraw promptly after ejaculation (which can allow semen to leak
out of the condom), using latex-incompatible lubricants (e.g., oil-based), and (I wish I did not
have to say this) re-using the same condom multiple times. Is it any wonder typical use rates
are as low as they are?
Female condoms are a polyurethane pouch that lines the interior of the vagina. The penis is
then inserted through a ring that sits outside of the vaginal opening. On a side note, although
these are called “female” condoms, they are sometimes used by men who have sex with men
during anal sex for STI protection. Female condoms are not as widely used as male condoms
(and, in fact, it can be difficult to even find them in some places), but some women opt for them
because they prefer female-controlled methods of contraception and/or because the external
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Figure 11.4 Female condoms are less well-known and utilized than male condoms; however, both are
desirable in that they provide at least some protection from STIs. ©nito, 2013. Used under license from
Shutterstock.com.
ring may provide some degree of clitoral stimulation during sex. Effectiveness rates are similar
to male condoms, but slightly lower overall (see Table 11.2).
Spermicides are chemicals that are placed inside the vagina that attempt to kill or disable
sperm for a certain period of time. Although spermicides come in many different forms (i.e.,
foams, creams, jellies, and suppositories), they all have about the same effectiveness rate. With
perfect use it is 82% and with typical use, 72%. Because of the relatively low effectiveness rate
even with perfect use, spermicides are perhaps best coupled with other methods of birth control, such as condoms and diaphragms.
Cervical barriers are devices that obstruct sperm from entering the cervix. These devices
include the diaphragm and cervical cap. The only difference between the two is that the diaphragm is larger and covers the upper portion of the vaginal wall as well. Before insertion,
cervical barriers are usually lined with a spermicide to provide additional protection. After sex,
the diaphragm must remain in place for at least six hours to prevent live sperm entering the
cervix. On the plus side, one of these devices can last up to a year or longer with regular use, but
it must be inserted prior to each sex act and requires that the woman is very comfortable with
her own body. Diaphragms are 96% effective with perfect use, and 88% effective with typical
use (Trussel, 2011).
Hormonal Methods
Hormonal forms of birth control have the effect of temporarily reducing female fertility. They
accomplish this through a combination of three factors: (1) preventing ovulation, (2) thickening
the cervical mucus in order to make it more difficult for sperm to enter the uterus, and (3) altering
the uterine lining to make it impossible for a fertilized egg to implant (Kiley & Hammond, 2007).
The main advantages of these methods over others are increased effectiveness and the establishment of a predictable menstrual cycle. The main disadvantages are hormone-related health
risks, the potential for medication interactions, possible weight gain, and sexual side effects
(e.g., reduced sexual interest and arousal); however, the side effects vary widely depending upon
which specific contraceptive is being used and each woman’s unique body chemistry.
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Figure 11.5 Combined hormonal methods of contraception come in a variety of forms and dosages to meet
women’s needs, such as the contraceptive patch. ©Tomasz Trojanowski/123RF.COM.
There are two main types of hormonal methods: combined (i.e., joint administration of
estrogen and progestin) and progestin-only. The combined hormone methods can take many
forms, including the pill, the contraceptive patch, and the vaginal ring. The way these methods
differ is in terms of how the hormones are administered and the required “maintenance.” With
the pill, hormones are administered orally with one pill each day. With the patch, hormones
are absorbed through the skin via a patch that is replaced weekly. With the ring, hormones
are absorbed through the vaginal tissues via a ring that is replaced once per month. One other
important difference between these methods is that, unlike the patch and ring, the pill comes
in dozens of different formulations, meaning it is easier to find an oral contraceptive to match a
given woman’s body chemistry. It is partly for this reason that the pill remains one of the most
commonly used methods of birth control (for some sense of the most popular forms of contraception among women in the United States, see Figure 11.7). Effectiveness rates for all three of
these methods are identical: 91% with typical use and 99.7% with perfect use (Trussel, 2011).
For women who cannot take estrogen for health reasons (i.e., women who smoke or are at high
risk of heart disease), several progestin-only methods of birth control are available, including
the progestin-only pill, the hormonal injection, the hormonal intrauterine device (IUD), the
contraceptive implant, and emergency contraception. Compared to the combined methods, the
progestin-only methods (other than the pill) typically cost more money up front (if they are not
covered by insurance), but this is balanced out by much longer-lasting protection. Side effects
are similar to the combined hormone methods, but irregular bleeding is more likely to occur.
While the progestin-only pill is similar to the combined pill in terms of how it works and
its effectiveness, the other methods work quite differently. The hormonal injection (DepoProvera—see chapter 4 for other uses of this drug) is administered once every three months
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Figure 11.6 An IUD sits inside the uterus like this and can remain in place and effective for up to five years.
©guniita/123RF.COM.
and provides very long-lasting fertility reduction. In fact, it can take nearly a year for fertility to
resume once injections are stopped, compared to just a few weeks for oral contraceptives. That
said, one unique risk to the hormone injection is the potential for bone density loss; however,
such effects appear to be reversible when injections are discontinued (Scholes, LaCroix, Ichikawa,
Barlow, & Ott, 2005). The hormonal IUD is a small, plastic device shaped like a “T” that is inserted
into the uterus by a physician. It lasts the longest of all contraceptives currently on the market (it
can prevent pregnancy for up to five years!) and is so highly effective that it is sometimes referred
to as “reversible sterilization” (MacIsaac & Espey, 2007). The contraceptive implant is a tiny plastic
rod that is surgically implanted into the upper arm. The implant secretes hormones for several
years and provides long-lasting effects. All three of these methods (injection, IUD, and implant)
are highly effective with both typical and perfect use (see Table 11.2). However, each of these delivery mechanisms is subject to a few disadvantages. One is that, although the effects are reversible,
it is not necessarily quick or easy to turn fertility off and on. In order to address this limitation,
researchers are currently exploring the possibility of regulating hormone delivery through microchips implanted under the skin. These microchips would be remote controlled, such that women
could turn their own contraception off and on as desired at the press of a button. While that
sounds incredibly convenient, some worry that such a high-tech system could open the door to
potential “contraceptive hacking” if the devices fall into the wrong hands. Also, microchips do
not address the other drawback of all hormonal methods of birth control, which is that artificially
changing hormone levels can produce side effects. For women who want a long-lasting and highly
effective contraceptive that minimizes side effects, there is an IUD made of copper. It works just as
well as the hormonal IUD, with the copper ions acting as a spermicide inside the uterus.
One additional progestin-only method is emergency contraception (EC), a hormone pill that
is meant to prevent pregnancy after an instance of unprotected intercourse (e.g., as a result of a
broken condom or a sexual assault). These pills may be taken up to five days after unprotected
sex and they work by preventing a fertilized egg from implanting in the uterus. Please note that
if implantation has already occurred, EC will not affect it. In other words, EC will not cause an
abortion, which is one of the most common misconceptions about how this drug works. How
effective is EC? The label for Plan B (one of the most popular forms of EC) cites an 89% reduction in likelihood of becoming pregnant if taken according to instructions. In the United States,
EC is currently legally available to women and girls ages 15 and older and can be purchased over
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Condoms
10%
“The pill”
17%
Female
sterilization
17%
Not using
38%
All other
methods
18%
Figure 11.7 Contraceptive use patterns among US women ages 15–44. About 62% of women of childbearing
age actively use some form of contraception. ©Mosher & Jones (2010).
the counter (i.e., without a prescription). In the event that EC is difficult or impossible to access
(e.g., if your local pharmacy chooses not to keep it in stock or it is not affordable), it is possible
to mimic the effects of EC by ingesting a hefty dose of combined hormone birth control pills;
however, it is important to consult with a health care provider to determine the correct dosage.
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Psychological effects of hormonal contraception
Most women realize that being on a hormonal contraceptive means putting up with a few side
effects, such as weight gain, mood changes, or nausea. However, one side effect you almost
never hear about is the fact that hormonal methods of birth control may alter women’s sexual
behaviors and the types of men that heterosexual women are attracted to. Before we get into
specifics, please note from chapter 3 that there are four phases of the menstrual cycle, with
ovulation being the fertile period (i.e., the point with the highest probability of conception).
During ovulation, several hormones are released that prep the body for a potential pregnancy;
however, in addition to causing changes in the reproductive tract, these hormones affect the
female brain, thereby modifying female sexual preferences and behaviors in several ways.
First, when women are near ovulation, their grooming habits and clothing choices change,
seemingly in an effort to appear more attractive. As support for this idea, research has found
that participants can pick out photographs of women taken while they were ovulating compared
to photos taken during other phases of the menstrual cycle because ovulating women appear to
go for “nicer” and “more fashionable” outfits that show more skin (Haselton, Mortezaie, Pillsworth, Bleske-Rechek, & Frederick, 2007). In addition, in a study where women engaged in
online clothing shopping at different stages of the menstrual cycle, researchers found that ovulating women put a greater percentage of sexy items in their shopping carts than nonovulating
women (Durante, Griskevicius, Hill, Perilloux, & Li, 2011). Also, if you recall from chapter 4,
ovulating strippers earned higher tips than strippers who were using hormonal contraceptives
(Miller, Tybur, & Jordan, 2007), another finding that suggests women’s behaviors may change
throughout the menstrual cycle. Other research has found that when women are ovulating,
the pitch of their voice (Bryant & Haselton, 2009), their body movements (Fink, Hugill, Lange,
2012), and their bodily scent change in ways that increase their attractiveness to men (Havlícček,
Dvorčáková, Bartoš, & Flegr, 2006). Such findings raise legitimate questions about the oft-stated
notion in many biology textbooks that human females have “concealed ovulation.”
Second, heterosexual women are attracted to different types of men during ovulation. Specifically, ovulating women show an exaggerated preference for short-term sexual relationships
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with guys who have masculine faces, hot bodies, and lots of confidence (think Channing Tatum,
Hugh Jackman, and other guys who have been named “Sexiest Man Alive”) compared to women
at other stages of their cycle (Gangestad, Thornhill, & Garver-Apgar, 2005). This preference is
not just visual either. During ovulation, women prefer men who have deeper voices (Puts, 2005),
as well as the bodily scents of “manlier” men (Gangestad & Thornhill, 1998). Evolutionary psychologists have reasoned that this is because masculine guys offer the best genetic material for
making babies because masculine features are supposedly a sign of a strong immune system
(Gangestad & Buss, 1993). The idea is that masculine features are a product of high testosterone,
but testosterone actually suppresses the immune system. Thus, for a hypermasculine man to survive this immunosuppression, he has to have very strong, disease-resisting genes to begin with.
If that is the case, then why is masculinity not universally preferred across the menstrual cycle?
Perhaps because women see masculine men as less reliable partners who are more likely to cheat
(e.g., O’Connor, Re, & Feinberg, 2011). Masculine men are therefore only seen as good sexual
partners during those periods where his genetic benefits can be conferred to a woman’s offspring;
women’s preference for these men declines when no such reproductive benefits are possible.
So what happens when women take hormonal contraceptives? These ovulatory shifts in mating
preferences and behaviors get wiped out. For one thing, these women do not show the same cyclical sexual desire for masculine men. Also, in the study of exotic dancers, women who were on the
pill did not see an increase in tips at any point during the month, suggesting that they did not alter
their style of dress and behavior in the same way as naturally-cycling women (Miller et al., 2007).
Perhaps even more fascinating is research demonstrating that women taking oral contraceptives
seem to pick more reliable partners and have longer-lasting relationships than their naturallycycling counterparts, perhaps because women on the pill show a more stable preference for a
certain type of guy (Roberts et al., 2012). One caveat to this research is that most work looking at
Figure 11.8 Heterosexual women report greater attraction to masculine men like Channing Tatum when they
are ovulating compared to other stages of the menstrual cycle. ©s_bukley, 2013. Used under license from
Shutterstock.com.
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how hormonal contraceptives are related to female sexual behavior has focused on the combined
hormone pill. While it is likely that all hormonal contraceptives would have similar psychological
effects, this has not yet been systematically studied.
Other Methods
There are several other methods of birth control available, including male and female sterilization. Sterilization is the most common form of birth control in the United States and throughout the world (see Figure 11.6). Female sterilization is known as tubal ligation and involves
clamping or severing the fallopian tubes so that any eggs released cannot come into contact
with sperm, thus making fertilization impossible. One reason this has become an incredibly
popular form of birth control is because it empowers women by allowing for greater control
over desired family size (Klibanoff, 2014). This is particularly desirable to women in developing nations where regular access to contraceptives is limited and potentially costly. By contrast,
male sterilization (i.e., vasectomy) involves severing or sealing the vas deferens so that sperm
can no longer become part of the seminal fluid. Both vasectomies and tubal ligations are considered permanent and although it may be possible to have them surgically reversed, it is not
guaranteed. In addition, both procedures are low risk, do not impair sexual performance or
function, and are virtually 100% effective at preventing pregnancy (Trussel, 2011).
Most of the methods of birth control covered in this chapter involve regulating female fertility in some way. Aside from vasectomies, are there any other ways of biologically regulating
male fertility? Some scientists think so. See the Digging Deeper 11.2 box for more on this growing area of research.
Choosing the Right Contraceptive
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
There are lots of decisions to be made when it comes to choosing a contraceptive, and what
is right for one woman and her relationship may not necessarily be right for others. Certainly,
effectiveness is one important consideration, but you also need to look at potential side effects,
convenience, and individual comfort. It is also vital to take into account how much protection
you want from STIs, because aside from strict abstinence, condoms (both male and female)
are the only method that can reduce risk from a wide range of infections. Your best bet is to
consult with a health care provider about your concerns and current physical condition and to
communicate with your partner about your goals and sexual health needs.
Figure 11.9 Sterilization involves severing the fallopian tubes (female) or vas deferens (male) in order to
eliminate the possibility of conception. ©Stocktrek Images/Getty Images.
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Digging Deeper 11.2 How Close Are We to Having a Male Version of “The Pill?”
It is a simple biological fact that regulating female fertility is less complicated than regulating male fertility. Just think about it: is it easier to try and stop one egg per month from being
released, or to try and stop up to a half billion sperm from being released per ejaculation? Despite
this challenge, some scientists have been hard at work trying to create the male equivalent of the
pill and their research has yielded some promising new developments.
For the past few decades, there have only been two options for female-attracted guys who want
to ensure they do not accidentally get a woman pregnant: use a condom or get a vasectomy. Unfortunately, these options represent two extreme ends of the spectrum. Condoms must be used correctly and consistently each time, and some guys complain of dulled sexual sensation. Vasectomies
eliminate these concerns because after surgery, there are no special precautions to take and no
loss in sensation. The downside of vasectomies is that they are expensive and are not guaranteed
to be reversible. Thus, if a guy thinks he might want to father future children, he is probably better
off sticking with condoms. Is there any way to get the best of both worlds? Is there something that
neither reduces sexual sensation nor runs the risk of creating permanent infertility?
A handful of procedures may have such potential. One is something reported in the media as
the “testicular zap,” in which a specialized ultrasound is performed on the testicles. A study testing this on rats found that two 15-minute ultrasounds administered two days apart had the effect
of significantly reducing sperm count (Tsuruta et al., 2012). It is yet to be determined whether this
would have the same effect in humans and how often it would need to be performed, but this
technique is promising for its noninvasive nature.
Another procedure involves injecting a polymer into the vas deferens. This polymer stays in
place and disables sperm as they pass by. It is known as Reversible Inhibition of Sperm Under
Guidance (RISUG; Sharma, Chaudhury, Jagannathan, & Guha, 2001). Despite the rather unfortunate name and acronym, it sounds more pleasant than the testicular “zap.” This procedure does
not affect sperm production; rather, it serves to immobilize sperm before they can exit the body.
It is supposedly reversible by flushing the polymer out of the vas deferens. RISUG is currently
undergoing clinical trials. Related to RISUG is a product known as Vasalgel, a polymer injected
into the vas deferens that blocks the flow of sperm entirely while it is in place. It is also in the testing and development phase.
One final procedure worth mentioning involves the application of hormone gels to the skin.
What men do is apply two hormone gels to the skin each day, one containing progestin and the
other testosterone. At the levels administered, these hormones suppress sperm production, with
clinical trials showing great promise (Roth et al., 2014); however, more work remains to be done,
including the development of an easier to use formulation.
Before those of you with scrotums get excited about being zapped, injected, and gelled, I
should warn you that we are a way off from any of these methods becoming widespread around
the globe. We do not have enough evidence of the effectiveness of these procedures and their
potential long-term side effects to start performing them routinely. For the time being, you will
probably want to keep that condom drawer fully stocked.
Note: Reprinted with permission from Sex and Psychology (www.lehmiller.com).
Pregnancy
We will round out this chapter with a brief discussion of pregnancy. As mentioned above, the
menstrual cycle exerts profound effects on female psychology at different stages. Perhaps not
surprisingly, the hormonal changes that occur during and after pregnancy can have a range
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of psychological effects as well. We begin by addressing the psychological changes associated
with trying to get pregnant before moving on to the changes that occur after a child has been
conceived.
The Psychology of Trying to Have a Baby
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The act of trying to get pregnant can be both exciting and stressful. The nature of the experience is dependent upon how long the couple has been trying, how much pressure the partners put on one another, and whether there are any fertility issues present. The more that sex
starts to become a rigidly structured chore, the more performance pressure there is, and the
longer a couple tries to get pregnant unsuccessfully, the more stressful things end up being.
Stress effects are particularly pronounced among couples in which one or both partners are
facing fertility problems (Oddens, den Tonkelaar, & Nieuwenhuyse, 1999). The prevalence of
infertility varies across countries, but the estimated median prevalence is 9% (Boivin, Bunting,
Collins, & Nygren, 2007). This means that about one in ten couples will have difficulty conceiving within a year. Infertility is something that can affect both men and women. As a result,
it is important for both partners to be checked. It should be noted that infertility is not just
a stressor faced by heterosexual couples; same-sex couples who are trying to have their own
biological children may grapple with this as well. Having a baby is equally stressful regardless
of the sex and sexuality of the parents involved and the way that the child is being conceived.
Of course, it is important to note that not all pregnancies are planned. Whereas a planned
pregnancy usually results in feelings of joy and relief, unintentional pregnancies can have a
much wider range of effects. Some people may be very pleased by the surprise, while others
have a difficult time adapting to it. In general, unplanned pregnancies are more likely to result
in the parents feeling stressed and powerless regarding the changes that are about to occur
(Clinton & Kelber, 1993).
Figure 11.10 Trying to have a child and the transition to parenthood are stressful events for people of all sexes
and sexualities—not just for heterosexual couples. ©Maria Dubova/123RF.COM.
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Psychological Changes During Pregnancy and After Birth
There are many stereotypes about pregnant women perpetuated by the popular media, with
one of the most common being that pregnant women are unstable and irrational, exhibiting
wild mood swings. In reality, however, the psychological effects of pregnancy vary, and it is not
just pregnant women who experience psychological changes—their partners do as well.
One of the more common changes is depression. In fact, in the industrialized world, rates
of female depression vary from 7 to 15% during pregnancy and are about 10% postpartum
(i.e., after pregnancy; O’Keane, & Marsh, 2007). Why does this affect so many women? For
one thing, the act of being pregnant and raising a new child is demanding both physically
and psychologically. However, there are direct biological effects of pregnancy as well, because
pregnancy-related hormone changes affect the portions of the brain that regulate mood
(O’Keane & Marsh, 2007). The risk of depression is particularly pronounced in women with
a past history of mood disorders. It is important to note that pregnancy-related depression
can also occur in nonpregnant partners. For instance, research has found that about 10% of
fathers experience depression during either the prenatal or postpartum periods (Paulson &
Bazemore, 2010).
Changes in sexual interest and behavior are also common during pregnancy. For instance, up to
half of women in survey studies report worrying that sex while pregnant will harm their baby (vod
Sydow, 1999). Specifically, many women who have male partners are concerned that their child will
be traumatized or “poked” during vaginal intercourse. As a result, this may decrease the frequency
of sexual activity and reduce enjoyment for both partners, which can create stress and relationship
turmoil. However, you will be glad to know that vaginal intercourse during pregnancy is generally
safe as long as both partners are in good health and the pregnancy is not high-risk. In fact, research
has found that the majority of heterosexual couples have sex up until the seventh month, and about
one-third report having sex up until the ninth month (vod Sydow, 1999); however, different intercourse positions may be necessary later in the pregnancy to make the woman more comfortable.
Finally, major psychological changes often arise when problems are encountered during the
pregnancy. For instance, the discovery that the fetus possesses a major birth defect can be
highly distressing to the parents. The same goes for very premature births in which functional
development is not yet complete. In addition, some pregnancies end spontaneously in miscarriage. In fact, it is estimated that 15–20% of pregnancies end in miscarriage (American College
of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 2011). Although most miscarriages occur early on, and
may not necessarily even be detected in some cases (i.e., when it occurs before the pregnancy
is known), miscarriages sometimes happen much later on. In such cases, the effect can be psychologically devastating for the parents. Research suggests that clinically significant depression
and anxiety are common among women following a miscarriage, as are feelings of guilt (Frost &
Condon, 1996). Although most research has focused on the psychological effects on mothers,
miscarriage can also result in emotional disturbances for partners and surviving children.
Abortion
When a pregnancy is unwanted, an elective abortion is sometimes pursued. Abortion is a
catch-all term for a number of different medical procedures capable of ending a pregnancy.
Abortions that occur within the first few weeks of pregnancy can be accomplished with medications, whereas later abortions require more involved surgical procedures. No matter when
or what methods are utilized, voluntarily ending a pregnancy is controversial. Some people
believe it should never happen, others believe it should only happen under certain circumstances, and some believe it should always be a viable option. The purpose of this section is
not to wade into that debate, but rather to address why abortions are sometimes sought, their
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Key Terms
psychological effects, and what can be done to reduce the number of unintended pregnancies
so that fewer women find themselves in the position of having to make this difficult decision.
Women cite multiple reasons for pursuing abortions. For instance, a study of 671 women from
the southern United States revealed that the most commonly cited reasons were as follows (note
that women could indicate more than one reason): not being able to afford a child (48.2%), not
being ready for children (39.9%), not wanting additional children (35.8%), being in an unstable
relationship (21.8%), being too young for kids (25.1%), and having personal health problems
(9.5%; Santelli, Speizer, Avery, & Kendall, 2006). Based upon these reasons, it is clear that almost
all of these women were seeking abortions because their pregnancies were unintended.
How do women feel after having an abortion? A separate study of 442 women who were
followed for two years after undergoing the procedure revealed that the majority (72%) were
satisfied with their decision and a similar number reported that they would have done the same
thing again (Major et al., 2000). That said, this study also revealed that 20% of the women experienced at least one episode of clinical depression after the procedure, and 1% met the criteria
for post-traumatic stress disorder or PTSD (for more on the nature of PTSD, see chapter 15).
Experiencing depression prior to the pregnancy was a very strong predictor of experiencing
depression after the abortion. Thus, although the vast majority of women who get abortions do
not regret doing so, some women are unhappy with the outcome. Less research exists on men’s
psychological reactions to their partner’s abortions, but existing studies paint a similar picture:
most men report being satisfied with their partner’s decision to have an abortion, but some
report psychological pain and sadness afterward (Kero & Lalos, 2004).
Given that so many abortions are pursued as a result of unplanned and unwanted pregnancies, it would seem logical to assume that with better sex education and greater access to
effective contraception, we could dramatically reduce the abortion rate, an outcome that most
people would probably see as a good thing. Consider that fewer abortions would mean that
public health clinics would have more resources available for addressing other urgent sexual
health needs (e.g., STI screenings), and fewer women would be faced with a decision that can
be incredibly difficult and stressful. So is this possible? Research suggests that it is. Peipert,
Madden, Allsworth, and Secura (2012), recruited 9,256 US women at high risk of unwanted
pregnancy to participate in a longitudinal study. All participants were given free contraceptive
counseling and received their choice of birth control. Most women opted for either the IUD or
contraceptive implant. Results revealed that study participants evidenced significantly lower
rates of teen pregnancy and abortion compared to the national average. For instance, across
the three years of the study, the abortion rate among participants fluctuated between 4.4 and
7.5 per 1,000 women, while the national rate stood at 19.6 per 1,000. These findings suggest
that reducing teen pregnancy and abortions can be effectively achieved through better education and access to free contraceptives. Such efforts would likely have the added benefit of
dramatically reducing rates of STIs, the topic we turn to in the next chapter.
Key Terms
abstinence-only approach
abstinence-plus
comprehensive sex education
abstinence
outercourse
withdrawal
perfect use
typical use
fertility awareness
male condoms
female condoms
spermicides
cervical barriers
combined hormone methods
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progestin-only methods
emergency contraception
tubal ligation
vasectomy
abortion
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Discussion Questions: What is Your Perspective on Sex?
●●
●●
●●
Parents have mixed feelings about the discussion of masturbation, homosexuality, and abortion in school-based sex education courses. Do you think these topics should be addressed?
Why or why not?
How do you define “abstinence?” What sexual behaviors can someone engage in and still be
considered “abstinent?”
Do the psychological effects of hormonal contraceptives make you think any differently
about this form of birth control? Do you think women should be aware that this type of birth
control could potentially alter their behaviors and the partners they are attracted to?
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
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Sexually Transmitted Infections and Safer-Sex Practices
©Dr. Lance Liotta Laboratory, via National Cancer Institute Visuals Online.
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
CHAPTER OUTLINE
Introduction, 313
Sexually Transmitted Infections, 313
Bacterial Infections, 314
Viral Infections, 317
Other Infections, 322
Factors That Increase the Spread of STIs, 323
Biological, 323
Psychological, 324
Social and Environmental, 326
The Psychological Impact of STIs, 327
Implications for Romantic and Sexual Relationships, 328
Preventing Infection, 329
The Psychology of Human Sexuality, Second Edition. Justin J. Lehmiller.
© 2018 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2018 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Companion Website: www.wiley.com\go\lehmiller2e
Lehmiller, J. J. (2017). The psychology of human sexuality. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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Sexually Transmitted Infection
Introduction
Although sex has many positive features associated with it (e.g., pleasure, intimacy), there is
also a potential dark side to sexual activity. In this chapter, we will begin to explore this dark
side by considering the various infections that can be spread through sexual contact. The reason for discussing this topic is not to discourage you from being sexually active or to make you
feel scared or anxious about having sex in the future; rather, the goal is simply to ensure that
you have a complete picture when it comes to sex so that you can make informed decisions and
take appropriate precautions. In addition, there are a lot of myths and misconceptions about
sexual infections and how they are spread that are worth correcting (e.g., some people think
that oral sex poses no disease risk, while others think that HIV can be spread through sweat).
We will begin by describing the most common sexually transmitted infections (STIs). We will
talk about how these infections are transmitted, their prevalence, and their potential effects.
This biological background is necessary for understanding the psychological and relational
implications of having an STI, a topic we will address later in the chapter. We will also consider biological, psychological, and social factors that contribute to the prevalence of STIs, and
explore the steps that you can take to prevent infection in your own sex life.
Before we move on, please note that we will use the term STI throughout this chapter instead
of sexually transmitted disease (STD), a term some of you may be more familiar with. The reason for this is because STI is broader and more inclusive in that it refers to any case in which
an infection is present in an individual, regardless of whether symptoms exist. In contrast,
STDs only refer to cases in which there is an infection causing symptoms. Thus, not all STIs
are STDs, but all STDs had to be STIs first. In addition, not all STIs will go on to become STDs
(e.g., only some cases of the human papilloma virus or HPV will go on to produce symptoms).
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Sexually Transmitted Infections
In the United States alone, there are approximately 20 million new cases of STIs each year and
about $16 billion in associated health care costs, which makes this a major public health issue
(CDC, 2015a). Young people are disproportionately affected by the STI epidemic, with persons
aged 15–24 comprising approximately half of all new diagnoses. Although STIs are certainly a
concern for people across all stages of the lifespan (e.g., consider that STI outbreaks are being
documented among nursing home patients with increasing frequency; Jameson, 2011), it is
clear that STIs are something the college crowd should be especially worried about.
Of course, STIs are a global concern and the United States represents only a small portion
of the total number of infections worldwide. As some evidence of this, see Table 12.1, which
presents incidence and prevalence data on three of the most common curable STIs throughout world regions. This table also reveals that the highest prevalence rates of these particular
STIs are in Africa, North and South America, and the Western Pacific Region (e.g., China,
Japan, Australia); prevalence rates are substantially lower in South-East Asia (e.g., India) and
the Mediterranean (e.g., Iran, Pakistan). Incidence and prevalence rates for incurable STIs,
such as HIV, also vary considerably across cultures. For instance, 7.1% of the population has
HIV in eastern and southern Africa, compared to a prevalence of 0.3% in both North America
and western and central Europe (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2017).
Below, we will review the most common STIs and provide some basic information about each.
Given the nature of this book, we will not go into great depth about how each disease affects the
body and its clinical presentation. However, if you would like more detailed information, you
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Table 12.1 Incidence and prevalence of selected curable STIs across world regions.
Region
Number of new cases in
2008 (incidence)
Number of adults ages
15–49
Prevalence
Africa
32.8 million
384.4 million
8.5%
North and South America
40.2 million
476.9 million
8.4%
South-east Asia
35.6 million
945.2 million
3.8%
European region
24.2 million
450.8 million
5.4%
Mediterranean region
6.9 million
309.6 million
2.2%
Western Pacific region
82.5 million
986.7 million
8.4%
Note: This table only presents data on three curable STIs: syphilis, gonorrhea, and chlamydia. Data obtained from
World Health Organization (2008).
Table 12.2 CDC screening recommendations for STIs.
All adults and adolescents from ages 13-64 should be tested for HIV at least once.
Sexually active women age 25 and younger should be tested yearly for chlamydia and gonorrhea. Older
women who have new or multiple sexual partners or partners with an STI should be tested annually as well.
All pregnant women should be screened for HIV, syphilis, chlamydia, and hepatitis B. At-risk pregnant women
should also be screened for gonorrhea. Repeat testing should occur as needed.
All sexually active men who have sex with men (MSM) should be screened annually for gonorrhea, syphilis,
chlamydia, and HIV. MSM with multiple partners or anonymous partners should be screened every 3 to 6
months.
Sexually active heterosexual men should be screened according to risk, meaning annual STI screenings should
occur for men at high risk (e.g., men with multiple partners or who have inconsistent condom use).
Anyone who has unsafe sex or shares injection drug equipment should be tested for HIV annually.
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Source: CDC (2016).
are encouraged to check out the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention website (cdc.gov),
which contains a massive database of sexual health information and statistics. If you would like
to get tested for STIs, the CDC also has a helpful online tool (hivtest.cdc.gov) for finding local
resources in the US. For current CDC screening recommendations, see Table 12.2.
Bacterial Infections
The three most well-known sexual infections caused by bacterial agents are chlamydia, gonorrhea, and syphilis. Each of these infections is spread primarily through sexual contact, which
includes oral, anal, and vaginal sex. Chlamydia is the most prevalent of the bacterial STIs. In
the United States there are approximately 1.4 million new cases each year, and 66% of these
infections occur among persons under the age of 24 (CDC, 2015a). Although chlamydia infections are relatively easily cured through an antibiotic regimen, the unfortunate reality is that
chlamydia infections are not always caught because symptoms are often minimal and, in some
cases, completely nonexistent. The danger in this is that, if left untreated, chlamydia can cause
a range of problems, including premature birth among pregnant women, blindness (in cases
where the bacteria come into contact with the eye), and both male and female infertility. It is
Lehmiller, J. J. (2017). The psychology of human sexuality. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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Bacterial Infection
Digging Deeper 12.1 Do Sexually Transmitted Infections Affect Women’s Ability to Orgasm?
The short answer to this question is yes. The long answer is that there are both physical and psychological reasons STIs affect female orgasm.
Let us cover physical causes first. One of the most well-known factors that affects women’s
ability to reach orgasm during sex is dyspareunia (Butcher, 1999). This is a clinical term that refers
to any type of genital pain experienced during sexual activity (see chapter 13 for more on this).
When sex is painful, it is likely to be attempted less frequently and for shorter durations. In severe
cases, sex may be avoided entirely. Many factors can cause female dyspareunia, including STIs
such as chlamydia and gonorrhea. If a woman has one of these infections and is not treated for
it, she may develop pelvic inflammatory disease (PID). This occurs when the initial infection
spreads from the vagina or cervix to other reproductive organs, such as the uterus and fallopian
tubes. Because chlamydia and gonorrhea infections often produce few or no early symptoms in
women, many women do not realize they have an STI until the infection has advanced to PID. If
you are a woman who is experiencing pain during intercourse, it is advisable to see a physician
to determine the exact cause. This is important not only for improving your sex life and potentially restoring ability to orgasm, but also because if PID is the cause, it can potentially result in
infertility if left untreated for too long.
With regard to psychological factors, having an STI can evoke a number of emotional
responses that interfere with both sexual arousal and orgasm. Sexual scientists have known
for a long time that negative emotions and feelings are strongly related to sexual problems
(Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2006), and STIs are just one of many factors that can negatively affect
one’s mood state. For instance, a woman with herpes or HPV may experience a loss of sexual
pleasure because she is afraid of or distracted by the thought of passing the infection to her
partner. Likewise, emotions that frequently accompany being diagnosed with an STI are shame
and guilt, which may not only lead one to shy away from sexual activity, but also to enjoy it less.
Some people may also be so fearful of contracting STIs that they have a hard time relaxing and
getting into the moment during sexual activity.
Thus, STIs can reduce a woman’s ability to reach orgasm both biologically and psychologically.
Although we focused primarily on how STIs affect women here, similar effects sometimes occur
in men and can create the same types of sexual difficulties for them.
Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Note: Reprinted with permission from Sex and Psychology (www.lehmiller.com).
estimated that as many as 20,000 US women become infertile each year as a result of undiagnosed and untreated STIs like chlamydia (CDC, 2015a). In addition to these risks, untreated
chlamydia can impair sexual pleasure and ability to reach orgasm. For more on this, see the
Digging Deeper 12.1 box.
Gonorrhea (“the clap”) is one of the oldest known STIs and, historically, has been a major
problem during times of war due to large numbers of servicemen patronizing sex workers. As some
evidence of this, during World War II, the US government created a series of posters warning military members against visiting “good time girls” and prostitutes because “you can’t beat the Axis” if
you have gonorrhea (see Figure 12.1). In fact, it was this fear of losing eligible servicemen to STIs
that prompted the US government to outlaw prostitution near military bases. While gonorrhea
used to be one of the more prevalent STIs, the infection rate has dropped dramatically since the
1970s. There are approximately 350,000 new cases of it each year in the US, with 54% occurring
among individuals under age 24 (CDC, 2015a). Like chlamydia, symptoms of gonorrhea are often
minimal, which means many infected individuals do not realize they have it and fail to get tested.
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Copyright © 2017. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Figure 12.1 Historically, the US government sought to alert servicemen about the dangers of STIs during
times of war. ©US National Library of Medicine.
If left untreated, the infection can cause infertility in both men and women. Although gonorrhea
used to be easy to treat with a massive dose of penicillin, antibiotic-resistant strains of this bacterium have popped up in recent years, making gonorrhea more difficult to manage (Unemo &
Nicolas, 2012). Public health officials are concerned that gonorrhea may eventually become an
untreatable “superbug” because it has developed resistance to almost all known antibiotics and,
at the same time, drug manufacturers have very few new antibiotics in the pipeline, in large part
because they are relatively unprofitable to produce at this time.
Despite being very well-known as an STI, syphilis is a far less common bacterial infection
than both gonorrhea and chlamydia, with about 20,000 new cases diagnosed each year in the
United States (CDC, 2015a). Rates have declined dramatically over the past half-century; however, there has been a recent, dramatic uptick in cases among men who have sex with men
(MSM). In fact, whereas 7% of cases of syphilis could be attributed to MSM in 2000, the proportion jumped to 67% in 2010 (CDC, 2011) and 83% in 2014 (CDC, 2015a)! Syphilis tends
to have more noticeable symptoms of infection than the other bacterial STIs. Symptoms vary
depending upon the stage of the disease, with the most prominent being a chancre or painless
sore at the site of infection during primary syphilis (the earliest stage) and a rash on the hands
or feet during secondary syphilis. As you learned in chapter 2 in our discussion of the Tuskegee
Lehmiller, J. J. (2017). The psychology of human sexuality. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
Created from umuc on 2021-11-24 04:04:14.
Bacterial Infection
Syphilis Study, untreated syphilis can be devastating and deadly the longer it goes on, with the
potential for insanity, paralysis, and heart failure to occur. Syphilis is generally treatable with
penicillin, although the dose required depends upon how far the disease has progressed.
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Viral Infections
Some STIs are caused by viruses instead of bacteria, and these tend to be the most worrisome
because, unlike bacterial STIs, we cannot cure viral STIs. As a result, viral infections are much
more prevalent and far more difficult to eradicate. The most common viral STI (and also the
most common sexual infection in general) is the human papilloma virus (HPV), which infects
at least 14 million people in the United States each year (CDC, 2014). HPV is spread through
sexual activity and skin-to-skin contact. It is possible to spread HPV even when practicing safe
sex because the virus can sit on portions of the skin that are not protected by condoms. Most
people who have HPV do not realize it because there are dozens of different strains of the virus
and only a few of them cause health problems. Likewise, only a few strains have obvious symptoms, with the most notable being genital warts.
HPV has increasingly troubled the medical community due to research indicating that
advanced infections are linked to an increased risk of cancer in the cervix, anus, and throat
(Gillison, Chaturvedi, & Lowy, 2008). Although there is no cure for HPV, there is a vaccine
(Gardasil) that has been approved for use in both men and women and can protect against the
highest-risk strains of the virus (i.e., those linked to genital warts and cancers). Research has
found that this ...
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