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Article Providing psychological services for children of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs): A challenge for school psychologists in the Philippines School Psychology International 34(2) 202–212 ! The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0143034312453399 spi.sagepub.com Maria Caridad H. Tarroja and Katrina C. Fernando De La Salle University, Philippines Abstract In the last 30 years, there has been a rapid increase of Filipino parents leaving the country and their families for better job opportunities abroad. Existing literature points out the impact of migration on the families and on the well-being, academic performance, and school behaviours, family and peer relationships of the children left behind, and the need for interventions to address these concerns. A review of the literature and a survey on the current practices in schools reveals a lack of structured and programmatic interventions in school, which mental health professionals in schools recognize to be essential to help OFW children adjust better. Considering the gaps in the current practice, we recommend that more purposive school-based and familyfocused psychological services are implemented to help the children and families left behind by OFW parents. Keywords Children of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), Philippines, psychological services, school psychologists, well-being of OFW children Many Filipino social scientists have looked into the impact of international migration on Filipino families and children, especially those who are left behind by parents who have decided to work abroad (e.g., Battistella & Conaco, 1998; Carandang, Sison, & Carandang, 2007; Melgar & Borromeo, 2002). There are, Corresponding author: Maria Caridad H. Tarroja, Psychology Department, De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines. Email: maria.caridad.tarroja@dlsu.edu.ph Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 Tarroja and Fernando 203 however, very few reports on the services and interventions that address the concerns and issues of Filipino families brought about by the separation of children from their parents. Further, the role of mental health professionals, specifically school psychologists, in addressing the concerns of the Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) children has not yet been studied . Through a review of the literature on the issues faced by the families and children of OFWs and a survey of the psychological services provided in schools to address the concerns and reported problems of children of OFW parents, we aim to identify the gaps between what the OFW’s children need and what psychological services have been offering them in school settings. We highlight some of the challenges for providing appropriate psychological services and recommend responses to these challenges from the point of view of the school counsellors and psychologists. School psychologists are ‘professionals who are recognized as specialists in the provision of psychological services to children and youth within the contexts of schools, families, and other settings that impact their growth and development’ (International School Psychology Association, http://www.ispaweb.org/). In the Philippines, school psychology is not yet included in the Psychological Association of the Philippines’ (PAP) list of the field of specializations (currently, assessment, counselling, clinical, developmental, educational, industrial-organization, and social; PAP, http://www.pap.org.ph). In the Philippines, mental health professionals in school settings are not usually called school psychologists but rather they are referred to as counsellors or guidance counsellors. Their educational background is either psychology or guidance counselling. Nonetheless, the functions of school psychologists as described by Watkins, Crosby, and Pearson (2001) and Farrell, Jimerson, and Kalambouka (2005)—that is, psychoeducational assessment, counselling, working with teachers to assist in developing programmes for students with special needs, crisis intervention, behaviour management, consultation with school personnel and parents in formulating intervention plans, educating and training parents and staff—are similar to the roles of counsellors in Philippine schools. Impact of international migration on Filipino families and children The Philippines is considered as one of the biggest suppliers of labour migrants in the world (Huang, Yeoh, & Asis, 2003) and over eight million Filipinos are reported to work and reside in more than 100 countries around the globe (Philippine Overseas Employment Agency, 2009). The rapid increase in the number of Filipinos working abroad is primarily due to economic reasons. Studies and reports on international migration show that children are capable of coping with the changes brought about by migration (Battistella & Conaco, 1998; Carandang et al., 2007) and that they understand why their parents need to work abroad (Battistella & Conaco, 1998; Valdez, 2011). Nonetheless, some children left behind by migrant parents experience difficulties, such as adjusting to the absence Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 204 School Psychology International 34(2) of a loved one (Melgar & Borromeo, 2002), and witnessing the struggles of their other family members in keeping themselves and their families intact and afloat (Carandang et al., 2007). Impact on children’s well-being. Children’s reactions to their parents’ migration vary from acceptance to resentment (Reyes, 2008). Some perceive their parents’ migration as a way of improving the family’s economic condition (Valdez, 2011), and others see it as a form of abandonment (Añonuevo & Sopeña, 2002; Battistella & Conaco, 1998; Carandang et al., 2007; Melgar & Borromeo, 2002). Feelings of loneliness and emptiness predominate when parents leave to work overseas (Carandang et al., 2007; Melgar & Borromeo, 2002). Children with both parents away feel greater sadness than those with only one OFW parent (Scalabrini Migration Center, 2004). Similarly, Battistella and Conaco (1998) found that children with both parents present were less lonely and less socially dissatisfied than children left behind by a parent or by both parents. Children of migrant parents experience more emotional distress compared to children of non-migrants (Battistella & Conaco, 1998), and those who were left behind were also reported to have more behavioural problems, such as dropping out of school, engaging in vice, drug abuse (Gavriliuc, 2007; Melgar & Borromeo, 2002), and becoming disposed to delinquency (Lee & Lee, 2012; UNESCAP, 2008 cited in Devasahayam, 2011). Impact on school performance. Children of OFWs are reported to perform less well in school compared to peers who live with their parents (Huang et al., 2003). Grades and class rank of left behind children, either with one or both parents abroad were below those children with both parents present. In school activities, children of migrant mothers tend to score lower and to have poorer performance (Battistella & Conaco, 1998). The absence of mothers is consistently identified as having a more pervasive influence on the lives of their children (Battistella & Conaco, 1998; Carandang et al., 2007; Huang et al., 2003; Parreñas, 2006; Valdez, 2011). When the mother leaves, some children feel burdened by filling in the responsibility of nurturing and caring for the family (Asis, 2006). This duty affects the children’s performance in school (Parreñas, 2006) since they tend to devote less time to studying and allot time attending to their family’s needs. In addition, some children left behind by their migrant parents tend to prioritize schooling less, and give lesser value to studying so that they end up failing, dropping out, or not finishing their grades (Edillon, 2008; Yeo & Choi, 2011). In schools, some children of migrant parents also have trouble relating with peers. Reyes (2008) noted that they are more vulnerable to being abused and intimidated by their peers in school. This exacerbates the feeling of being abandoned since their parents are not with them to protect or defend them (Deb & Walsh, 2012; Pillay, 2011; Scalabrini Migration Center, 2004; Theron & Donald, 2012; Toland & Carrigan, 2011; Woods, Bond, Tyldesley, Farrell, & Humphrey, 2011). Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 Tarroja and Fernando 205 What helps children cope School interventions. A structured and formal school programme is more convenient for teachers, parents, and the students (Harris, 2005), and more effective in addressing not just academic but also personal concerns of the children (Lambie, 2005; Loop, 1997; Petroski, 2003). Loop (1997) enumerated characteristics of an effective school guidance programme in elementary schools: Individual and small group counselling, group guidance, consultation, coordination, information services, individual assessment, placement, and evaluation. Similarly, Petroski (2003) found that comprehensive guidance and counselling programmes made children feel more secure in school and in their relationships with their peers and with teachers, feel more satisfied with the quality of their education, and increase the perceived value of studying. Those who received counselling services were found to perform better and get higher grades. Ehrhardt-Padgett, Hatzichristou, Kitson, and Meyers (2003) ascertained that using results of intervention assessment as data, and having well-constructed methodologies for research may improve the services that school psychologists provide to address their students’ educational and mental health needs. Similarly, they recognized the value of school psychologists working with other professionals such as teachers, school counsellors, administrators, and the students’ families. Working with them allows school psychologists to determine alternative and creative solutions, and to maximize existing interventions. Spoth, Randall, and Shin (2008) substantiated the benefits of school-family partnerships on students’ academic success. Family socialization and the youth’s positive perception of their relationships with parents and teachers foster socio-emotional development, which in turn encourages school engagement and better academic performance. It is nonetheless important to note that children must be open to their parents being involved in school activities for the partnership to have an impact on their development (Deslandes & Cloutier, 2002). In the Philippines, children’s peer groups and their participation in school activities also help them cope with the emotional impact of being left behind by parents (Edillon, 2008; Melgar & Borromeo, 2002). Children feel a sense of belongingness and positive involvement when they are given the opportunity to affiliate with their peers and when they take part in school activities. Community interventions. There are also several non-government organizations assisting Filipino migrants and their families but they do not directly provide psychological services. One non-government agency (NGO) in Metro Manila is able to provide a structured programme to children of OFW families coming from different provinces. The NGO’s primary goals are to help the children cope with the absence of their parents, and to help them improve their social skills. They also aim to help the children of OFW families gain understanding of their situation, unearth their emotions, ease their pain, learn to forgive and rediscover love (UGAT Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 206 School Psychology International 34(2) Foundation Programme, http://www.ugatpanatag.com). However, such programmes seem to have low utilization rate. Family interventions. In most cases, relatives take over and become more involved in care giving to compensate for parental absence (Battistella & Conaco, 1998). Close relationship established with their parents before they migrated, support from the extended family, regular communication with their migrant parents, and a sense of hope that their family will be together again, are some of the factors that promote resilience among left behind children (Llangco, 2002 cited in Añonuevo & Sopeña, 2002). Regular and frequent communication with migrant parents helps the children cope with loneliness and sadness (Asis, 2006; Parreñas, 2006; Woods et al., 2011). Modern technologies that allow quick and cheap communication, and migrant parents’ success in negotiating care-giving from a distance, are important factors for the children of migrant workers. Modern technology helps in providing easy, fast and low-cost communication between members of transnational families (Bryant, 2005; Huang et al., 2003). The most common means of maintaining close family ties is the cellular phone, followed by the landline telephone (Edillon, 2008), as well as emails and video calls (Valdez, 2011; Yeoh & Lam, 2011). Method Respondents for this study included 34 mental health practitioners who work in different private and public schools in the Philippines and who have dealt with children of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). The respondents comprised 31 guidance counsellors, one assessment personnel, and one school psychologist. Twenty-three out of the 34 respondents worked in private schools, and the rest worked in public schools. The respondents came from different colleges/universities, high schools, and in primary schools in Metro Manila. A questionnaire was used to collect data for this study. It contained six open-ended questions, which asked about the different concerns of children of OFWs, the school services which different universities/colleges, high schools, and primary schools offered to address these concerns, and their recommended programmes and interventions for problems that these children experienced. Academic and mental health professionals were contacted and invited to answer the questionnaire. Prior to participating, the researchers assured the respondents of confidentiality. Questionnaires were then sent out to each consenting school psychologists and guidance counsellors via e-mail and through a Web-based form. The researchers analysed the data using content analysis. To unearth themes, the researchers repeatedly read the responses, separately coded, and evaluated the accuracy of the coding units. The researchers continued collecting and analysing data until no new themes were emerging from the obtained responses. Afterwards, the researchers came together to resolve ambiguities, and to establish agreement on identified themes. Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 Tarroja and Fernando 207 Findings and discussion Earlier findings suggest that parents’ absence negatively affects their children’s school performance and overall well-being (Battistella & Conaco, 1998; Carandang et al., 2007; Huang et al., 2003; Scalabrini Migration Center, 2004). Children of OFW parents also present with a lack of confidence in establishing friendships, and exhibit behavioural problems (aggression, impulsivity) (Gavriliuc, 2007; Melgar & Borromeo, 2002; Scalabrini Migration Center, 2004). Similar to the findings of Valdez (2011) and Carandang et al., (2007), this study determined that children reportedly went through emotional turmoil and experienced a great deal of longing for their parents. All these findings suggested a strong need for psychological interventions that could address these concerns. Limited school interventions for children of OFWs Whereas all respondents acknowledged the academic, behavioural, and emotional problems of the children left behind by their parents, most respondents in this study noted an absence of regular, structured, and formal programmes that could address the needs of OFW children and their families, and that interventions, programmes and activities were only carried out as the need arose. Counselling was the most common intervention provided by schools. Some counsellors held groups, which allowed the children to share their experiences and express their feelings and concerns related to their parents leaving for work abroad. Some schools offered counselling services through a government agency and some schools were supported by NGOs. One private school also recognized the importance of organizing counselling sessions for teachers who needed assistance in handling students of OFWs. Concerns tackled during these sessions were classroom management and identifying at-risk students. They also held activities for the children’s parents and/or guardians, which aimed to improve their relationship with the children. Most schools had extra-curricular services or programmes that they made available to all their students. Children of OFWs were encouraged to join school clubs and organizations as a healthy diversion from the loneliness that they felt, and to help them build and strengthen their social support. Overall, interventions provided for the specific concerns of children of OFW parents were limited. With the lack of a formal and structured programme for children of OFWs, the core psychological issues—such as feelings of abandonment, loneliness, and confusion that exacerbated academic and behavioural problems—might not likely to be fully addressed. The need for an eco-systemic approach to intervention All respondents agreed that there was a need for a structured and formal school programme for children of OFW parents, validating findings of previous studies (e.g., Harris, 2005; Lambie, 2005; Loop, 1997; Low, Kok, & Lee, 2013; Petroski, Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 208 School Psychology International 34(2) 2003). For example, individual and family counselling, and group guidance preventive programme for students deemed high-risk due to developmental and socioeconomic reasons were found most effective. These guidance programmes could also be utilized in developing activities specific to the issues and needs of children of OFW families. An eco-systemic approach to interventions addressing children’s emotional and behavioural problems in school was encouraged by many school psychologists (Cooper & Upton, 1991). This approach looked into the dysfunctions in the general environment, including the school and the family, and how these units could be tapped to bring about positive change. Partnership models, such as between schools and family, in implementing interventions could also lead to positive outcomes (Spoth, Guyll, Lillehoj, & Redmond, 2007; Woods et al., 2011). Interventions in schools. All respondents recognized the importance of carrying out preventive school programmes that would buffer children from experiencing distress. Such programmes might focus on addressing the effects of parental absence, and in helping children develop better coping strategies. Moreover, respondents also recommended having school services for OFW parents and for their children’s replacement caretakers/guardians. The primary suggestion was to develop systematic and regular counselling programmes; guidance and counselling programmes could thus compensate for the lack of parental supervision (James, Logan, & Davis, 2011). Schools could also initiate the formation of in-school support groups for these children since being in a group of children with the same concerns might help alleviate a child’s feelings of loneliness. Some also suggested conducting seminars and workshops for the children. Proposed topics included self-regulation, personality development, decision-making, handling peer pressure, enhancing communication with parents abroad, living independently and responsibly, nurturing relationships with other family members, and handling finances. Van Schalkwyk (2010) argues that the partnership between the school and the home may be strengthened by taking into consideration the perceptions of the family and the school about their different roles in helping children. It is important to note how these perceptions, as well as one’s cultural background and beliefs, can promote or hamper the concerted efforts of the school and the home in addressing the children’s concerns (Carter, 2011; Van Schalkwyk, 2011). Most respondents saw value in developing school programmes catering to the needs of OFW parents—such as strengthening the communication lines between the parents and the school. It was also emphasized that before the parent leaves for abroad, school counsellors could help in educating family members about the impact of leaving their children. In this way, the family could devise proactive ways to deal with psychological, relational, behavioural, and academic problems. A comprehensive guidance and counselling programme was consistently associated with students’ feelings of safety in school, better relationships between students and teachers, greater satisfaction with the education that they were receiving, seeing the importance of education in their future, and getting high grades. Counselling programmes should encourage the practice of counsellors spending more time in Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 Tarroja and Fernando 209 classrooms, helping students with personal problems and career plans, consulting with parents and school personnel, providing counselling services, making referrals as needed, and communicating with the community about the initiatives of their guidance programme (Petroski, 2003). The School-Based Family Counselling is one approach that weaves principles of traditional school psychology and family counselling. It gained acceptance among families since counselling is embedded within the system and not seen as a separate, intermediary process (Gerrard, 2008). Interventions outside schools. Our respondents recognized the potential contribution of the community in helping children of OFW parents fare better. NGOs were seen as a supportive and efficient ally that could help the OFW families. Faith-based organization could also extend help by facilitating activities for children. Involving children in community activities might help build and strengthen their support system, which in turn would lessen behavioural, social, emotional, and even academic problems. A few saw the capacity and the possible usefulness of government agencies in initiating national programmes for these children. While there are government organizations that help OFWs with work-related concerns, none has centred their services on the welfare of the family members who were left behind. This study also showed that practitioners recognize that helping OFW children entails assisting the people who watch over them, which results in a need for familyfocused programmes. Training counsellors and teachers in identifying and helping at-risk children, informing the parents about the effects of leaving their children behind, and guiding the guardians in managing the children’s behaviours were reckoned as important elements. Conclusion In sum, studies and reports on the experiences families and children left behind by Overseas Filipino Workers demonstrate a need for structured and systematic ways to help them understand and cope better with the situation. Whereas some government and non-government organizations have made some efforts to this direction, very few schools provide specific programmes for the left-behind children and families. The challenge for school psychologists and other mental health professionals working in schools is to devise a structured and systemic school programme to help address the psychosocial issues faced by children when their parents leave them behind to work abroad. Our extensive review of current literature and the findings of our study showed a lack of such programmes in most school settings in the Philippines. Acknowledgements and funding The authors wish to acknowledge Dr. Allan B. I. Bernardo, Mr. Patrick James Garcia, and Ms. Agnes Villegas for their contributions in this paper, and the College Research Council of the College of Liberal Arts, De La Salle University-Manila for its financial support. Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 210 School Psychology International 34(2) References Añonuevo, A. T., & Sopeña, J. C. (2002). Paglaki ko Mag-aabroad Ako!: Aspirations of children of migrant workers. In E. Añonuevo, & A. 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S., & Choi, P. M. (2011). Cognitive-behavioural therapy for children with behavioural difficulties in the Singapore mainstream school setting. School Psychology International, 32, 616–631. doi: 10.1177/0143034311406820 Yeoh B. S. A., & Lam, T. (2011, February 8.). The costs of Im(mobility): Children left behind and children who migrate with a parent. Retrieved from http://www.unescap.org/esid/gad/ Events/RegSem22-24Nov06/Papers/BrendaYeoh.pdf Author biographies Maria Caridad H. Tarroja, PhD, is Associate Professor in the Psychology Department at the De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines. Her research interests include types of Filipino families, clinical assessment, and children with special conditions including learning disability, anxiety and mood disorders. Address: De La Salle University-Manila, 2401 Taft Avenue, 1004 Manila, Philippines. Email: maria.caridad.tarroja@dlsu.edu.ph Katrina C. Fernando, MS, is Assistant Professor in the Psychology Department at the De La Salle University Manila, Philippines. Her research interests include flow and psychological well-being, recovery and mental health. Address: De La Salle University-Manila, 2401 Taft Avenue, 1004 Manila, Philippines. Email: katrina.fernando@dlsu.edu.ph Downloaded from spi.sagepub.com at GEORGE MASON UNIV on August 20, 2015 Journal of Happiness Studies (2008) 9:1–11 DOI 10.1007/s10902-006-9018-1 Ó Springer 2006 EDWARD L. DECI and RICHARD M. RYAN HEDONIA, EUDAIMONIA, AND WELL-BEING: AN INTRODUCTION (Received 10 May 2006; Accepted 18 May 2006) ABSTRACT. Research on well-being can be thought of as falling into two traditions. In one—the hedonistic tradition—the focus is on happiness, generally defined as the presence of positive affect and the absence of negative affect. In the other—the eudaimonic tradition—the focus is on living life in a full and deeply satisfying way. Recognizing that much recent research on wellbeing has been more closely aligned with the hedonistic tradition, this special issue presents discussions and research reviews from the eudaimonic tradition, making clear how the concept of eudaimonia adds an important perspective to our understanding of well-being. KEY WORDS: eudaimonia, fully functioning, hedonism, subjective wellbeing. 1. Hedonia 2. Eudaimonia HEDONIA AND SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING Well-being, which refers to optimal psychological experience and functioning, has been vigorously studied in psychology over the past quarter century. To a significant degree, this is due to the work of psychologists such as Diener (1984) who have focused on an exploration of subjective well-being (SWB). From that perspective, well-being is considered subjective because the idea is for people to evaluate for themselves, in a general way, the degree to which they experience a sense of wellness. As an operational definition, SWB is most often interpreted to mean experiencing a high level of positive affect, a low level of negative affect, and a high degree of satisfaction with oneÕs life. To the extent that one strongly endorses these three constructs, one is said to be high in SWB. The concept of SWB, assessed in this way, has frequently been used interchangeably with ‘‘happiness.’’ Thus, maximizing oneÕs well-being has been viewed as maximizing oneÕs feelings of happiness. 2 EDWARD L. DECI AND RICHARD M. RYAN In research on SWB, the primary focus has been on factors that lead to SWB—including person factors, social-environmental factors, and cultural factors. Assumptions have not been made about what should yield SWB nor about universality in the conditions that are likely to make people happy. Readers of the Journal of Happiness Studies are well familiar with the idea of SWB, with its operational definition, and with studies about the types of factors that yield it. Since the publication of Well-Being: The Foundation of Hedonic Psychology (Kahneman et al., 1999), SWB has been associated with the hedonistic approach to well-being. A more precise interpretation of hedonic well-being would, however, use just positive affect and negative affect to index happiness, because life satisfaction is not strictly a hedonic concept. Rather, it involves a cognitive evaluation of the conditions of oneÕs life. Still, SWB has been widely associated with the idea of happiness and these two concepts have often been interpreted as being hedonic, although there may be room for greater integration of SWB into a more eudaimonic perspective. EUDAIMONIA AND FULL FUNCTIONING In spite of the proliferation of SWB studies, SWB is not the only way to think about well-being. A second view considers well-being to consist of more than just happiness, suggesting that peopleÕs reports of being happy (or of being positively affective and satisfied) does not necessarily mean that they are psychologically well. This second perspective is referred to as eudaimonia (Waterman, 1993) and is concerned with living well or actualizing oneÕs human potentials. This conceptualization maintains that well-being is not so much an outcome or end state as it is a process of fulfilling or realizing oneÕs daimon or true nature—that is, of fulfilling oneÕs virtuous potentials and living as one was inherently intended to live. As pointed out in several of the papers in this special issue, the eudaimonic view can be traced to Aristotle (translated by Irwin, 1985) and is aligned with various 20th century intellectual traditions, including humanistic psychology. HEDONIA, EUDAIMONIA AND WELL-BEING 3 The two approaches to well-being—namely, hedonism and eudaimonism—are founded on different views of human nature. The hedonic approach uses what Tooby and Cosmides (1992) referred to as the standard social science model, which considers the human organism initially to be relatively empty and thus malleable, such that it gains its meaning in accord with social and cultural teachings. In contrast, the eudaimonic approach ascribes content to human nature and works to uncover that content and to understand the conditions that facilitate versus diminish it. Still, there is believed to be substantial overlap between the experience of hedonia and eudaimonia, and research reviewed by Waterman, Schwartz, and Conti (this issue) and by Bauer, McAdams, and Pals (this issue) indicates a high level of statistical covariance. The position taken by Waterman and colleagues is that, if a person experiences eudaimonic living he or she will necessarily also experience hedonic enjoyment; however, not all hedonic enjoyment is derived from eudaimonic living. Still the two are highly correlated, and most researchers agree that there will be considerable overlap (e.g., Ryan and Deci, 2001). In spite of the statistical convergence between hedonia and eudaimonia, there are very important points of divergence. Because readers of the Journal of Happiness Studies are likely to be much less familiar with the eudaimonic approach to well-being and its research tradition, we have drawn together the work of several noted researchers who use the eudaimonic idea that well-being refers to being fully functioning. PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING AND EUDAIMONIA The first paper in this issue is by Ryff and Singer. The research they discuss began with RyffÕs (1989) model and measure of psychological well-being, which falls within the eudaimonic tradition and was originally formulated to challenge the prevailing hedonistic view of well-being within psychology. In the current paper, Ryff and Singer review work of theorists dating back to Aristotle that informed the development of RyffÕs formulation. The reader will see that it derives not only from 4 EDWARD L. DECI AND RICHARD M. RYAN AristotleÕs view of the highest human good involving virtue and the realization of oneÕs potential, but also from the work of psychodynamically and humanistically oriented psychologists such as Jung (1933), Maslow (1968), Allport (1961), and Rogers (1962). RyffÕs approach names six characteristics of psychological well-being—self-acceptance, personal growth, relatedness, autonomy, relationships, environmental mastery, and purpose in life. Thus, her scale of psychological well-being involves assessing these six subscales. Research by Ryff, Singer, and their colleagues has shown that higher levels of psychological wellbeing is associated with better neuroendocrine regulation, lower cardiovascular risk, and better immune functioning. The second paper by Waterman, Schwartz, and Conti begins with an additional discussion of the philosophical foundation of eudaimonia as a conception of well-being. They then present research in which they use the Personally Expressive Activities Questionnaire (PEAQ) to assess both eudaimonic and hedonic aspects of well-being, particularly as they relate to the concept of intrinsic motivation. Participants list several activities that are personally salient to them, and then they respond to six items that are intended to assess eudaimonia and six that are intended to assess hedonic well-being. The items related to eudaimonia are labeled Personally Expressive and include, ‘‘This activity gives me my strongest feeling that this is who I really am.’’ An example of an hedonic-enjoyment item is ‘‘This activity gives me my greatest pleasure.’’ THE CONTENT OF PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING AND EUDAIMONIA? There are interesting issues that come up in comparing the first two papers. Both assess well-being within the Eudaimonic tradition, yet they take very different approaches. Ryff and SingerÕs approach is to examine the six specific contents mentioned above that are theorized to constitute psychological well-being, using each as a subscale. In contrast, Waterman and colleagues use a single scale in which they assess the extent to which a particular activity leaves one feeling fulfilled and is HEDONIA, EUDAIMONIA AND WELL-BEING 5 expressive of who one truly is. There are two important differences between these approaches. First, Ryff and colleagues assess psychological well-being as a global or individual difference variable, whereas Waterman and colleagues assess eudaimonia more narrowly in relation to particular activities. Second, the Ryff measure specifies the content that represents eudaimonic living (e.g., environmental mastery, positive relations, selfacceptance, etc.), whereas the Waterman measure leaves the concept content free, assessing simply whether an activity leaves one feeling alive, fulfilled, and expressive of oneÕs true self. It seems important at this point for researchers to examine empirically the relations between these two operational definitions and the correlates of each. HAPPINESS, WELL-BEING, AND MATERIAL POSSESSIONS There are two other points worth noting about the paper by Waterman and colleagues as it relates to the literature on wellbeingÕs two traditions. First, these authors refer to two types of happiness—hedonic and eudaimonic. In other words, whereas the concept of happiness within psychology has typically been aligned with just the hedonic view, Waterman and colleagues use the concept to encompass both views, making a clear distinction between the two kinds of happiness. This is primarily an issue of semantics, of how one chooses to use specific words, because Waterman et al. are making the general hedonic-eudaimonic distinction in much the same way that the other contributors to this special issue are doing. Nonetheless, in order to minimize confusion, it is important to keep in mind the different ways the term happiness is used by authors in this issue and elsewhere. A second noteworthy point concerns the conceptual definition of hedonic well-being used by Waterman and colleagues. In line with the work of Kraut (1979), Waterman and colleagues define hedonic well-being as the positive feelings that accompany getting the material objects one wants or having the action opportunities one wishes. More specifically, there is an emphasis in this definition on material objects, which is related 6 EDWARD L. DECI AND RICHARD M. RYAN to AristotleÕs view of hedonia but is not necessarily implicit in current research on hedonia that emphasizes subjective wellbeing (Kahneman et al., 1999). The essence of this conceptual definition of Waterman and colleagues does not appear in their operational definition (i.e., in their measure of hedonic enjoyment), but it is an issue worth noting in terms of a broader understanding of the complex field of well-being. WELL-BEING THEMES IN LIFE STORIES The paper by Bauer, McAdams, and Pals in this issue reviews work on peopleÕs narratives or life stories. Arguing that people create narratives to organize their experiences and relate to their social surrounds, the researchers have examined peopleÕs narratives and identified themes that tend to be associated with eudaimonia. They understand eudaimonia, or the good life, to comprise pleasure, a sense of meaningfulness, and a rich psychosocial integration in a personÕs understanding of himself or herself. The authors report, for example, that people whose narratives are rich in intrinsic goals for personal growth, meaningful relationships, and community contribution (Ryan et al., 1996) tend also to display psychological well-being as an indicator of eudaimonia. Further, they indicate that when peopleÕs narratives concern integrative growth—that is, growth involving deeper understanding and integration of new and old perspectives—the people tend to display a high level of ego-development (Loevinger, 1976) and psychological well-being, especially on the dimensions of purpose in life and personal growth. AUTONOMY AND EUDAIMONIA A concept that seems to be closely related to eudaimonia is autonomy. As defined by Ryan and Deci (2000), autonomy refers to volition, to having the experience of choice, to endorsing oneÕs actions at the highest level of reflection. Ryan and Deci proposed that autonomy is one of the three fundamental and universal psychological needs that are central to self-determination theory (SDT), the other two being HEDONIA, EUDAIMONIA AND WELL-BEING 7 relatedness and competence. In discussions of eudaimonia in this special issue, the concept of autonomy comes up in several ways and appears in each article. It begins with AristotleÕs emphasizing choice and suggesting that virtue, which is central to eudaimonia, involves making the right choices. In other words, it results from choosing to act virtuously—that is, being volitionally virtuous—rather than being drawn into excesses such as accumulating material possessions. Ryff and colleagues have used the concept of autonomy as one of the six aspects of psychological wellness, defining autonomy as self-determination, independence, and the regulation of behavior from within. Although the term ‘‘autonomy’’ as defined in self-determination theory (Ryan and Deci, 2000) involves self-determination and self-regulation, assuming those terms are interpreted as meaning a sense of volitional and consent, autonomy is quite different from the concept of independence. Independence means not relying on others, whereas autonomy as used in self-determination theory means acting with the experience of choice. Thus, it is quite possible to be autonomous (volitional) while relying on others rather than acting independently of them. Accordingly, there is only a partial intersection of the ideas of autonomy expressed in the articles by Ryff and Singer and by Ryan, Huta, and Deci. Waterman, Schwartz, and Conti do not use the term autonomy, but they do talk repeatedly about self-determination, which they define as freely choosing, thus using a concept that is closely related to autonomy as defined by Ryan, Huta, and Deci. Although Bauer, McAdams, and Pals did not address the concept of autonomy or self-determination directly, their work drew links between eudaimonia and intrinsic aspirations. The latter concept, which comes from self-determination theory (SDT), is both conceptually and empirically related to the concept of autonomy or autonomous regulation. Furthermore, Bauer and colleagues reviewed research on narrative themes that relate to high levels of ego-development, which has also been shown to relate to greater autonomy (Avery and Ryan, 1988). 8 EDWARD L. DECI AND RICHARD M. RYAN AUTONOMY AS THE BASIC NEED The article by Devine, Camfield, and Gough has the concept of autonomy at its core, suggesting that autonomy is the basic human need. They then argue that although it is often said to be a western, individualistic concept, its importance is readily observable in Bangladesh, an eastern collectivist society. In the work of this group, autonomy is considered a very broad concept. Whereas SDT specifies three basic needs—autonomy, relatedness, and competence—Devine and colleagues essentially incorporate relatedness and competence within autonomy. For example, they suggest that autonomy can only be developed through interdependent relationships, that autonomy entails wanting to participate in a social life, and that when peopleÕs social activities are blocked autonomy will be impaired. They further portray autonomy in a way that encompasses competence, suggesting for example that a lack of sufficient understanding of oneÕs culture will interfere with acting autonomously within it. This view of autonomy is focused more at a sociological-economic level, whereas the SDT conception of autonomy is focused at the psychological level, thus accounting in part for the broader view of the concept in the work of Devine and colleagues. Still, the article by Devine and colleagues concludes that autonomy is indeed a universal psychological need, although its expression can vary greatly as a function of the context within which it is being expressed. Their cross-cultural perspective, which highlighted the need for autonomy in Bangladesh, also makes the point that people in that culture often feel constrained from expressing the need for autonomy because it is not culturally endorsed as a value. This, of course, is important because it means that understanding the deep level of peopleÕs universal psychological needs requires being very careful in assessing them, for people in cultures that do not value particular needs may not endorse those needs on a questionnaire even though the needs are essential for their own well-being. HEDONIA, EUDAIMONIA AND WELL-BEING 9 SDT AND EUDAIMONIA In the final article in this special issue, Ryan and colleagues use self-determination theory as the basis for presenting a model of eudaimonia. These authors, like others in this special issue, emphasize that eudaimonia concerns how one lives oneÕs life rather than the well-being outcome, per se. Of course, living well is expected to yield both the feelings of happiness and pleasure and a sense of meaning and fulfillment. But the emphasis in the Ryan et al. paper is on the processes that represent eudaimonic living and that yield well-being. From this perspective, living well involves those motives, goals, and behaviors that are satisfying of the basic psychological needs for competence, relatedness, and autonomy. To examine this further, the article considers the pursuit and attainment of intrinsic (relative to extrinsic) life goals or aspirations, the autonomous (relative to controlled) regulation of behavior, and awareness or mindfulness as they relate to basic need satisfaction and eudaimonia. As well, the article addresses the conditions that promote intrinsic goal pursuits, autonomous regulation, and mindful engagement—in short, the conditions that promote eudaimonia. CONCLUSION Together, the set of papers contained within this special issue makes a compelling case that the concept of eudaimonia is an important one for understanding well-being and human flourishing. Well-being conceptualized in terms of eudaimonia has considerable overlap with subjective well-being as viewed from a hedonic perspective, but there are very important differences as is made clear by the interesting articles of this special issue. REFERENCES Allport, G.W.: 1961, Pattern and Growth in Personality Holt (Rinehart and Winston, NewYork). 10 EDWARD L. DECI AND RICHARD M. RYAN Aristotle: 1985, Nichomachean Ethics (T. Irwin, translator) (Hackett, Indianapolis, IN). Avery, R.R. and R.M. Ryan: 1988, ÔObject relations and ego development: Comparison and correlates in middle childhoodÕ, Journal of Personality 56, pp. 547–569. Bauer, J.J., D.P. McAdams, and J.L. Pals: 2006, ‘Narrative identity and eudaimonic well-being’, Journal of Happiness Studies (this issue), DOI 10.1007/s10902-006-9021-6. Diener, E.: 1984, ÔSubjective well-beingÕ, Psychological Bulletin 95, pp. 542– 575. Jung, C.G.: 1933, Modern Man in Search of a Soul (W.S. Dell and C.F. Baynes, translators) (Harcourt, Brace and World, New York). Kahneman D., Diener E. and Schwarz N. (eds) 1999, Well-Being: The Foundations of Hedonic Psychology (Russell Sage Foundation, NewYork). Kraut, R.: 1979, ÔTwo conceptions of happinessÕ, Philosophical Review 87, pp. 167–196. Loevinger, J.: 1976, Ego Development (Jossey-Bass, San Francisco). Maslow, A.H.: 1968, Toward a Psychology of Being (2nd ed. Van Nostrand, New York). Rogers, C.R.: 1962, ÔThe interpersonal relationship: The core of guidanceÕ, Harvard Educational Review 32, pp. 416–429. Ryan, R.M. and E.L. Deci: 2000, ÔSelf-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-beingÕ, American Psychologist 55, pp. 68–78. Ryan R.M. and E.L. Deci: 2001 ‘On happiness and human potentials: A review of research on hedonic and eudaimonic well-beingÕ, in S. Fiske (ed.), Annual Review of Psychology (Annual Reviews Inc., Palo Alto, CA) Vol. 52, pp. 141–166. Ryan, R.M., K.M. Sheldon, T. Kasser and E.L. Deci: 1996, All goals are not created equal: An organismic perspective on the nature of goals and their regulation, in P.M. Gollwitzer and J.A. Bargh (eds.), The Psychology of Action: Linking Cognition and Motivation to Behavior (Guilford, NewYork), pp. 7–26. Ryff, C.D: 1989, ÔHappiness is everything, or is it? Explorations on the meaning of psychological well-beingÕ, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 57, pp. 1069–1081. Tooby, J. and L. Cosmides: 1992, The psychological foundations of culture, in J.H. Barkow, L. Cosmides and Tooby (eds.), The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and the Generation of Culture (Oxford University Press, NewYork), pp. 19–136. Waterman, A.S: 1993, ÔTwo conceptions of happiness: Contrasts of personal expressiveness (eudaemonia) and hedonic enjoymentÕ, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 64, pp. 678–691. Waterman, A.S., S.J. Schwartz and R. Conti: 2006, ‘The implications of two conceptions of happiness (hedonic enjoyment and eudaimonia) for the HEDONIA, EUDAIMONIA AND WELL-BEING 11 understanding of intrinsic motivation’, Journal of Happiness Studies (this issue), DOI 10.1007/s10902-006-9020-7. Address for correspondence: EDWARD L. DECI University of Rochester Rochester, NY 14627 USA E-mail: deci@pysch.rochester.edu Analytical summary One article that discusses in length the concept of well-being is "Hedonia, Eudaimonia, And Well-Being: An Introduction" by Deci, Edward L. and Richard M. Ryan, which was first published in 2006 in the Journal of Happiness Studies (Deci and Ryan 1). This article helps to bring into perspective the required perspective of well-being using the eudaimonic tradition, which is more comprehensive and clear as compared to the hedonistic tradition, the well-known explanation and analysis of well-being. As such, it is good as it helps one to have a broader and better understanding of wellbeing. This research was carried out to help in explaining and analyzing well-being using the eudaimonic tradition, to give a broader and better understanding of wellbeing as compared to the most used hedonic tradition (Deci and Ryan 1). As such, it uncovers that explaining well-being using the eudaimonic tradition is much more comprehensive than explaining it using the hedonic tradition. The authors are studying the concept of well-being. They have narrowed down the topic by highlighting that they will be using the eudaimonic tradition which states that wellbeing is living life in a full and satisfying way. This explanation of wellbeing is different from the hedonistic tradition, which states that well-being is hapinness – presence of positive affect or the absence of negative affect (Deci and Ryan 1). The authors argues that this explanation of well-being is not comprehensive. The authors aim at persuading scholars that the eudaimonic tradition is a more comprehensive explanation of what well-being is, as compared to the hedonistic tradition. The thesis of the paper is that well-being is a process and not a state (Deci and Ryan 2). Although hedonistic tradition views well-being as a state of having positive affect and lacking negative affect, eudaimonic tradition views well-being as the process of living well and actualizing one’s potentials. The authors argue that well-being cannot be measured based on only negative and positive affect (Deci and Ryan 2). They view well-being as living the life one was intended to live, utilizing all potentials and opportunities. This research is important because it brings a broader and comprehensive understanding of well-being. As such, it helps one to understand well-being better. This research is also important because it is the first one to take the eudaimonic tradition in explaining well-being, which is opposed to the hedonistic tradition, which is the the predominant explanation of well-being. The author defines well-being as the optimal psychological experience and functioning(Deci and Ryan 1). Since well-being is subjective, it led to the coining of the term subjective well-being (SWB). The subjective inclination has then narrowed the focus on the level of positive affect and the levels of negative affect in an individual, which is not very comprehensive. The authors have narrowed their topic by introducing the definitions of well-being using the hedonistic and eudaimonic traditions, which help to narrow the topic and helps to highlight the major differences between the two traditions (Deci and Ryan 2). This helps the reader to understand the inclination of the research study and the probable conclusions. Subjective well-being (SWB) is one of the important noun phrases in the research (Deci and Ryan 1). This is because it helps one to understand the main difference between the hedonistic and eudaimonic traditions, thus helping one to have a deeper understanding of the concept of well-being. One key information that has been cited from another author is eudaimonia, which is cited from Waterman (1993) (Deci and Ryan 2). This information is very important in shaping the research because it gives a comprehensive explanation and definition of wellbeing, which is praised by the authors as the best explanation and understanding of wellbeing. From the research by Deci and Ryan well-being is important because it determines the extent one goes to ensure that they achieve their life potential and ensures that one lives satisfying lives (2). Tarroja and Fernando extend this by adding that lack of well-being can lead to behavioral problems like drug abuse, engaging in vices and other problems (204). As such, good well-being is key in living positive and satisfying lives, while at the same time achieving full potential. Deci and Ryan indicates that well-being is important because it is a core determinant of one’s ability and determination to achieve his or her goals and dreams (2). Well-being is important as it affects one’s psychological state, which then has an influence in one’s decision-making and level of engagement in activities. In this way, it directly influences one either positively or negatively (Deci and Ryan 2). As such, well-being is a core aspect in one’s life and affects one’s state of mind, happiness, satisfaction, determination and engagement.
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Analytical summary
One article that discusses in length the concept of well-being is "Hedonia,
Eudaimonia, And Well-Being: An Introduction" by Deci, Edward L. and Richard M. Ryan,
which was first published in 2006 in the Journal of Happiness Studies (Deci and Ryan
1). This article helps to bring into view the required perspective of well-being using the
eudaimonic tradition and the hedonistic tradition . It helps one to have a broader and
better understanding of well-being.
This research was carried out to help in explaining and analyzing well-being using the
eudaimonic tradition, to give a broader and better understanding of wellbeing as
compared to the most used hedonic tradition (Deci and Ryan 1). As such, it uncovers that
explaining well-being using the eudaimonic tradition is much more comprehensive than
explaining it using the hedonic tradition.
The authors are studying the concept of well-being. They have narrowed down the
topic by highlighting that they will be using the eudaimonic tradition which states that
wellbeing is living life in a full ...


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