16 COLONIALISM AND CULTURAL TRANSFORMATIONS 420
17 LIVING IN A GLOBAL WORLD 448
10
Contents
Special Features xiii
Preface xvi
1 WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY? 1
PREVIEW 1
THE STUDY OF HUMANITY 3
The Concept of Culture 4
A Holistic Perspective 4
A Comparative Perspective 4
THE FOUR SUBFIELDS OF ANTHROPOLOGY 5
Cultural Anthropology 6
Linguistic Anthropology 10
Archaeology 11
Biological Anthropology 12
APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY 15
CHAPTER SUMMARY 17
11
REVIEW QUESTIONS 18
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 18
2 THE NATURE OF CULTURE 19
PREVIEW 19
WHAT IS CULTURE? 20
CHARACTERISTICS OF CULTURE 22
Culture Is Shared 22
Culture Is Learned 24
Culture Is Adaptive 26
Culture Is Integrated 28
Culture Is Based on Symbols 30
Culture Organizes the Way People Think about the World 31
CULTURE CHANGE 33
Internal Culture Change 34
External Culture Change 36
GLOBAL CULTURE 38
CHAPTER SUMMARY 42
REVIEW QUESTIONS 43
12
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 43
3 STUDYING CULTURE 44
PREVIEW 44
ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE EXPLANATION OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY
46
Evolutionism 47
Empiricism 47
Functionalism 48
Modern Theoretical Perspectives: An Overview 49
Materialist Perspectives 49
Structuralist Perspectives 50
Interpretive Anthropology 51
Conflict Perspectives and the Analysis of Culture and Power 51
Reflexive Anthropology 52
ETHNOGRAPHY AND FIELDWORK 53
Cross-Cultural Comparisons 53
Ethnohistorical Research 55
Ethnographic Fieldwork 55
13
Doing Fieldwork 55
Anthropological Research in Urban Societies 57
THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF ANTHROPOLOGY 64
Ethical Issues in Anthropology 64
CHAPTER SUMMARY 66
REVIEW QUESTIONS 67
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 67
4 LANGUAGE AND CULTURE 68
PREVIEW 68
WHAT IS LANGUAGE? 70
THE COMPONENTS OF LANGUAGE 71
Phonology: The System of Sounds 72
Morphology: The Structure of Words 72
Syntax: The Structure of Sentences 72
Semantics: The Study of Meaning 73
NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION 74
LINGUISTIC ANTHROPOLOGY 76
Linguistic Relativity 76
14
Language, Worldview, and Revitalization Efforts 79
The Study of Language Speakers 79
Language and Dialects 79
Language and Gender, Class, and Race 81
African American English 82
ETHNOSEMANTICS 85
Componential Analysis 85
Cultural Presuppositions 85
Ethnography of Communication 86
PROCESSES OF LANGUAGE CHANGE 87
Creoles, Pidgins, and Lingua Francas 88
Historical Linguistics 89
Loanwords 89
LANGUAGE AND GLOBALIZATION 91
CHAPTER SUMMARY 95
REVIEW QUESTIONS 95
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 96
5 LEARNING ONE’S CULTURE 97
15
PREVIEW 97
THE PROCESS OF ENCULTURATION 99
Becoming a Human Being 100
Child Rearing 101
INFORMAL AND FORMAL LEARNING 107
Learning Skills and Values 107
Learning Behavioral Expectations 108
Age and Gender Socialization 110
Rites of Passage 113
Schooling 114
PSYCHOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 120
Culture and Personality Traits 120
Culture and Self-Concept 122
Culture and Cognition 123
DEVIANCE AND ABNORMAL BEHAVIOR IN CROSS-CULTURAL
PERSPECTIVE 125
Responses to “Mental Illness” 125
Culture-Specific Psychological Disorders 126
16
CHAPTER SUMMARY 129
REVIEW QUESTIONS 129
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 130
6 MAKING A LIVING 131
PREVIEW 131
ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY 132
UNDERSTANDING HUMAN SUBSISTENCE PATTERNS 133
Foraging versus Food Production 133
Ecosystem, Adaptation, and Carrying Capacity 134
Subsistence and Settlement Pattern 135
Subsistence and Population 135
Subsistence, Work, and Division of Labor 135
Subsistence and Social Relations 135
FORAGING 136
Ecological Factors 136
Optimal Foraging 137
Population Factors 137
Social and Cultural Factors 138
17
Land, Labor, and Production in Foraging Societies 142
PASTORALISM 143
Combined Subsistence Strategies 143
Land and Labor in Pastoralist Societies 144
Nomadic Pastoralism 144
HORTICULTURE 148
Impacts of Sedentism and Surpluses 149
Slash-and-Burn Horticulture 149
Gender Allocation of Work 149
AGRICULTURE 152
Intensive Agriculture and Crop Variety 154
SUBSISTENCE AND CULTURE CHANGE 155
CHAPTER SUMMARY 157
REVIEW QUESTIONS 157
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 158
7 ECONOMIC SYSTEMS 159
PREVIEW 159
ANALYZING ECONOMIC SYSTEMS 161
18
Allocating Land and Resources 161
Producing Goods 162
Organizing Labor 162
Distributing and Exchanging Products and Services 165
MARKET ECONOMIES AND CAPITALISM 169
IMPACTS OF COLONIAL EXPANSION, INDUSTRIALISM, AND
GLOBALIZATION 171
Colonialism and the Exploitation of Labor 172
Industrial Economies 173
Industrial Agriculture 174
Social Consequences of Capitalism and Industrialism 178
COMPARING SUBSISTENCE STRATEGIES 181
CHAPTER SUMMARY 183
REVIEW QUESTIONS 184
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 184
8 KINSHIP AND DESCENT 185
PREVIEW 185
KINSHIP SYSTEMS 186
19
Bilateral Descent 188
Unilineal Descent 189
MATRILINEAL AND PATRILINEAL SYSTEMS 190
Prevalence of Matrilineal and Patrilineal Descent 190
Matrilineal and Patrilineal Societies Compared 191
Influence and Inheritance in Unilineal Descent Groups 192
Other Forms of Unilineal Descent 194
UNILINEAL DESCENT GROUPS 195
Lineages 195
Exogamy and Endogamy 196
Clans 197
Phratries and Moieties 200
PATTERNS OF RELATIONSHIPS 203
PATTERNS OF CHANGE 204
KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY SYSTEMS 206
The Eskimo and Hawaiian Systems 207
The Crow, Omaha, and Sudanese Systems 208
CHAPTER SUMMARY 211
20
REVIEW QUESTIONS 212
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 212
9 MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 213
PREVIEW 213
DEFINING MARRIAGE AND FAMILY 215
FAMILIES AND IDEAL TYPES 217
Nuclear Families 217
Extended and Joint Families 218
ENDOGAMY, EXOGAMY, AND THE INCEST TABOO 221
Effects of Exogamy on Social Organization 221
Effects of Endogamy on Social Organization 222
FORMS OF MARRIAGE 223
Polygyny and Polyandry 223
Explanations of Polygyny 224
Specialized Adaptive Forms of Marriage 225
Same-Sex Marriage 226
MARRIAGE AS ALLIANCE AND ECONOMIC EXCHANGE 227
Bridewealth and Brideservice 228
21
Groom-Service and Groom-Wealth 228
Dowry 229
MARRIAGE AS A RITE OF PASSAGE 231
PATTERNS OF RESIDENCE AFTER MARRIAGE 234
Matrilocal and Patrilocal Residence 234
Avunculocal Residence 234
Bilocal and Neolocal Residence 235
Correlates of Residence Patterns 235
WIDOWHOOD AND DIVORCE 238
The Levirate and Sororate 238
Divorce 238
CHAPTER SUMMARY 243
REVIEW QUESTIONS 244
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 244
10 GENDER 245
PREVIEW 245
SEX AND GENDER 246
Evolutionary Perspectives 247
22
The Cultural Construction of Gender Identity 249
Gender and Sexuality 250
Gender and Homosexuality 251
GENDER ROLES AND RELATIONS 254
Division of Labor by Gender 254
Gender and Status 256
GENDER AND SUBSISTENCE 260
Foragers and Gender 260
Gender in Pastoral Societies 262
Gender in Horticultural Societies 264
Gender in Agricultural States 266
Industrialism, Postindustrialism, and Gender 266
GLOBALIZATION AND GENDER 273
Women’s Roles in Urban and Rural Economic Development 274
Women in Changing Socialist States 276
Gender and Political Representation 277
Impacts of Ideology on Gender Constructs 278
CHAPTER SUMMARY 281
23
REVIEW QUESTIONS 282
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 282
11 EQUALITY AND INEQUALITY 283
PREVIEW 283
EQUALITY, INEQUALITY, AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION 284
Egalitarian Societies 286
Ranked Societies 286
Stratified Societies 287
Explaining Social Stratification 290
CASTE AND CLASS 292
Determinants of Class 292
Social Class and Language 294
Slavery 295
RACE AND ETHNICITY 296
Race as Caste 296
Race in the United States 297
White Privilege 299
Race in Brazil 300
24
Ethnic Identity 301
CLASS, RACE, ETHNICITY, AND IDEOLOGY IN AMERICAN SOCIETY
304
CHAPTER SUMMARY 309
REVIEW QUESTIONS 310
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 310
12 POLITICAL SYSTEMS 311
PREVIEW 311
POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 312
TYPES OF POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 313
Bands 314
Tribes 316
Confederacies 318
Chiefdoms 321
CHARACTERISTICS OF STATE SOCIETIES 328
POLITICAL CHANGE AND STATE SOCIETIES 333
CHAPTER SUMMARY 337
REVIEW QUESTIONS 337
25
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 338
13 CONFLICT AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION 339
PREVIEW 339
EVOLUTIONARY PERSPECTIVES ON CONFLICT 341
AVOIDING CONFLICT 342
Politeness 343
Channeled Aggression 343
Role of Reciprocity in Conflict Avoidance 346
WITCHCRAFT AND RITUAL IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION 347
PATTERNS OF FAMILY AND COMMUNITY CONFLICT 348
Family Violence 348
Conflicts in Bands and Tribes 349
Blood Vengeance and the Feud 350
PATTERNS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN GROUPS 351
Warfare 351
Impacts of Globalization on Warfare 352
Warfare in State Societies 356
CHAPTER SUMMARY 362
26
REVIEW QUESTIONS 363
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 363
14 RELIGION 364
PREVIEW 364
WHAT IS RELIGION? 366
THE ORIGINS AND FUNCTIONS OF RELIGION 368
Explaining the World 368
Solace, Healing, and Emotional Release 369
Social Cohesion 369
Social Control 369
Economic Adaptation 369
SPIRIT BEINGS AND FORCES 371
Animism and Animatism 371
Gods and Heroes 371
Ancestors, Ghosts, and Demons 371
Mana, Totems, and Taboos 372
RELIGIOUS PRACTITIONERS 374
Mediums, Diviners, and Healers 374
27
Shamans and Priests 375
RELIGIOUS PRACTICE 375
Sacred and Secular Rituals 376
Prayer and Sacrifice 377
Rites of Passage 378
Healing or Curing 381
Magic and Witchcraft 383
RELIGION AND CULTURE CHANGE 385
Revitalization Movements 385
Cargo Cults 386
Role of Founders in Buddhist, Judeo-Christian, and Islamic
Traditions 387
Religion and Globalization 388
CHAPTER SUMMARY 390
REVIEW QUESTIONS 393
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 393
15 THE ARTS 394
PREVIEW 394
28
WHAT IS ART? 396
CULTURAL AESTHETICS 397
BODY ART 399
ORIGINS AND FUNCTIONS OF ART OBJECTS 401
THE ARTS OF SOUND AND MOVEMENT 405
ORAL LITERATURE AND WRITTEN TEXTS 408
ART AND GLOBALIZATION 410
Art and Identity 411
Art in the Global Economy 412
Art and Tourism 413
CHAPTER SUMMARY 418
REVIEW QUESTIONS 418
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 419
16 COLONIALISM AND CULTURAL TRANSFORMATIONS 420
PREVIEW 420
EUROPEAN COLONIALISM 422
Colonialism Defined 422
A World System 423
29
Types of Colonies 423
THE EUROPEAN SLAVE TRADE 425
Slavery in Africa 425
Slavery in the Americas 426
TRADE AND SETTLEMENT IN NORTH AMERICA 427
The Fur Trade 427
Westward Expansion and Depopulation 428
SPANISH COLONIZATION IN THE AMERICAS 429
Spanish Landholding in the Colonies 430
Mining Quotas 431
Intermarriage 431
The Mission System 431
AGENTS OF DIRECTED CULTURE CHANGE 432
Missionaries 432
Schoolteachers 433
Government Officials 433
A Cash Economy 434
JUSTIFICATIONS FOR COLONIAL RULE 434
30
White Man’s Burden 435
A Sacred Trust 435
The Reservation System 436
REACTIONS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES TO EUROPEAN COLONIZERS
438
Trade Goods and Gods 439
Guns and Other Technological Wonders 440
Native Resistance and Retaliation 440
GLOBALIZATION IN THE POSTCOLONIAL ERA 442
CHAPTER SUMMARY 445
REVIEW QUESTIONS 446
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 447
17 LIVING IN A GLOBAL WORLD 448
PREVIEW 448
MIGRATION 451
Rural-to-Urban Migration 451
Transnational Migration 454
ETHNOGENESIS AND ETHNIC IDENTITIES 455
31
Transnationalism 456
Nationalism and Pluralism 457
Genocide? The Case of Rwanda 459
Reactions against Pluralism 460
Globalization and Cultural Identities 461
A Global Identity? 461
CULTURAL MINORITIES IN A GLOBAL WORLD 462
United States and Canada 463
Mexico and Indigenismo 466
Brazil and the “Indian Problem” 468
Indians of the Brazilian Savanna 470
“Uncontacted Tribes” in the Amazon 471
Costs of Economic Development in Ecuador and Bolivia 472
Developments in Africa 473
LEGAL RIGHTS AND INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION 476
CLIMATE CHANGE AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES 478
CONSERVATION, ECOTOURISM, AND INDIGENOUS LANDS 482
CHAPTER SUMMARY 486
32
REVIEW QUESTIONS 486
MYANTHROLAB CONNECTIONS 487
GLOSSARY 489
REFERENCES 497
CREDITS 509
INDEX 511
33
Special Features
Case Study
Environment, Adaptation, and Disease: Malaria and Sickle-Cell Anemia in
Africa and the United States 14
Daughter from Danang 24
Maladaptive Adaptations: Kuru and Mad Cow 27
Consequences of Cultural Integration: Women and Work in the United
States 29
Life in Riverfront: A Midwestern Town Seen through Japanese Eyes 61
Ebonics: Language and Politics 83
Sleeping Arrangements in Two Cultures 104
Language and Social Interaction in Japan 109
The Education of Aztec Children 115
A Foraging Society: The Dobe Ju/’hoansi 138
A Pastoral Society: The Basseri, Nomadic Pastoralists of Iran 145
A Farming Society: The Kaluli of Papua New Guinea 151
Child Laborers Today 163
34
The Potlatch: An Example of Economic and Social Reciprocity 165
A Patrilineal Society: The Ganda of Uganda 199
Two Matrilineal Societies: The Mohawks and the Trobriand Islanders 201
A Wedding in Nepal 231
Residence in Rural North India and Western Borneo 236
Marriage and Divorce among the Kpelle of Liberia 240
Two-Spirits: A Third Gender 252
Male Dominance in Traditional Chinese Culture 267
The Samoans: A Ranked Society 287
Out-Groups of Japan 297
Ethnic Identity in the United States 302
A Band Society: The Tiwis of Northern Australia 315
Age-Linked Associations in Tribal Societies: The Hidatsa and the Maasai
319
The Inca of Peru and Ecuador 332
Conflict Avoidance Strategies in Japan 343
Conflict Resolution among the Semai of Malaysia 344
Pomoan (California) and Sambian (Papua New Guinea) Warfare 353
35
Pigs for the Ancestors 370
Making Contact with the Spirit World 377
Puberty Rites among the Apache and the Suku 380
Yoruba Art 398
Tourists among the Toraja 415
Lakota Trade and the Consequences of Change in Economic Production
429
Indigenous Colonized Societies of Australia and Tasmania 437
Labor Migration in Mexico 453
Ethnic Identity in Sudan 456
Papua New Guinea’s Customary Law 477
Culture Change
Documenting Changes in the Lives of Australian Aborigines 54
Changing Norms in Language Use in the United States 80
Changing Attitudes toward Childhood and Child Care in the United States
105
Transformations of Nuer Economy and Society 146
Deforestation, Environmental Change, and Resource Sustainability 175
36
Cheyenne Descent 205
The Changing American Family 218
Dowry in India 229
Transformation of Gender Status in a Foraging Society 261
Transformation of American Work in the Twentieth and Twenty-First
Centuries 270
Caste in India 292
Globalization and the Transformation of a Tongan Chiefdom into an Island
State 326
Reestablishing Traditional Native American Methods of Dispute
Resolution: Banishment and the Diné Peace-Maker Court 354
The Development of Religious Denominations 389
Diné Art Responds to Market Forces 413
Impacts of the European Slave Trade on African States 426
Impacts of Indonesian State Expansion 458
Controversies
What Are the Limits of Cultural Relativism? 8
How Do Anthropologists Present Knowledge about the People They
Study? 62
37
Is There Such a Thing as National Character? 124
Explaining the Incest Taboo 222
Is Male Dominance Universal? 258
Origins of the State 331
Interpreting “Art”: The Case of Inca Quipus 404
Who “Owns” the Past? NAGPRA and American Anthropology 466
In Their Own Voices
Why Save Our Languages 11
Hamlet and the Tiv 34
Fieldwork and the Phone 58
Honoring Native Languages 77
Going to School in Ake, Nigeria 118
An Inupiaq Whaler’s Wife 140
“Free to Do as You Like” 166
Wedding Songs from North India 193
“I Hear That I’m Going to Get Married!” 232
Tsetsele Fantan on Women and AIDS in Botswana 275
38
The Souls of Black Folk 300
Constitution of the Iroquois Confederacy 324
Testimony from South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Hearings of 1998
358
Macumba, Trance and Spirit Healing 383
Artists Talk about Art 402
Nelson Mandela on the Struggle against Apartheid in South Africa 441
Viktor Kaisiepo on the International Decade of the World’s Indigenous
People 475
Anthropology Applied
Cultural Survival 16
Development Anthropology 41
Human Terrain System 65
Languages Lost and Found 94
The Ethnobotany of Psychotropic Substances 128
Interpreting Economic Activity from Archaeological Remains 156
Economic Anthropologists and Consumer Behavior 182
Linkages Genealogy Projects 210
39
Anthropologists as Expert Witnesses 242
Advocacy for Women 280
Working against Human Trafficking 308
Anthropologists and the NGOs 336
Legal Anthropology 361
Medical Anthropology and Ethnomedicine 391
Ethnomusicology 417
Establishing the Xingu National Park 444
FUNAI Anthropologists 485
40
Preface
Cultural Anthropology, Third Edition, is intended to introduce students to the
concepts and methods that anthropologists bring to the study of cross-cultural
diversity. It focuses on understanding how cultural practices and beliefs develop,
how they are integrated, and how they change. The goal of this book is
consistent with one of the goals of most anthropology teachers, to excite
students about the world in which we all live. Although much in people’s
behaviors and attitudes differs throughout the world, much also unites us. The
book therefore provides a global view of humanity’s many facets. It takes a
traditional approach in chapter organization, focusing on various aspects of
societal organization and expression. It also makes central the role of cultural
change, processes of adaptation and transformation that are integral to all
societies. In addition to learning about other peoples, anthropology as a
discipline and a framework of analysis has the potential to help students
appreciate the cultural patterns underlying their own behaviors, beliefs, and
attitudes. This book attempts to present the voices of the peoples who
anthropologists often study. Through these voices, and through analyses of
indigenous and marginalized people today, students may come to understand
the global processes that affect us all.
An important feature distinguishing this text is its thorough focus on culture
change, derived both from internal processes of adaptation and innovation as
well as from external forces through contact with other peoples. The context of
contact is critical, of course. In some cases, contact is friendly and benign, each
group exchanging ideas, practices, and material goods as equals. In other
cases, contact occurs between groups that are unequal in their power and
ability to control their own lives and exert control over others. In focusing on
change, this text highlights the notion that the societies and cultures that people
develop are dynamic systems, adapted to new situations and invigorated by
new ideas.
41
The focus on culture change is carried into the discussions of global trends,
whether these are the processes of past colonial expansion or of modern
globalization. These two kinds of processes are interrelated because modern
globalization has resulted from the legacies of colonial expansion. These issues
are discussed throughout the book, culminating in the final two chapters.
What’s New in this Edition
Substantial reworking of the discussions of culture in chapter 3
New section on language and globalization in chapter 4
A new section on White Privilege in chapter 11
Expanded discussion in chapter 12 covering warfare and state societies,
including current issues in the Middle East
Expanded discussion of revitalization movements and the role of Moses as a
religious leader in chapter 14
New section in chapter 16 on World Systems Theory
Several new sections in chapter 17 : Indians of the Brazilian Savanna;
“Uncontacted Tribes” of the Amazon; Conservation, Ecotourism, and
Indigenous Peoples; and Climate Change and Indigenous Peoples
Also in chapter 17 , expanded discussions of sections on Cultural
Minorities in a Global World: Native peoples in the U.S. and Canada (Legal
issues, taxation, boarding schools, economic and social data); the war in the
Sudan
Throughout: changes to clarify terms, concepts, expanded discussions.
Format of the Book
The book consists of seventeen chapters covering the breadth of the discipline
of cultural anthropology. The first three chapters lay the groundwork for the
study of human culture. Chapter 1 (What Is Anthropology?) presents the
basic outline of the field of anthropology, describing its development,
exemplifying its various subdisciplines, and introducing some of its basic
42
theoretical questions. Chapter 2 (The Nature of Culture) discusses some
universal characteristics of culture and describes how human societies are
organized to meet people’s needs. It also introduces a key focus of this text,
namely understanding that cultures are dynamic systems of behavior and belief,
ever changing and adjusting to internal and external forces. Chapter 3
(Studying Culture) takes a closer look at the specific methodologies that
anthropologists have developed to analyze cultural behavior and build theories
to explain both similarities and differences found throughout the world. It offers
an array of theoretical perspectives used to analyze culture. It also takes
readers into the experience of fieldwork, a hallmark of anthropological research.
The next two chapters describe the systems of language and socialization basic
to all human societies. Chapter 4 (Language and Culture) introduces topics
in the structure of language but concentrates on the complex relationships
between language and other aspects of culture. Chapter 5 (Learning One’s
Culture) addresses the various perspectives that different societies take about
the ways that parents and families raise their children and teach them the norms
and values of their communities.
Following these sections, the text proceeds with discussions of specific topics
within cultural anthropology. Chapters 6 (Making a Living) and 7
(Economic Systems) focus on subsistence practices, ways of making a living,
and patterns of production and exchange. Chapters 8 (Kinship and Descent)
and 9 (Marriage and the Family) describe the various systems of kinship
found throughout the world, detailing different patterns of reckoning descent and
forming marriages and families. In Chapter 10 (Gender), we look closely at
issues of gender, attempting to understand the conditions under which
egalitarian gender relationships and attitudes are sustained as well as the
conditions under which inequality between men and women is established.
Chapter 11 (Equality and Inequality) also considers issues of inequality in the
realm of social stratification, analyzing social segmentation on the basis of
caste, class, race, and ethnicity. Chapter 12 (Political Systems) furthers this
discussion in the analysis of political systems, including ways of establishing
leadership, arriving at group decisions, and settling disputes both within a
community and between communities. This last topic is continued in
Chapter 13 (Conflict and Conflict Resolution), a unique chapter that takes a
43
detailed look at the reasons for conflict and the methods of conflict resolution in
different types of societies.
Chapters 14 (Religion) and 15 (The Arts) focus on various aspects of
expressive and symbolic culture. Chapter 14 is concerned with the ways that
people express religious beliefs and organize religious practice. It relates these
beliefs and practices to other aspects of social, economic, and political life.
Chapter 15 is concerned with aesthetic values and their embodiment in
artistic production.
Finally, Chapters 16 (Colonialism and Cultural Transformations) and 17
(Living in a Global World) are directly concerned with themes of cultural change
that permeate the text and are addressed in every chapter. Chapter 16
focuses on the processes of cultural transformation emanating from European
colonization beginning in the sixteenth century, although the dynamics of colonial
and imperial control both predate and follow European dominance. In the final
chapter of the book, we look at recent global trends influencing the lives of
indigenous peoples in the twenty-first-century and discover how these trends
have local manifestations.
Special Features
In addition to the focus on change, the text is tied together by a number of
features of content and style. Each chapter begins with a narrative, usually a
sacred or secular story that dramatizes important themes discussed in the
chapter.
44
In Their Own Voices boxes feature the words of indigenous peoples whose
lives are discussed in the text.
Case Study features provide extended discussions that enable students to
understand complex relationships among various practices.
45
Culture Change features present material focusing specifically on the ways
that culture is transformed. They stress the interconnections among material
change, behavioral practices, and ideology, demonstrating the complex
interactions that result from change.
Anthropology Applied boxes have been expanded and highlight the roles that
anthropologists play in applying theory and knowledge to practical concerns.
46
Controversies boxes present differing opinions about key theoretical or
research topics.
Globalization Icons contribute to and strengthen the emphasis on culture
change and situate cultural transformations in their global context.
Finally, the book contains pedagogical features including a margin glossary and
marginal notes, preview and summary questions, critical thinking questions, and
both section reviews and chapter summaries. These features help students
focus on significant ideas and concepts presented in each chapter.
Support for Instructors and Students
This book is accompanied by an extensive learning package to enhance the
experience of both instructors and students.
NEW MyAnthroLab: MyAnthroLab provides engaging experiences that
personalize, stimulate, and measure learning for each student. Key components
47
include:
MyAnthroLab
MyAnthroLibrary features over 20 full-length ethnographies and over 200
case studies and articles, on a wide range of anthropological topics to help
students better understand course material.
Guidance on careers in anthropology—including interviews with
anthropologists and an interactive career footprint—shows students how
they can apply anthropology throughout their future.
NPR Program Broadcasts, including 90 selections relevant to the study to
anthropology, help students engage with the material.
The Pearson eText lets students access their textbook anytime and
anywhere they want.
A personalized study plan for each student helps them succeed in the
course and beyond.
Assessment tied to every video, application, and chapter enables both
instructors and students to track progress and get immediate feedback.
With results feeding into a powerful gradebook, the assessment program
helps instructors identify student challenges early—and find the best
resources with which to help students.
48
Class Prep collects the very best class presentation resources in one
convenient online destination, so instructors can keep students engaged
throughout every class.
Please see your local Pearson representative for access to MyAnthroLab.
Instructor’s Manual with Tests (0205860389) For each chapter in the text,
this valuable resource provides a chapter outline, preview questions, lecture
topics, research topics, and questions for classroom discussion. In addition,
test questions in multiplechoice and essay formats are available for each
chapter; the answers are page-referenced to the text. For easy access, this
manual is available within the instructor section of MyAnthroLab for Cultural
Anthropology, Third Edition, or at www.pearsonhighered.com
MyTest (0205860397) This computerized software allows instructors to create
their own personalized exams, to edit any or all of the existing test questions,
and to add new questions. Other special features of this program include
random generation of test questions, creation of alternate versions of the same
test, scrambling question sequence, and test preview before printing. For easy
access, this software is available within the instructor section of MyAnthroLab
for Cultural Anthropology, Third Edition, or at www.pearsonhighered.com
PowerPoint Presentation for Cultural Anthropology (0205860427) These
PowerPoint slides combine text and graphics for each chapter to help
instructors convey anthropological principles in a clear and engaging way. In
addition, Classroom Response System (CRS) In-Class Questions allow for
instant, class-wide student responses to chapter-specific questions during
lectures for teachers to gauge student comprehension. For easy access, they
are available within the instructor section of MyAnthroLab for Cultural
Anthropology, Third Edition, or at www.pearsonhighered.com
EthnoQuest® This interactive multimedia simulation includes a series of ten
ethnographic encounters with the culture of a fictional Mexican village set in a
computer-based learning environment. It provides students with a realistic
problemsolving experience and is designed to help students experience the
49
fieldwork of a cultural anthropologist. Please see your Pearson sales
representative for more information about EthnoQuest®.
Acknowledgments
I wish to thank the many people who contributed ideas, time, and support to this
project. The encouragement and advice of Nancy Roberts, publisher of
anthropology at Pearson, is especially appreciated and acknowledged. I also
wish to thank Nicole Conforti, Editorial Project Manager and Carol O’Rourke,
Production Project Manager from Pearson. The final stages of production were
also managed by Claire Stanton of Premedia Global aided by the skillful photo
research of Stephen Merland.
In addition, I wish to acknowledge, with thanks, support from Bard College at
Simon’s Rock that provided for student research assistants, especially Natalie
Cowan, Ramiz Shaikh, and Dat Nguyen, who helped identify and collect sources
for some of the new sections and for statistical updates. Dat also revised the
index for this edition. I thank Bard College at Simon’s Rock for their support and
the assistants for their perseverance.
50
Finally, I would like to thank the reviewers whose careful reading and valuable
suggestions aided me in refining this revision. Responsibility for the final version
is, of course, my own.
For their constructive reviewing of the first and second editions, I would like to
thank the following: Diane Baxter, University of Oregon; John Beatty, Brooklyn
College; Ann Louise Bragdon, Northwest College – Houston Community College
System; Vaughn M. Bryant, Texas A&M University; Andrew Buckser, Purdue
University; Ratimaya Bush, Wright State University; Gregory R. Campbell, The
University of Montana; Erve Chambers, University of Maryland; Wanda Clark,
South Plains College; Samuel Gerald Collins, Towson University; Karla L. Davis,
University of South Florida; William W. Donner, Kutztown University; Charles O.
Ellenbaum, College of DuPage; Blenda Femenias, Brown University; Carol
Hayman, Austin Community College; Dorothy Hodgson, Rutgers; David E.
Jones, University of Central Florida; Barry D. Kass, State University of New
York – Orange County; Theresa Kintz, Wilkes University; Joshua S. Levin,
Community College of Southern Nevada; Susan R. Martin, Michigan Tech
University; Geoffrey G. Pope, William Patterson University; Kevin Rafferty,
Community College of Southern Nevada; Frank A. Salamone, Iona College;
Josh Schendel, University of Tennessee; Wesley Shumar, Drexel University;
Susan R. Trencher, George Mason University; John Ambenge, Middlesex
Community College; Michael Angrosino, University of South Florida; Christina
Beard-Moose, Suffolk County Community College; Vaughn M. Bryant, Texas
A&M University; Samuel Gerald Collins, Towson University; Molly Doane,
University of Illinois at Chicago; William W. Donner, Kutztown University; Louis
Forline, University of Nevada, Reno; Renee Garcia, Saddleback College; Ellen
S. Ginsburg, Massachusetts College of Pharmacy and Health Sciences; Jon
Hageman, Northeastern Illinois University; Barbara Jones, Brookdale
Community College; Susan R. Martin, Michigan Technological University; Derek
Maxfield, Capital Community College; Chrisy Moutsatsos, Iowa State University;
Richard Scaglion, University of Pittsburgh; Angela M. Siner, University of Toledo;
James Todd, Modesto Junior College; Susan R. Trencher, George Mason
University; Cassandra White, Georgia State University; Herbert Ziegler,
Chesapeake College.
51
I would like to thank the following people who offered suggestions for the third
edition:
Amber Clifford, University of Central Missouri
Lorna Beard,University of Arkansas – Ft. Smith
Henry W. Shulz,City College of San Francisco
Pearsce Paul Creasman,University of Arizona
Linda Jerofke,Eastern Oregon University
Andrew Kinkella,Moorpark College
Kerry Pataki,Portland Community College
Robert Davis,Treasure Valley Community College
52
Chapter 1 What is Anthropology?
53
54
Preview
What are the core concepts of anthropology?
How does anthropology overlap with other fields?
What two perspectives do anthropologists use to study cultures?
What is globalization? How can the concepts of culture contact and culture
change help us understand globalization?
What are the four subfields of anthropology? How is the study of culture
integrated into each subfield?
How is cultural relativism different from ethical relativism?
What is applied anthropology? What contributions can applied
anthropologists offer other fields?
Listen to the Chapter Audio on myanthrolab.com
Read on myanthrolab.com
There were villagers at the Middle Place and a girl had her home there
... where she kept a flock of turkeys.
At the Middle Place they were having a Yaaya Dance ... and during the
first day this girl ... stayed with her turkeys taking care of them.... [I]t
seems she didn’t go to the dance on the first day, that day she fed her
turkeys ... and so the dance went on and she could hear the drum.
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When she spoke to her turkeys about this, they said, “If you went it
wouldn’t turn out well: who would take care of us?” That’s what her
turkeys told her.
She listened to them and they slept through the night.
Then it was the second day of the dance and ... with the Yaaya Dance
half over she spoke to her big tom turkey:
“My father-child, if they’re going to do it again tomorrow why can’t I go?”
she said. “Well if you went, it wouldn’t turn out well.” That’s what he told
her. “Well then I mustn’t go.”
... The next day was a nice warm day, and again she heard the drum
over there.
Then she went around feeding her turkeys, and when it was the middle
of the day, she asked again, right at noon. “If you went, it wouldn’t turn
out well ... our lives depend on your thoughtfulness,” that’s what the
turkeys told her.
“Well then, that’s the way it will be,” she said, and she listened to them.
But around sunset the drum could be heard, and she was getting more
anxious to go....
She went up on her roof and she could see the crowd of people. It was
the third day of the dance.
That night she asked the same one she asked before and he told her,
“Well, if you must go, then you must dress well....
“You must think of us, for if you stay all afternoon, until sunset, then it
won’t turn out well for you,” he told her....
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The next day the sun was shining, and she went among her turkeys and
... when she had fed them she said, “My fathers, my children, I’m going
to the Middle Place. I’m going to the dance,” she said. “Be on your way,
but think of us....” That’s what her children told her.
She went to where the place was, and when she entered the plaza ...,
she went down and danced, and she didn’t think about her children.
Finally it was mid-day, and ... she was just dancing away until it was late,
the time when the shadows are very long.
The turkeys said, “Our mother, our child doesn’t know what’s right.”
“Well then, I must go and I’ll just warn her and come right back and
whether she hears me or not, we’ll leave before she gets here,” that’s
what the turkey said, and he flew ... along until he came to where they
were dancing, and there he glided down to the place and ... sang,
“Kyana tok tok Kyana tok tok.”
The one who was dancing heard him.
He flew back to the place where they were penned, and the girl ran all
the way back. When she got to the place where they were penned, they
sang again, they sang and flew away....
When she came near they all went away and she couldn’t catch up to
them.
Long ago, this was lived....
From Finding the Center: Narrative Poetry of the Zuni Indians. 2nd edition, translated
by Denis Tedlock, reprinted by permission of The University of Nebraska Press. ©
1999 by Denis Tedlock.
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“The Girl Who Took Care of the Turkeys” is a Zuni narrative. A
Native American people who live in what is now New Mexico,
Zunis traditionally supported themselves by farming. They
also kept domesticated turkeys, whose feathers they used to
make ceremonial gear. In the story, the young girl uses kin
terms when addressing the turkeys to indicate her close
bonds with them.
You may have noticed similarities between this Zuni story and
the European story of Cinderella. In both, the central
character is a young woman who wants to go to a dance but
is at first dissuaded or, in Cinderella’s case, prevented from
doing so. Eventually, she does attend, but is warned that she
must be sure to return home early. In both stories, the girl
stays past the appointed time because she is enjoying
herself. The Zuni and European stories, however, differ in
both outcomes and details.
The similarities and differences between these stories are no
coincidence. Zunis first learned the Cinderella story from
white settlers in the 1880s and transformed the tale to fit their
circumstances, values, and way of life. This is an example of
selective borrowing that takes place when members of
different cultures meet, share experiences, and learn from
one another. Global influences have accelerated borrowing
over the last five centuries.
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The European folk-tale Cinderella has been retold countless
times. In this musical version by Rodgers and Hammerstein,
the cast includes Brandy, Whitney Houston, and Whoopi
Goldberg.
The Zunis reverse the ethical standing of the story’s
characters. Cinderella, who yearns to go to the ball, is a
virtuous and long-suffering servant to her wicked family. The
Zuni girl is also a caretaker for her family, the flock of turkeys
(whom she significantly addresses as “father” and “child”), but
she is not a figure of virtue. On the contrary, to go to the
dance, she has to neglect her duties, threatening the turkeys’
well-being, as they say to her, “You must think of us.”
And what happens? Cinderella marries the prince and
emerges triumphant, but disaster befalls the Zuni girl. The
European story of individual virtue and fortitude rewarded has
become a Zuni story of moral failing and irresponsibility to
one’s relatives and dependents.
The differences between Europeans and Zunis fit into a
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The differences between Europeans and Zunis fit into a
constellation of features that define Zuni and European
culture—the languages they speak, how they feed and shelter
themselves, what they wear, the material goods they value,
how they make those goods and distribute them among
themselves, how they form families, households, and
alliances, and how they worship the deities they believe in.
This concept—culture—is central to the discipline of
anthropology in general and to cultural anthropology, the
subject of this book, in particular.
The Study of Humanity
Anthropology, broadly defined, is the study of humanity, from its evolutionary
origins millions of years ago to its present worldwide diversity. Many other
disciplines, of course, also focus on one aspect or another of humanity. Like
sociology, economics, political science, psychology, and other behavioral and
social sciences, anthropology is concerned with how people organize their lives
and relate to one another in interacting, interconnected groups—societies —
that share basic beliefs and practices. Like economists, anthropologists are
interested in society’s material foundations—how people produce and distribute
food and other goods. Like sociologists, anthropologists are interested in how
people structure their relations in society—in families, at work, in institutions.
Like political scientists, anthropologists are interested in power and authority:
who has them and how they are allocated. And, like psychologists,
anthropologists are interested in individual development and the interaction
between society and individual people.
anthropology
The study of humanity, from its evolutionary origins
millions of years ago to its current worldwide diversity.
60
societies
Populations of people living in organized groups with
social institutions and expectations of behavior.
Also, anthropologists share an interest in human evolution and human anatomy
with those in the biological sciences. They share an interest in the past of
peoples and communities with historians. As the discussion of the Zuni story
that opens this chapter suggests, they share an interest in how people express
themselves with students of literature, art, and music. And they are interested in
the diversity of human philosophical systems, ethical systems, and religious
beliefs.
Cultural anthropologists seek to explain people’s thoughts and behaviors in
terms of their culture or way of life.
Although anthropology shares many interests with other disciplines, the
following key features distinguish it as a separate area of study:
A focus on the concept of culture
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A holistic perspective
A comparative perspective
These features are the source of anthropology’s insights into both common
humanity and the diversity with which that humanity is expressed.
The Concept of Culture
Anthropology is unique in its focus on the role of culture in shaping human
behavior. We examine this important concept in detail in Chapter 2 . For now,
we can define culture as the learned values, beliefs, and rules of conduct
shared to some extent by the members of a society and that govern their
behavior with one another and how they think about themselves and the world.
Culture can be broadly divided into symbolic culture —people’s ideas and
means of communicating those ideas—and material culture —the tools,
utensils, clothing, housing, and other objects that people make or use.
culture
The learned values, beliefs, and rules of conduct that
are shared to some extent by the members of a
society, and that govern their behavior with one another.
symbolic culture
The ideas people have about themselves, others, and
the world, and the ways that people express these
ideas.
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material culture
The tools people make and use, the clothing and
ornaments they wear, the buildings they live in, and the
household utensils they use.
A Holistic Perspective
Unlike other behavioral and social sciences, anthropology views cultures from a
holistic perspective —as an integrated whole, no part of which can be
completely understood in isolation. How people arrange rooms in their homes,
for example, is related to their marriage and family patterns, which in turn are
related to how they earn a living. Thus, the single-family home with individual
bedrooms that became the norm in America’s suburbs in the twentieth century
reflects the value Americans place on individualism and the nuclear family—
husband, wife, and their children. These values, in turn, are consistent with an
economy in which families are dependent on wage earners acting individually
and competitively to find employment. Thus, a holistic perspective that
considers the interconnections among factors that contribute to people’s
behavior helps us understand the kinds of homes in which they live.
holistic perspective
A perspective in anthropology that views culture as an
integrated whole, no part of which can be completely
understood without considering the whole.
Anthropologists, then, attempt to understand all aspects of human culture, past
and present. They are interested in people’s economic lives and in learning
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about the food they eat, how they obtain their food, and how they organize their
work. They also study people’s political lives to know how they organize their
communities, select their leaders, and make group decisions. And they
investigate people’s social lives to understand how they organize their families—
whom they marry and live with, and to whom they consider themselves related.
Anthropologists also study people’s religious lives to learn about the kinds of
deities they worship, their beliefs about the spirit world, and the ceremonies
they perform.
Anthropologists understand that cultural norms and values guide but do not
dictate people’s behavior. They also know that people often idealize their own
practices, projecting beliefs about what they do even though their actual
behavior may differ from those ideals. For example, when workers are asked
about their job responsibilities, they may talk about official procedures and
regulations even though their daily work is more flexible and unpredictable.
A Comparative Perspective
The juxtaposition of the Cinderella story and the Zuni narrative of “The Girl Who
Took Care of the Turkeys” is a small example of anthropology’s comparative
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The ubiquity of electronic music developed in Japan and Korea is an example of
global cultural exchange.
perspective at work. Comparing the two stories opens a window onto the
contrasting values of Zuni and European cultures and increases our
understanding of each.
Anthropology is fundamentally comparative, basing its findings on cultural data
drawn from societies throughout the world and from throughout human history.
Anthropologists collect data about behavior and beliefs in many societies to
document the diversity of human culture and to understand common patterns in
how people adapt to their environments, adjust to their neighbors, and develop
unique cultural institutions. This comparative perspective can challenge
common assumptions about human nature based solely on European or North
American culture. For example, as you will learn in Chapter 9 , marriage and
family take many different forms worldwide. Only through systematic
comparison can we hope to determine what aspects of marriage and family—or
any other aspect of culture, for that matter—might be universal (found in all
human societies) and which aspects vary from society to society.
comparative perspective
An approach in anthropology that uses data about the
behaviors and beliefs in many societies to document
both cultural universals and cultural diversity.
The Comparative Perspective and Culture
Change
The comparative, or “cross-cultural,” perspective also helps people reexamine
their own culture. Cultures are not static. They change in response to internal
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and external pressures. Anthropology’s comparative perspective is a powerful
tool for understanding culture change . Because this concept is so important,
each subsequent chapter of this textbook contains a special feature on culture
change.
culture change
Changes in people’s ways of life over time through both
internal and external forces.
The Comparative Perspective and Globalization
The comparative perspective also allows anthropologists to evaluate the impact
of globalization. Globalization is the spread of economic, political, and
cultural influences across a large geographic area or many different societies.
Through globalization, many countries and communities are enmeshed in
networks of power and influence that extend far beyond their borders,
exchanging goods and services, forms of entertainment, and information
technologies. Although all countries can contribute to globalization in principle,
dominant countries have more control over the flow of goods and services and
exert more influence over other societies in practice. However, no one country
or region of the world currently controls the process of globalizing. Rather,
many powerful countries contribute to globalization.
globalization
The spread of economic, political, and cultural
influences throughout a very large geographic area or
through a great number of different societies. Through
globalization, many countries and local communities are
enmeshed in networks of power and influence far
66
beyond their borders, exchanging goods and services,
forms of entertainment, and information technologies.
Globalization has occurred in the past when states and empires expanded their
influence far beyond their borders. However, one of the distinctions of
globalization today is the speed with which it is transforming local cultures as
they participate in a worldwide system of interconnected economies and
polities. These influences are also changing other aspects of culture, including
family structures, religious practices, and aesthetic forms. Along with the export
of products and technologies, rapid communications and information systems
also spread attitudes and values throughout the world, including capitalist
cultural practices, consumerism, cultural icons, and media and entertainment.
Finally, globalization is uneven, both in the degree to which goods and services
are exchanged in different places and in the way it creates inequalities as well
as similarities.
Chapter 2 will further explore cultural transformation and globalization, and
their causes and consequences, and they will be considered in depth in
Chapters 16 and 17 . Culture change is not, however, a recent
phenomenon. Cultures are not and never were static systems. Indeed, changes
in beliefs and practices help to strengthen societies and to endow them with the
resilience to survive. Therefore, change and stability are not opposite
processes. They depend on one another. That is why we highlight examples of
cultural transformations throughout this text.
Globalization
Culture contact and culture change, such as occurred
between the Europeans and Zuni, underlie the phenomenon
of globalization. Globalization is a major theme of this
textbook. The symbol that appears here and elsewhere
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throughout this textbook calls your attention to
globalization-related issues.
What signs of globalization do you see in your immediate surroundings—
for example, in your clothes, cars, and information or communications
technologies?
Review
Anthropology focuses on the study of all aspects of being human. It has
many concepts and subjects in common with other behavioral and social
sciences, and with biological sciences. Core concepts include culture,
culture change, and globalization. Three characteristics differentiate
anthropology from other fields: the concept of culture, the holistic
perspective, and the comparative perspective.
The Four Subfields of Anthropology
Almost since it emerged as an academic discipline in the late nineteenth century,
anthropology in North America has encompassed four subfields, each with its
own focus, methodologies, and theories: cultural anthropology, linguistic
anthropology, archaeology, and
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Figure 1.1
Subfields of Anthropology
biological (or physical) anthropology. Each subfield also has branches or
interest areas (see Figure 1.1 ). Table 1.1 identifies some of the many
kinds of work anthropologists perform.
Watch the Animation: The Fields of Anthropology on
myanthrolab.com
69
Cultural Anthropology
Cultural anthropology is, as the term implies, the study of culture—that is,
the study of cultural behavior, attitudes, values, and conceptions of the world.
The work of cultural anthropologists centers on ethnology , developing
theories to explain cultural processes based on the comparative study of
societies throughout the world. The method they use to gather these data is
called ethnography , a holistic, intensive study of groups through
observation, interview, participation, and analysis.
cultural anthropology
The study of cultural behavior, especially the
comparative study of living and recent human cultures.
ethnology
Aspect of cultural anthropology involved with building
theories about cultural behaviors and forms.
ethnography
Aspect of cultural anthropology involved with observing
and documenting peoples’ ways of life.
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To conduct ethnographic research, anthropologists do “fieldwork”; that is, they
live among the people they are studying to compile a full record of their
activities. They learn about people’s behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes. They
study how they make their living, obtain their food, and supply themselves with
tools, equipment, and other products. They study how families and communities
are organized, and how people form clubs or associations, discuss common
interests, make group decisions, and resolve disputes. And they investigate the
relationship between the people and larger social institutions—the nations they
are part of and their place in the local, regional, and global economies.
indigenous societies
Peoples who are now minority groups in state societies
but who were formerly independent and have occupied
their territories for a long time.
Collecting ethnographic information is a significant part of the preservation of
indigenous cultures. It contributes to the fund of comparative data cultural
anthropologists use to address questions about human cultural diversity. These
questions—such as how people acquire culture, how culture affects personality,
how family structures and gender roles vary, the role of art and religion, and the
impact of global economic forces on local cultures—are the subjects of the
chapters of this textbook.
In anthropology’s early years, cultural anthropologists primarily studied nonWestern societies, particularly traditional, indigenous societies —peoples
who were once independent and have occupied their territories for a long time
but are now usually minority groups in larger states. These early researchers
favored societies in regions of the world that the West’s expanding influence
had left relatively unaffected or, like the native societies of southern Africa or
North and South America, had been overwhelmed and transformed by
conquest. The idea was that a small, comparatively homogeneous society could
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serve as a kind of laboratory for understanding humanity. Over the years,
cultural anthropologists have challenged this view, however, and globalization
has all but ended cultural isolation. Today, cultural anthropologists are likely to
do an ethnographic study of, say, a small town in the American Midwest,
Table 1.1 Career Opportunities in the Four Subfields of Anthropology
Field
Definition
Examples
Cultural Anthropology
The study of human culture
Ethnographer
Ethnologist
Museum curator
University or college
professor
International business
consultant
Cross-cultural researcher
Linguistic Anthropology
The study of language
International business
consultant
Diplomatic
communications worker
Administrator
Ethnographer
Domestic communications
worker
University or college
professor
Archaeology
The study of past cultures
Cultural resource
management worker
Museum curator
University or college
professor
State archaeologist
Historical archaeologist
Zoo archaeologist
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Environmental consultant
Biological (Physical)
The study of human origins and
Primatologist
Anthropology
biological diversity
Geneticist
University or college
professor
Medical researcher
Genetic counselor
Forensic specialist
Government investigator
Human rights investigator
Biomedical anthropologist
Somali refugees adapting to life in Minnesota, Americans participating in a
hospice program, changing political systems in Afghanistan, or life in a prison.
ethnocentrism
The widespread human tendency to perceive the ways
of doing things in one’s own culture as normal and
natural and that of others as strange, inferior, and
possibly even unnatural or inhuman.
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Cultural anthropologists study how refugees like these Somali Bantu adapt to
American life and how American communities adapt to refugees.
Two important concepts—ethnocentrism and cultural relativism—influence the
anthropological approach to ethnography and cross-cultural research.
Ethnocentrism refers to the tendency for people to see themselves
metaphorically as being at the center of the universe. They perceive their own
culture’s way of doing things (making a living, raising children, governing,
worshipping) as normal and natural and that of others as strange and possibly
inferior or even unnatural or inhuman. Of course, it seems like common sense to
acknowledge that people feel more comfortable in their own social and cultural
milieu, engaging in familiar and routine activities. Ethnocentrism is only
dangerous when it is used to justify either verbal or physical attacks against
other people. Governments, for example, often ethnocentrically justify their
economic and military dominance over other peoples by claiming the natural
superiority of their culture. The ancient Romans, Chinese, Aztecs, Incas, and
others similarly held themselves superior to the people they conquered. This
tendency to view one’s
Controversies
What Are the Limits of Cultural Relativism?
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The controversial practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) or female
circumcision, prevalent in twenty-eight countries in Africa and found in
other regions as well, illustrates the uneasy relationship between cultural
relativism and concern for individual human rights. FGM removes part or
all of the external genitals of prepubescent girls. The procedure varies
but usually entails the removal of the clitoris. In some areas, particularly
in southern Egypt, Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Mali, it also includes
infibulation—the stitching closed—of the vagina, leaving only a tiny
opening for the passage of urine and menstrual blood. The United
Nations Division for the Advancement of Women suggests that at least
100 million women living today have been subjected to FGM, whereas
the World Health Organization (WHO) puts the number at more than 132
million women and girls in Africa alone, estimating also that about 2
million procedures are performed annually (Ras-Work 2006; Almroth et
al. 2005). Although FGM is now sometimes performed in hospitals, local
midwives usually perform the procedure, working with crude tools and
without anesthesia on girls who are typically between 5 and 11 years old.
The two most common names by which the practice is known—female
genital mutilation and female circumcision—reflect opposing attitudes
toward it. Calling the practice female circumcision equates it with male
circumcision, which is also debated but more widely accepted. The term
female genital mutilation was introduced by the United Nations InterAfrican Committee (IAC) on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of
Women and Children, a group established to help end the practice. This
term reflects “the cruel and radical operation so many young girls are
forced to undergo” involving “the removal of healthy organs” (Armstrong
1991, 42).
Although its exact origin is unknown, FGM predates both Christianity and
Islam, and occurs among peoples of both faiths and among followers of
traditional African religions. It is most common, however, in
predominantly Islamic regions of Africa and is associated with strongly
patriarchal cultures—that is, cultures that stress the subordination of
women to male authority.
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Medical risks for girls undergoing the procedure reportedly include pain,
shock, loss of bladder and bowel control, and potentially fatal infections
and hemorrhaging (Gruenbaum 1993). Infibulation in particular can have
serious, painful, long-term consequences. Defenders of the procedure
claim that there is no reliable evidence of its increasing a girl’s risk of
death or of excessive rates of medical complication. Opponents claim
that FGM reduces a woman’s capacity for sexual pleasure and that
infibulation makes sexual intercourse and childbirth painful.
Groups who practice FGM defend it on cultural grounds. In their view,
infibulation helps ensure a woman’s premarital chastity and her sexual
fidelity to her husband while increasing his sexual pleasure. Some
prominent African women, such as Fuambai Ahmadu, an anthropologist
from Sierra Leone, defend the practice. On the basis of her research,
Ahmadu (2000, 304–05) views it as an emotionally positive validation of
womanhood. In her interviews, African women reported that the practice
did not diminish their sexual drive, inhibit sexual activity, or prevent sexual
satisfaction, and that it did not adversely affect their health or birthing.
The women looked forward to carrying on the tradition and initiating their
younger female relatives into the pride of womanhood. Other local
observers, such as Olayinka Koso-Thomas (1992), a physician from
Sierra Leone, oppose the practice for its brutality, its dangerous
consequences, and its role in perpetuating the subordination of women.
Some anthropologists, citing cultural relativism and the ideal of objectivity,
do not support outside organizations that pressure African, Middle
Eastern, and Indonesian governments to abolish FGM. Although they
don’t condone the procedure, they prefer to hope for change from within.
Other anthropologists point out that, although cultural relativism may help
us understand a culture on its own terms, it can also help us understand
how cultural beliefs reinforce inequalities by convincing people to accept
practices that may be harmful and demeaning as natural.
Recent medical studies indicate multiple harmful effects of FGM.
Research carried out by the World Health Organization (WHO) in six
African countries concluded that, compared to women who have not had
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FGM, “... deliveries to women who have undergone FGM are significantly
more likely to be complicated by cesarean section, postpartum
hemorrhage, tearing of the vaginal wall, extended maternal hospital stay,
and inpatient perinatal death [infant mortality]” (WHO 2006, 1835). The
study was conducted in hospitals, and outcomes for women who give
birth at home might be even more negative because emergency medical
treatment would not be available. Another medical study of women in
Sudan reported that women who had undergone the most extensive
types of FGM were the most likely to be infertile (Almroth et al. 2005,
390). Because fertility in women is highly valued, particularly in
patriarchal cultures, the finding that FGM is a significant cause of
infertility might be an effective argument against the procedure.
Many anthropologists, together with health workers, women’s rights
advocates, and human rights organizations, oppose FGM and are
working to end it, with some success. In 1995, a United Nations–
sponsored Conference on the Status of Women declared FGM to be a
violation of human rights. In 1996, the U.S. Board of Immigration
Appeals, ruling that FGM is a form of persecution, granted political
asylum to a young woman from Togo who feared returning to her native
country because she would be forced to undergo the procedure as a
prelude to her arranged marriage (Dugger 1996, A1, B2).
In response to campaigns against FGM, sixteen African governments
have outlawed it, and others have taken steps to limit its severity and
improve the conditions under which it is performed (Ras-Work 2006, 10).
These initiatives have not eradicated FGM. Still, recent reports indicate
that some women who specialize in the procedure have decided not to
continue performing it. For example, a grassroots organization called
Womankind Kenya has persuaded influential practitioners to join their
cause. Among the arguments they use are teachings from the Koran that
some imams interpret as opposing FGM (Lacey 2004). The Inter-African
Committee of the United Nations is also organizing around the issues of
religion, sponsoring conferences of Muslim and Christian religious leaders
to speak out against FGM (Ras-Work 2006). Outreach programs are
77
also training practitioners in other work, and are promoting messages
about women’s worthiness and the value of their bodies.
Critical Thinking Questions
Are there universal human rights? Who defines those rights? What
are the benefits and risks of intervening in other people’s ways of
life?
own cultural norms as superior to others was also prevalent in European
colonialism in modern-day imperialist ventures.
In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, many Europeans assumed they
represented the highest form of civilization, and ranked other societies beneath
them according to how closely they approached middle-class European
appearance, practices, and values. Early anthropologists, hardly immune to this
pervasive ethnocentrism, developed evolutionary schemes that ranked people
on a scale of progress from “savagery” to “civilization,” with middle- and upperclass Europeans at the top.
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To counter the influence of ethnocentrism, cultural anthropologists try to
approach cultures from the viewpoint of cultural relativism . That is, they try
to analyze a culture in terms of that culture, rather than in terms of the
anthropologist’s culture. This principle is central to cultural anthropology. For
example, in the nineteenth century, native peoples of the Pacific Northwest of
North America engaged in rituals, called potlatches, which included feasting and
giveaways of large amounts of food and personal and ceremonial property.
Missionaries and officials in the United States and Canada considered these
activities harmful, wasteful, and illogical because they contradicted Euro78
American values that stress the importance of accumulating and saving wealth
rather than giving away or destroying wealth. But anthropologists came to
understand the economic and social significance of potlatches to the native
peoples. We will discuss the meaning of potlatches in more detail in
Chapter 7 , but for now note that they effectively redistributed food and other
goods to all members of a community. These displays of generosity also raised
the social standing of the hosts because generosity, not accumulation, was a
valued trait.
cultural relativism
An approach in anthropology that stresses the
importance of analyzing cultures in each culture’s own
terms rather than in terms of the culture of the
anthropologist. This does not mean, however, that all
cultural behavior must be condoned.
Globalization
Globalization has included the spread of Western beliefs
and values codified as laws on human rights.
Although cultural anthropologists usually take for granted the need to embrace
cultural relativism in their work, there is debate about the extent to which it is
possible to apply the principle. Anthropologists, like everyone else, are products
of their own society. No matter how objective they try to be, their own cultural
experience inevitably colors how they analyze and interpret the behavior of
people in other cultures. Anthropologists need to acknowledge the potential
effect of their own attitudes and values on the kinds of research problems they
formulate and how they interpret other people’s behavior.
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Although cultural relativism requires anthropologists to try to understand other
cultures on each culture’s terms, it does not require them to abandon their own
ethical standards or to condone oppressive practices. Cultural relativism, in
other words, is not the same as ethical relativism , the acceptance of all
ethical systems as equivalent to each other. Nevertheless, anthropologists have
different views on the applicability of cultural and ethical relativism, as the
Controversies feature on pages 8–9 illustrates. This is, and no doubt will
continue to be, a topic of disagreement and controversy within the field.
ethical relativism
The belief that all rights and wrongs are relative to time,
place, and culture, such that no moral judgments of
behavior can be made.
Linguistic Anthropology
Linguistics, the study of language, is a separate academic discipline
independent of anthropology. However, language is a key concern of
anthropology. Not only is it a defining feature of all cultures, language is also the
primary means by which we express culture and transmit it from one generation
to the next.
Globalization
With the spread of English and other languages of
business, globalization has endangered native languages
as well as the ways of life those languages express.
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Linguistic anthropology , discussed in more detail in Chapter 4 , shares
with linguistics an interest in the nature of language itself, but with an added
focus on the interconnections among language, culture, and society. To gain
insight into social categories, for example, linguistic anthropologists might
investigate how people use language in different social contexts. Do people use
a formal style of speech in one situation and an informal style in another? Do
they vary words, pronunciation, and grammar in different social contexts? Do
they speak differently to relatives and nonrelatives, friends and strangers, males
and females, children and adults?
linguistic anthropology
The study of language and communication, and the
relationship between language and other aspects of
culture and society.
Some linguistic anthropologists study the languages of indigenous peoples to
document their grammars and vocabularies. This is critical work because
increasing globalization has led to the worldwide advancement of English and
other languages of business, often to the detriment of local languages. In their
attempts to keep pace with the new world order, and under pressure from
globalizing economic and political forces, native peoples are losing their
traditions, and their languages are becoming extinct.
Many indigenous peoples are under pressure to abandon their own languages
and adopt the official languages of the countries in which they find themselves.
For example, in the United States and Canada, many indigenous languages
have only a few speakers because of the intense pressures on native peoples
to use English or French in place of their own languages. These social and
political factors began under European colonialism, but they have continued in
Canada and the United States. However, dozens of programs run by indigenous
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Americans and Canadians, and assisted by linguists, are now documenting and
teaching indigenous languages so that they can be maintained and revitalized.
Linguistic anthropologists also document how language changes over time within
a culture. And they are witnesses to how the expanding influence of a few
globally spoken languages has reduced the number of indigenous languages
spoken in the world. Endangered languages include Western languages as well,
such as Gaelic (in both Scotland and Ireland), Breton (spoken in France), and
Yiddish.
Other linguistic anthropologists specialize in historical linguistics . Their
work is based on the premise that people who speak related languages are
culturally and historically related, descended from a common ancestral people.
By looking at the relationships among languages in a large area, historical
linguists can help determine how people have migrated to arrive in the territories
they now occupy. For example, the Apaches in New Mexico, the Navajos in
Arizona, and the Hupas of northern California all speak related languages, which
are, in turn, related to a family of languages known as Athabascan. Most
Athabascan speakers occupy a large area of western Canada and Alaska.
These linguistic ties suggest that the Hupas, Navajos and Apaches are all
descended from Athabascan groups that migrated south from Canada.
historical linguistics
The study of changes in language and communication
over time and between peoples in contact.
By studying how people have borrowed words and grammatical patterns from
other languages, historical linguists can also gain insight into how groups have
interacted over time. Combined with archaeological evidence, these kinds of
analyses can produce a rich picture of the historical relationship among peoples
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who otherwise left no written records, contributing to our understanding of the
processes of culture change.
Do you use words among friends that you would never use in a job
interview, in class, or with children? What does your use of language
reveal about your relationships to the people you address?
When she died in 2008, Marie Smith Jones was the last speaker of Eyak, a NaDene language of Alaska.
In Their Own Voices
Why Save Our Languages
In this excerpt, Richard Littlebear describes some of the reasons
that his Native Cheyenne language is threatened with loss and
suggests some ways to keep it from dying. Littlebear is a member
of the Cheyenne nation and a teacher of the Cheyenne language.
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Why save our languages, since they now seem to have no political,
economic, or global relevance? That is exactly the reason why we should
save our languages, because it is the spiritual relevance deeply
embedded in our languages that makes them relevant to us as American
Indians today.
If we just spoke them, all of our languages would be healthier; but that is
not what’s happening. We do not speak our languages, and our
languages are dying. We are also confronted with a voracious language,
English, that gobbles up everything in its way.
The Cheyenne people began making the change to a different type of
culture and to a written language about a century ago. Those of us who
speak the Cheyenne language are quite possibly the last generation able
to joke in our own language.
A second idea is that language is the basis of sovereignty. We have all
the attributes that constitute sovereign nations: a governance structure,
law and order, jurisprudence, literature, a land base, spiritual and sacred
practices, and that one attribute that holds all of these others together—
our languages.
A third idea is that of protocol in the language used in ceremonies. The
dilemma is that the people who have the right to use that vocabulary and
language, and who have done the rituals, are dying. The loss of this
specialized language will become a major obstacle in retaining the full
richness of our languages and cultures.
We need to make our children see our languages and cultures as viable
and just as valuable as anything they see on television, in movies, or on
videos.
In closing, I want to relate an experience I had in Alaska. I met Marie
Smith, the last Native speaker of the Eyak language. It was truly a
profoundly moving experience for me. I felt that I was sitting in the
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presence of a whole universe of knowledge that could be gone in one
last breath. That’s how fragile that linguistic universe seemed. It was
really difficult for me to stop talking to her, because I wanted to
remember every moment of our encounter.
I do not want any more of our languages to have that experience of
having one last speaker. I want all of our languages to last forever, to
always be around to nurture our children, to bolster their identities, to
perpetuate our cultures.
The Cheyenne language is my language. English is also my language.
Yet it is Cheyenne that I want to use when my time is completed here on
this earth and journey on to the spirit world.
(Source: Just Speak Your Language, Richard Littlebear, in Native American Voices: A
Reader, third edition (eds. Susan Lobo, Steve Talbot, Traci Morris), Prentice-Hall, pp.
90–92. 2010.
Critical Thinking Question
How does Dune Lankard’s story illustrate the perspectives that
cultural anthropology can bring to the study of people and their
ways of life?
Archaeology
Archaeology is the study of material culture. Its methods apply to both
historic cultures, those with written records, and prehistoric cultures, those that
predate the invention of writing. Archaeologists have also applied their methods
to living societies, a subfield called ethnoarchaeology, with sometimes surprising
results.
archaeology
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The study of past cultures, both historic cultures with
written records and prehistoric cultures that predate the
invention of writing.
Unlike cultural anthropologists, who can interact with and talk to living people,
archaeologists rely mostly on evidence from material culture and the sites
where people lived. Such evidence includes, among many other things, the tools
that people made and used, the clothing and ornaments they wore, the buildings
they lived and worked in, the remains of the plants and animals they relied on,
and how they buried their dead.
This kind of evidence can reveal how people lived in the past. The remains of
small, temporary encampments, for example, might indicate that the people
who used them foraged their food. If the encampment had a lot of stone debris,
it was likely used as a workshop for making stone tools. A settlement with
permanent dwellings near farmable land and irrigation canals would have been
inhabited by agriculturalists.
Judging from the density of settlements and household refuse like fragments of
pots, archaeologists can estimate the population of a region at a particular time.
The size and distribution of dwellings in a settlement or region can reveal
aspects of a society’s social structure. If a few of the houses in a settlement
are much larger than most others, if they contain many more objects than other
dwellings, especially luxury items, archaeologists can conclude that some
people were wealthier than others. In contrast, if all of the houses are more or
less the same size and contain similar types and amounts of possessions,
archaeologists can infer that all of the people lived in more or less the same
fashion and were probably of equal status.
Skeletal remains can provide similar clues to social structure. Archaeologists
working at a site in Peru called Chavín de Huántar, which flourished from around
800 B.C. to 200 B.C., found evidence from skeletons that the people living close
to the site’s center ate better than those who lived on its margins. This
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evidence, combined with similar findings from other sites, suggests that Chavín
society was becoming more stratified—that is, divided into classes (Burger
1992a; 1992b).
These 3.6-million-year-old tracks of hominids walking through an ashfall from a
distant volcanic eruption in Tanzania are the first evidence of fully bipedal
locomotion in ancient humans.
What might an analysis of refuse reveal about life in a dormitory?
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Archaeologists can also tell us about people’s relationships with members of
other communities. In much of the world, indigenous trading networks supplied
people with goods and products not found in their own territories.
Archaeologists can reconstruct these trading networks by studying the
distribution of trade goods in relation to their place of origin. Similar evidence
also can trace migrations, warfare, and conquest.
Written records add enormously to our understanding of the past, but they do
not replace the need for archaeology. Archaeology provides a richer
understanding of how people lived and worked than do documents alone.
People write and keep records about what is important to them. Because the
elite members of a society are usually those who are literate, the historical
record is more likely to reflect their interests and points of view than that of
poor and marginal people. Archaeology can help correct those biases. In 1991,
construction in lower Manhattan in New York City uncovered the five-acre
African Burial Ground containing the remains of 10,000 to 20,000 enslaved and
free African Americans. Archaeologists were able to determine the diets,
health, and causes of death of many of the people buried there, documenting
the role slavery played in New York City in the early eighteenth century, a
feature of urban life previously not well known (Encyclopedia of New York
State 2008).
Archaeological methods can help address important issues in contemporary
societies. In the 1970s, the archaeologist William Rathje founded the Arizona
Garbage Project to study what Americans throw away and what happens to
this refuse. Rathje defined archaeology as the discipline that learns from
garbage (Rathje and Murphy, 1992). Among the surprising findings, fast-food
packaging actually makes up less than 1 percent of the volume of American
landfills, contrary to popular opinion and the estimates of experts. Compacted
paper takes up the most space.
Archaeology’s great chronological depth—from humanity’s origins millions of
years ago to twenty-first-century landfills—makes it particularly suited to the
study of culture change. Theories of culture change are one of the discipline’s
main concerns. For example, many archaeologists are interested in the
processes that led to the first cities thousands of years ago, and with them the
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first states—societies with centralized governments, administrative
bureaucracies, and inequalities of wealth and power.
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Globalization
The global spread of humans was made possible by the
evolution of the capacity for culture and the development
and spread of the first tool traditions.
Biological Anthropology
Biological, or physical, anthropology is the study of human origins and
contemporary biological diversity. In the popular imagination, the study of human
origins, or paleoanthropology , is probably the most visible face of biological
anthropology. Paleoanthropologists seek to decipher the fossil record—the
usually fragmentary remains of human forebears and related animals—to
understand human evolution. Paleoanthropologists have also turned to the
science of genetics and the study of DNA for clues to human origins.
biological, or physical, anthropology
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The study of human origins and contemporary biological
diversity.
paleoanthropology
The study of the fossil record, especially skeletal
remains, to understand the process and products of
human evolution.
Humans are primates; we belong, in other words, to the same order of animals
that includes monkeys and apes. DNA evidence indicates that we share a
common ancestry with gorillas and chimpanzees—our closest living relatives—
and that our evolutionary line separated from theirs in Africa between 5 million
and 8 million years ago. Working from fossil evidence, paleoanthropologists are
reconstructing the complex course of human evolution. They study changes in
the environment in which our ancestors emerged millions of years ago to
understand the adaptive benefits of the physical changes they underwent. They
study the size and structure of teeth to learn about our ancestors’ diets. And
they study the distribution of fossils worldwide to learn how and when our
ancestors migrated out of Africa and populated most of Earth.
Once humans began to create clothes, shelters, and tools appropriate for
environments from the Arctic to the tropics, they no longer depended exclusively
on their physical characteristics for survival. With language and more complex
social organization, they could enhance group survival. Thus,
paleoanthropologists are particularly interested in clues to the emergence of
human culture. Here their interests and methods overlap with those of
archaeologists as they excavate sites looking for evidence of early toolmaking in
association with fossils.
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Some physical anthropologists study nonhuman primates to gain insight into the
nature of our own species. The primatologist Jane Goodall, for example, spent
years observing the behavior of chimpanzees in the wild, and her discoveries
about their social behavior have a bearing on the origins of our own social
behavior. Goodall also found that chimpanzees can make and use rudimentary
tools.
In addition to human origins and primate social behavior, physical
anthropologists also study the interaction of biology, culture, and environment to
understand humanity’s current biological diversity. For example, the Inuit, an
indigenous people of Arctic Canada, have developed ways to clothe and shelter
themselves to survive in their harsh environment, but they also appear to have a
greater rate of blood flow to their bodily extremities in response to cold than
other people do (Itoh 1980; McElroy and Townsend 1989, 26–29). Indigenous
inhabitants of the Andes Mountains in South America have a greater than
average lung capacity, which is an adaptation to the low oxygen of their highaltitude environment. And people from regions rich in dairy products are
genetically adapted to digest milk easily, whereas adults from regions where
milk is not a traditional part of the diet are not. These lactase-deficient adults
have digestive problems when they drink milk. Skin color also is in part an
adaptation to climatic conditions and exposure to sun, as darker skin has a
higher content of melanin, a substance that protects against overabsorption of
the sun’s harmful ultraviolet rays (Rensberger 2001, 83). We discuss the social
significance and interpretation of skin color further in Chapter 12 .
The subfield of medical anthropology focuses on health and disease in
human populations. Medical anthropologists investigate the susceptibilities or
resistances of populations to specific diseases. They also trace the spread of
diseases within a population and from one population to another. Before the
arrival of the first Europeans and Africans in South and North America in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, for example, smallpox, measles, and other
infectious diseases were unknown. As a result, Native Americans, unlike the
newcomers, had no natural immunity to the diseases. The results were
catastrophic; once exposed to the diseases, millions of Native Americans died.
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medical anthropology
A discipline that bridges cultural and biological
anthropology, focusing on health and disease in human
populations.
A reconstruction of “Lucy,” an early hominid living some 3.2 million years ago.
In contrast to the vulnerabilities of indigenous peoples of the Americas, some
populations have advantageous resistances to diseases endemic in their areas,
as the following Case Study investigates.
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Case Study Environment, Adaptation, and
Disease: Malaria and Sickle-Cell Anemia in
Africa and the United States
Study of the incidence of two diseases, malaria and sickle-cell anemia,
demonstrates how the processes of biological adaptation and culture change
can interact to affect human health.
Sickle-cell anemia is a genetic disease that causes red blood cells to have a
sickle shape rather than their normal disk shape. Sickled cells cannot hold and
transport oxygen normally. Because the disease can be fatal in those who have
inherited the recessive gene from both parents, one might expect that the
sickle-cell trait would naturally die out in a population. However, individuals who
carry one dominant and one recessive copy of the gene survive and also
happen to have immunity from another disease—malaria. Malaria is an
infectious disease spread by the Anopheles mosquito. Both diseases are
extremely debilitating and potentially fatal. And both are endemic to West
Africa, the ancestral homeland of most African Americans.
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What does this analysis of sickle-cell anemia and malaria suggest about
the relationships between biological and cultural factors in human health?
By not transporting oxygen properly and clogging organs, sickled red blood cells
cause lifelong, potentially life-threatening health problems for people with this
genetic disorder.
The genetic trait that causes sickle-cell anemia probably evolved in human
populations in West Africa about 2,400 years ago (Edelstein 1986). At the
time, dense forests covered much of West Africa. The inhabitants had lived for
millennia by hunting and collecting wild plants. The Anopheles mosquito was
present; however, because it breeds in unshaded pools of standing water, the
mostly shady conditions of the forest kept its numbers in check.
Around 2,000 years ago, however, farming peoples from East Africa began to
filter into West Africa, displacing the indigenous population and clearing
forestlands for their fields. This created the open areas with standing pools of
water in which the Anopheles mosquito thrives (Foster and Anderson 1978).
As farming spread, so did malaria. As the human population and its cattle herds
increased, so did the mosquito population and malaria.
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Those who inherit the sickle-cell gene from one parent gain some resistance to
malaria, which lessens the severity of the infection. As a result, the sickle-cell
gene has spread in malaria-stricken areas. An estimated 30 percent of West
African farmers carry the gene. The lowest incidence of the gene is among
those who live in still-forested peripheral areas of West Africa, where the
Anopheles mosquito and malaria are also less prevalent.
The adaptive advantage of the sickle-cell trait, then, is high in populations that
live in areas where malaria is prevalent but is less for those who live where the
disease is less common. In the United States, where malaria is rare, people of
West African descent have higher rates of the sickle-cell gene than do nonAfricans, but their rates are much lower than among West Africans today.
If the cultural practice of farming helped spread malaria in West Africa, diet may
contribute to the adaptive advantage of the sickle-cell gene. Common crops
grown in Africa and the West Indies, including cassava (manioc), yams,
sorghum, millet, sugarcane, and lima beans, reduce the severity of the
symptoms of sickle-cell anemia because they contain chemical compounds that
interfere with the sickling of the red blood cells. This may explain why a lower
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percentage of Africans suffer from sickle-cell anemia than do African
Americans, even though more West Africans have the sickle-cell gene. A study
revealed that Jamaicans with sickle-cell anemia had relatively mild symptoms
when they lived in Jamaica and ate a Jamaican diet, but experienced more
severe symptoms when they migrated to the United States or Britain and
changed their eating habits (Frisancho 1981).
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Review
Anthropology has four subfields: cultural anthropology, linguistic
anthropology, archaeology, and biological (or physical) anthropology.
Because we all are prone to be ethnocentric, cultural anthropologists
adopt the method of ethnography and the perspective of cultural
relativism to avoid being judgmental of other cultures. The work of
linguistic anthropologists and archaeologists sheds light on culture
change, and subdisciplines such as medical anthropology combine
biological and cultural anthropology.
Applied Anthropology
Applied anthropology intersects with and draws from the four major
subfields. Indeed, many anthropologists regard applied anthropology as a fifth
subfield of anthropology. Applied anthropologists employ anthropological
understandings and perspectives to work outside traditional academic settings.
For example, some biological anthropologists work as
forensic anthropologists , applying their knowledge of human anatomy to
help solve crimes. Working for police departments, the Federal Bureau of
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Investigation (FBI), and other law enforcement agencies, forensic
anthropologists can help determine the cause of death by examining a victim’s
remains and the physical evidence found at a crime scene. Forensic
anthropologists’ knowledge of skeletal anatomy, blood types, and biochemical
markers in the blood can also help identify a victim and provide leads to
suspects. Forensic anthropologists have also been asked to study human
remains for evidence of human rights abuses that occur during wars and civil
conflicts.
applied anthropology
An area of anthropology that applies the techniques and
theories of the field to problem solving outside of
traditional academic settings.
forensic anthropologists
Biological anthropologists who analyze human remains
in the service of criminal justice and families of disaster
victims.
Many government agencies, such as the FBI’s behavioral science unit Violent
Criminal Apprehension Program (ViCAP), employ forensic anthropologists.
Forensic anthropologists and archaeologists also work for the Central
Identification Laboratory—Hawaii (CILHI). Members of CILHI have traveled to
Vietnam and Korea to find the remains of downed airplanes in attempts to
identify people missing in action (MIAs) from the Vietnam and Korean wars.
Forensic anthropologists also helped identify remains of victims of the terrorist
attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City.
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Applied archaeology has grown with federal and state laws that protect
archaeological sites and materials, which has led to the creation of the field of
cultural resource management (CRM) . Laws now require archaeological
surveys in advance of many highway and other construction projects to assess
their impact on archaeological sites. The need for these assessments has given
rise to contract archaeology , in which archaeologists are hired to do this
kind of research.
cultural resource management (CRM)
The application of archaeology to preserve and protect
historic structures and prehistoric sites.
contract archaeology
The application of archaeology to assess the potential
impact of construction on archaeological sites and to
salvage archaeological evidence.
Globalization
Anthropology-based advocacy centers on protecting and
preserving the native cultures of small-scale societies that
share these goals from the impacts of globalization.
Archaeologists’ findings about the past can also be used to solve contemporary
problems. Archaeologists working around Lake Titicaca in the Andes of South
America, for example, discovered an ancient and productive method of
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cultivation that had fallen into disuse. They helped reintroduce this method to
local farmers, which substantially increased their yields.
Some linguistic anthropologists apply their skills to preserve indigenous
languages. They may work with native speakers to prepare dictionaries,
grammars, and other aids for use in language classes and schools. Their work
helps indigenous communities counter the rapid decline in the number of people
who speak local languages. Collecting data from speakers of endangered
languages is a fieldwork priority for linguistic anthropologists.
Cultural anthropologists complete applied anthropology work in nonacademic
settings, such as government agencies, nongovernment organizations,
charitable foundations, and private companies. Some help shape the policies of
city, state, and federal agencies that deliver services to local communities; for
example, they may advise on the best ways to
Anthropology Applied
Cultural Survival
Cultural anthropologists sometimes help indigenous communities improve
their economic conditions, adapt to change, and preserve their traditions.
They help communities find ways to use their resources productively
while protecting their environment and cultural heritage. Some
anthropologists have also helped protect indigenous peoples’ rights to
land and resources and their rights to continue cultural practices.
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Cultural Survival is an organization founded by anthropologists that
promotes the rights, voices, and visions of indigenous peoples around the
world. The organization deals with conflict and migration, cultural
preservation, improvement of health care, indigenous economic
enterprises, law and self-determination, and the preservation of natural
resources. Its initiatives include publications to publicize issues and share
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news, indigenous curricula, fair trade stores and exchanges such as the
Coffee Alliance, legal defense, and an indigenous action network.
Not all applied anthropology concerns native peoples and their cultural
survival, however. Some cultural anthropologists advise government
agencies and private companies on how to overcome resistance from
indigenous and rural communities to policies and projects that benefit
national governments and private concerns but threaten indigenous rights
and resources.
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Critical Thinking Question
How can anthropological research affect public policy, private
enterprise, and advocacy for indigenous peoples?
contact different populations in a community to deliver services. These may be
health care services, such as vaccinations, legal aid services, or preschool and
other educational opportunities for children. Cultural anthropologists work in
research firms and think tanks to solve social problems. They also help
communities, companies, and organizations to resolve management disputes
and conflicts. They help resolve labor and workplace issues and work for courts
to develop and implement alternative sentencing programs for offenders.
Anthropologists may act as advocates and testify in courts to support native
claims to land or other benefits or rights, and may help indigenous people
present their history and culture from a native perspective. Cultural Survival, for
example, helps native peoples in Ecuador, Peru, and Brazil protect their
interests in the face of globalization.
Medical anthropologists may help preserve traditional medical practices and
pharmaceuticals, and encourage practitioners of both traditional and Western
medicine to understand the physical and psychological benefits of both medical
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models for developing treatment procedures that combine both forms of
medicine.
How might Western pharmaceutical companies employ the services of
anthropologists?
Anthropologists who work for industries and corporations analyze workplace
interactions to suggest improvements in the working environment and worker
productivity. Anthropologists may provide sensitivity training for American
businesspeople planning to meet overseas with their foreign counterparts.
Anthropologists even study consumer habits to help companies increase sales
or develop new products and services. For example, Canon employed a team
of anthropologists to study the kinds of pictures and notes that families create
and affix to their walls and refrigerators. The company used the findings to
develop Canon Creative software, which allows families to make their own
greeting cards, posters, and T-shirts, and thus increased printer sales (Hafner
1999).
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Review
Applied anthropology is the practical use of all four subfields of
anthropology outside academia. Applied anthropology includes forensic
anthropologists, workers in cultural resource management, contract
archaeologists, and linguistic and cultural anthropologists. All applied
anthropologists use their training in other fields of anthropology.
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Chapter Summary
The Study of Humanity
Anthropology is the study of humanity, from its evolutionary origins millions of
years ago to today’s worldwide diversity of peoples and cultures.
Three features distinguish anthropology from other social sciences: a focus
on the concept of culture, a holistic perspective, and a comparative
perspective.
Culture is the constellation of learned values, beliefs, and rules of conduct
that members of a society share. Culture change and globalization are
important subjects of anthropological research.
Anthropology’s holistic perspective focuses on culture as an integrated
whole, the various features and patterns of which can only be understood in
relation to one another.
Anthropology’s comparative perspective is based on cultural data drawn
from societies throughout the world and from throughout human history,
documenting the diversity of human culture in an attempt to understand
common patterns in people’s adaptations to their environments and their
unique cultural institutions.
The Four Subfields of Anthropology
Cultural anthropology is the comparative st...
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