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(1) Explain the core theory of Confucian morality

(2) Explain the role of ritual in East Asia

(3) Explain the role of food in East Asia

(4) Explain the ecological family

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    Taking into account the long history and wide range of Confucian studies, this book introduces Confucianism – initiated in China by Confucius (c. 552–c. 479 bc) – primarily as a philosophical and religious tradition. It pays attention to Confucianism in both the West and the East, focusing not only on the tradition’s doctrines, schools, rituals, sacred places and terminology, but also stressing the adaptations, transformations and new thinking taking place in modern times. While previous introductions have oCered a linear account of Confucian intellectual history, Xinzhong Yao presents Confucianism as a tradition with many dimensions and as an ancient tradition with contemporary appeal. This gives the reader a richer and clearer view of how Confucianism functioned in the past and of what it means in the present. There are important diCerences in the ways Confucianism has been presented in the hands of diCerent scholars. This problem is caused by, and also increases, the gap between western and eastern perceptions of Confucianism. Written by a Chinese scholar based in the West, this book uses both traditional and contemporary scholarship and draws together the many strands of Confucianism in a style accessible to students, teachers, and general readers interested in one of the world’s major religious traditions. xinzhong yao is Senior Lecturer in and Chair of the Department of Theology and Religious Studies at the University of Wales, Lampeter. He has doctorates from the People’s University of China, Beijing, and from the University of Wales, Lampeter. Dr Yao has published widely in the area of philosophy and religious studies and is the author of five monographs including Confucianism and Christianity (1996) and Daode Huodong Lun (On Moral Activities; 1990), four translations (from English to Chinese), and about fifty academic papers. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts. i ii An introduction to Confucianism XINZHONG YAO University of Wales, Lampeter iii    Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge  , United Kingdom Published in the United States by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521643122 © Cambridge University Press 2000 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published in print format 2000 ISBN-13 ISBN-10 978-0-511-06624-5 eBook (NetLibrary) 0-511-06624-4 eBook (NetLibrary) ISBN-13 978-0-521-64312-2 hardback ISBN-10 0-521-64312-0 hardback ISBN-13 978-0-521-64430-3 paperback ISBN-10 0-521-64430-5 paperback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of s for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Contents List of illustrations Preface Confucianism in history: chronological table 1 page viii xi xiv Introduction: Confucian studies East and West Stages of the Confucian evolution Methodological focuses Structure and contents Translation and transliteration 1 4 10 12 14 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics ‘Confucianism’ and ru Ru and the ru tradition Confucius Confucianism as a ‘family’ (jia) Confucianism as a cult (jiao) Confucianism as a form of learning (xue) Ethics, politics and religion in the Confucian tradition An ethical system? An oAcial orthodoxy? A religious tradition? Confucian classics Ancient records and the classics Confucius and the Confucian classics 16 16 17 21 26 28 29 30 32 34 38 47 49 52 v List of contents Confucian classics in history The Thirteen Classics The Five Classics The Four Books 2 54 56 57 63 68 68 71 76 81 Evolution and transformation – a historical perspective Confucianism and three options Mengzi and his development of idealistic Confucianism Xunzi: a Great Confucian synthesiser The victory of Confucianism and its syncretism Dong Zhongshu and the establishment of Han Confucianism Classical Learning: controversies and debates The Confucian dimension of ‘Mysterious Learning’ The emergence of Neo-Confucianism Five masters of early Neo-Confucianism Zhu Xi and his systematic Confucianism The Idealistic School: Lu Jiuyuan and Wang Shouren Korea: the second home for Confucianism Japanese Confucianism: transfiguration and application 83 86 89 96 98 105 109 115 125 3 The Way of Confucianism The Way of Heaven Heaven and the Confucian Ultimate Heaven and moral principles Heaven as Nature or Natural Law The Way of Humans Morality as transcendence Good and evil Sacred kingship and humane government The Way of Harmony Harmony: the concept and the theme Oneness of Heaven and Humans Humans and Nature Social conflicts and their solutions 139 141 142 147 149 153 155 160 165 169 170 174 175 178 4 Ritual and religious practice Confucianism: a tradition of ritual Ritual and sacrifice 190 191 191 vi List of contents 5 Sacrifice to Heaven Sacrifice to ancestors and filial piety The cult of Confucius Learning and spiritual cultivation Learning as a spiritual path Spiritual cultivation Confucianism and other religious traditions The unity of three doctrines Confucianism and Daoism Mutual transformation between Confucianism and Buddhism Confucianism and Christianity 196 199 204 209 209 216 223 224 229 Confucianism and its modern relevance Confucianism: survival and renovation Stepping into the modern age The rise of modern Confucianism Unfolding of the Confucian project The themes of modern Confucian studies Confucianism and the fate of China Confucianism and western culture Confucianism and modernisation Confucianism and its modern relevance The revival of Confucian values An ethic of responsibility A comprehensive understanding of education A humanistic meaning of life 245 246 247 251 255 261 263 266 270 273 274 279 280 284 Select bibliography Transliteration table Index 287 309 330 233 237 vii List of illustrations An inscribed portrait of Confucius travelling around to teach, supposedly painted by Wu Daozi, a famous painter in the Tang Dynasty (618–906) frontispiece (Located between pages 138 and 139) 1 The statue of Confucius at the main hall of the Temple of Confucius, Qufu, the home town of Confucius 2 The Apricot Platform where Confucius is said to have taught, in the Temple of Confucius, Qufu, Confucius’ home town 3 The Sacred Path leading to the tomb of Confucius, the number of trees at one side symbolising his seventy-two disciples and at the other his life of seventy-three years 4 The tablet of Confucius in front of his tomb 5 The tablet and tomb of Zisi (483?–402? bce), the grandson of Confucius 6 People meditating in front of the hut at the side of the tomb of Confucius where Zigong (502?–? bce), a disciple of Confucius, is said to have stayed for six years mourning the death of his master 7 The tablet and statue of a Former Worthy (xian xian), Master Yue Zheng (?–?) who is traditionally regarded as a transmitter of the Confucian doctrine of filial piety, in the Temple of Confucius at Qufu viii List of illustrations 8 The Temple of the Second Sage (Mengzi, 372?–289? bce), at Zou, Mengzi’s home town 9 Korean scholars paying homage to Confucius in the ceremonies of sacrifice to Confucius at Songgyun’gwan, the National Academy of Confucius (from: Spencer J. Palmer’s Confucian Rituals in Korea, Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press and Seoul: Po Chi Chai Ltd, 1984, plate 66) 10 Two semicircular pools in front of a hall in the Songyang Confucian Academy, near the famous Chan Buddhist monastery, Shaolin Si, Henan Province 11 The spiritual tablet and statue of Zhu Xi (1130–1200) in White Cloud Temple, a Daoist Temple, Beijing. The inscription on the tablet reads ‘The Spiritual Site of Master Zhu Xi’. His hand gesture is certainly a kind of variation of Buddhist ones 12 The stage of the Global Celebration of Confucius’ 2549th birthday held by the Confucian Academy Hong Kong, 17 October 1998 ix x Preface As a schoolboy I read an Indian story about four blind men and an elephant: each of these men gave a diCerent and highly amusing account of the elephant after touching only a specific part of the animal, and, of course, not one of them was able to describe the animal correctly. To my young mind, they couldn’t do so because they weren’t able to touch the whole of the elephant in one go. In other words, I believed that if any of them had had an opportunity to do this, then he would certainly have been able to generate a correct image of it. As I grew up, and had an opportunity to read more on philosophy and religion, I realised that it was perhaps not as simple as this. Could a blind man, who had never seen or heard about such an animal as an elephant, tell us what it is, even if we suppose that he could have physical contact with all the parts of the animal? Besides the limitation of sense experience, there are many other factors that would hinder us from acquiring full knowledge of such an object, and in addition to intellectual inability, there are many other elements that would distort our image. Having fully understood the problem arising from the intellectual process of knowing things, Zhuangzi, a Daoist philosopher of around the fourth century bce, argues that our vision has been blurred by our own perceptions when coming to grasp things, and that true knowledge is possible only if we take all things and ourselves to be a unity, in which no diCerentiation of ‘this’ and ‘that’ or of ‘I’ and ‘non-I’ is made. Shao Yong, a Confucian scholar of the eleventh century ce, approached this problem from a similar perspective. For him, error in human knowledge xi Preface is due to the fact that we observe things from our own experience. He therefore proposed that we must view things, not with our physical eyes, but with our mind, and not even with our mind, but with the principle inherent in things. When the boundary between subject and object disappears, we will be able to see things as they are. The majority of scholars who have been trained in the West, however, find it diAcult to accept the underlying philosophy of the Chinese methodology proposed above. A much appreciated intellectual tradition in the West maintains that an investigation must start from a separation of subject and object, and that experience along with a critical examination of experience is the only guarantee of the ‘objectivity’ of the investigation. According to this view, a diCerentiation of values from facts is therefore central to any presentation of a religious and philosophical system. Neither of these two seemingly diCerent and even contradictory methodologies alone can assure us of a true knowledge of religion and philosophy. More and more people are coming to appreciate that we would benefit from a combination of these two approaches in our investigation of religious and philosophical traditions. Although this is a topic far beyond the parameters of a short preface, suAce it to say, that the inquiry into religious phenomena should involve empathy to some degree, and that an inquirer should be able to enter into the doctrine and practice of a religion almost as an ‘insider’, as well as to step outside as a critical observer. Indeed this methodology underlies the structure and contents of my introduction to Confucianism, and readers may easily see that the nature and image of the Confucian tradition as revealed in this book have been the result of a ‘double’ investigation, with the author being both a ‘bearer’ of the values examined and a ‘critic’ of the doctrine presented. The formation of the book took place whilst lecturing on Confucianism in the University of Wales, Lampeter. I have run this course for a number of years, and the last time I did it was during the first term of the 1998/9 academic year, when I had just completed the first draft of this book. Conveniently, I took the manuscript as the textbook for the course, and I was pleased to know that it functioned well in this capacity both in and outside the class. Looking back at the writing process, I realise how much I have benefited from teaching and from the questions asked and suggestions made by the students. xii Preface I am grateful to Clare Hall, University of Cambridge for awarding me a Visiting Fellowship in 1998, which, supported also by the Pantyfedwen Fund and the Spalding Trust, made a significant contribution to the completion of the first draft of the book. Intellectually, I benefited from conversations and discussions with colleagues both at Lampeter and at Clare Hall, whose knowledge and insight added much value to the formation and reshaping of my original presentation. A number of colleagues, friends and students read various parts of the book. I would especially like to thank Oliver Davies, Gavin Flood and Todd Thucker, for their comments and advice, which have enabled me to avoid errors and oversights and to correct infelicities of English style throughout the book. Any that remain are, of course, my own responsibility. Various sections of this book originally appeared as papers in academic journals or as part of research projects. Among them, ‘Peace and Reconciliation in the Confucian Tradition’ (Reconciliation Project, Gresham College) becomes the basis of the third section in chapter 3, and ‘Confucianism and its Modern Values’ (Journal of Beliefs and Values, no. 1, 1999) has been incorporated into the third section of chapter 5. I wish to thank the editors for allowing me to reuse the materials in this book. I would also like to thank the editors of Cambridge University Press, especially Mr Kevin Taylor, for their eCorts in nurturing the project and bringing this book to the readers. xiii Confucianism in history: chronological table In the world xiv Chinese history Confucianism Legendary ages Sage–kings: Yao, Shun, Yu the Great Xia Dynasty (2205?–1600? bce) Jie, the last king, a condemned tyrant Shang or Yin Dynasty (1600?–1100? bce) Tang, the founding father Zhou, the last king, a condemned tyrant Zhou Dynasty (1100?–249 bce) Western Zhou (1100?–771 bce) Eastern Zhou (770–256 bce) Spring and Autumn period (770–476 bce) Warring States period (475–221 bce) King Wen, King Wu, Duke of Zhou, the three Zhou sages; Confucius (551–479 bce) The Confucian classics School of Zisi (483?–402 bce) The Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean Mengzi (372–289 bce) Xunzi (313?–238? bce) Confucianism in history: chronological table In the world Chinese history Confucianism Qin Dynasty (221–206 bce) First emperor (r. 221–210 bce) Burning of books and the killing of Confucian scholars Han Dynasty (206 bce–220 ce) Former Han (206 bce–8 ce) Liu Bang (r. 206–195) Emperor Wu (r. 140–87) Xin Dynasty (9–23) Later Han (25–220) Confucianism became the state orthodoxy Classics annotated Grand Academy established Old Text School Dong Zhongshu (179?–104 bce) New Text School Yang Xiong (53 bce–18ce) Liu Xin (?–23 ce) Huan Tan (23 bce–50 ce) Wang Chong (27–100?) Ma Rong (79–166) Zheng Xuan (127–200) Chenwei Literature Wei–Jin Dynasties (220–420) Wei (220–265) Western Jin (265–316) Eastern Jin (317–420) Mysterious Learning Wang Bi (226–249) He Yan (d. 249) Xiang Xiu (223–300) ‘Pure Conversation’ Ruan Ji (210–263) Ji Kang (223–262) Daoist Religion incorporated Confucian ethics Southern and Northern Dynasties (386–581) Buddhism flourished and debates between Confucianism and Buddhism intensified Confucianism was introduced to Vietnam, Korea and Japan Indian Buddhism was introduced to China and interacted with Confucianism National Academy in Korea established (372) The Analects were brought to Japan in 405(?) by a Korean scholar Wang In. xv Confucianism in history: chronological table In the world Chinese history Confucianism Nestorians came to Sui-Tang Dynasties China (635) (581–907) Korean Silla Kingdom Sui (581–618) (365–935) established Tang (618–906) Confucian Studies First Japanese Constitution (604) incorporated Confucian ideas Confucianism gradually regained its prestige; civil service examination system established Han Yu (768–824) Li Ao (772–841) Liu Zongyuan (733–819) Korean Koryo Dynasty Song Dynasties (918–1392): civil service (960–1279) examination system; Northern Song national university (960–1126) Southern Song (127–1279) Renaissance of Neo-Confucianism Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073) Zhang Zai (1020–1077) Rationalistic School Zhu Xi (1130–1200) Idealistic School Lu Jiuyuan (1139–1193) Practical School Chen Liang (1143–1194) Yuan Dynasty (1260–1368) xvi Harmonising Rationalism and Idealism Wu Cheng (1249–1333) Zhu Xi’s annotated Four Books as standard version for civil service examinations (1313) Confucianism in history: chronological table In the world Chinese history Confucianism Korean Yi Dynasty (1392–1910): Neo-Confucianism Yi Hwang (1501–1570) Yi I (1536–1584) Japanese bakufu system Fujiwara Seika (1561–1619) Hayashi Razan (1583–1657) Japanese Shushigaku Yamazaki Ansai (1618–1682) Kaibara Ekken (1630–1714) Japanese Yômeigaku Nakae Tôju (1608–1648) Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) Chen Xianzhang (1428–1500) Wang Yangming (1472–1529) Schools of Wang Yangming Li Zhi (1527–1602) Donglin School Gao Panlong (1562–1626) Liu Zongzhou (1578–1654) Korean Practical Learning Korean Eastern Learning Japanese Kogaku Itô Jinsai (1627–1705) Ogyû Sorai (1666–1728) James Legge (1815– 1897) translated the Confucian classics into English Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) Learning of the Han School of Evidential Research Gu Yanwu (1613–1682) Wang Fuzhi (1619–1692) Huang Zongxi (1610–1695) Dai Zhen (1724–1777) New Learning Kang Youwei (1858–1927) xvii Confucianism in history: chronological table In the world Chinese history Confucianism Wing-tsit Chan (1901–1994) W. T. de Bary Okada Takehiko Cheng Chung-yin Tu Wei-ming Republic of China (1911– ) People’s Republic of China (1949– ) Modern New Confucianism Xiong Shili (1885–1968) Fung Yu-lan (1895–1990) Tang Junyi (1909–1978) Mou Zongsan (1909–1995) xviii Introduction: Confucian studies East and West Introduction Confucian studies East and West If we were to characterize in one word the Chinese way of life for the last two thousand years, the word could be ‘Confucian’. No other individual in Chinese history has so deeply influenced the life and thought of his people, as a transmitter, teacher and creative interpreter of the ancient culture and literature and as a moulder of the Chinese mind and character. (de Bary, et al., 1960, vol. 1: 15) At the end of the sixteenth century, an Italian Jesuit Matteo Ricci (1552– 1610) arrived in China. Ricci soon realised that the first task for him should not be to win over a great number of people to conversion and baptism, but instead to try to secure a stable and respectable position for himself within Chinese society. So Ricci and his fellow missionaries strenuously attempted to integrate themselves into the community. The Jesuits saw a similarity between Christianity and Buddhism – both were religions from the West – and therefore they presented themselves as ‘Monks from the West’, shaving their heads and changing their clothes to Buddhist robes in order to win the support from the Chinese, just as they thought the Buddhists had done a thousand years before. However, it was not too long before the missionaries realised that the Buddhists were not so highly regarded as they had at first imagined. They discovered that in fact it was Confucian scholars who were the true social elite of Chinese society. Accordingly the Jesuits changed their habits once more, wearing Confucian clothes and growing their hair long. In this way they created a new image of ‘Scholars of the West’. Ricci continued with his Chinese studies, paying great attention to Confucian texts, and began to be regarded as a highly respected western scholar (xi shi). Rule says: The decisive change from the dress and role of Buddhist monks to those of Confucian literati was accomplished in May 1595 when Ricci left Shao-chou for Nanking, but it had been in preparation for a considerable time . . . Matteo Ricci first discovered and then 1 An introduction to Confucianism adapted himself to Confucianism in the course of his thirty-odd years in China. (Rule, 1986: 15, 26) Ricci became friends with a number of Chinese scholars and oAcials who introduced him to the court. He and his fellow missionaries sent back hundreds of letters, travel reports, treatises and translations to Europe which made a major contribution to the introduction of Confucius and Confucianism to the West. Although there had been some knowledge of China and the Chinese, until Ricci and other Christian missionaries began their work, Confucianism had hardly been studied in Europe. The serious way in which the missionaries treated Confucian doctrines suggested that as Christianity was to the Europeans, so Confucianism was to the Chinese. Ricci and his fellow missionaries clearly studied Confucian classics as part of their missionary strategy and their presentation of the Confucian tradition may indeed be taken as a ‘Jesuit creation’ (Rule, 1986). However, by introducing Confucianism to Europe, Ricci became one of the pioneers of Confucian Studies in the West. The Jesuit version of Confucianism played a key role in generating Sinophilism among the learned community in Europe and some Enlightenment thinkers and philosophers, such as Voltaire and François Quesnay in France, Leibniz and Christian WolC in Germany, and Matthew Tindal in England thereby became fascinated by Confucian ethical and social doctrines. For some of them, the Confucian political blueprint that the state was ruled ‘in accordance with moral and political maxims enshrined in the Confucian classics’ appeared to provide an ideal prototype for a modern state (Dawson, 1964: 9). Since then, Christian missionaries and those influenced by Christian images of the eastern tradition have continuously played an important role in the introduction of Confucianism to the West and in promoting the interpretation of Confucian doctrine within a Christian or European framework. ‘In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, according to Karl Jaspers, ‘it was not rare for Protestant missionaries in China to be so overwhelmed by the profundity of Chinese thought that they would reverse their role and return to the West, so to speak, as “Chinese missionaries” ’ (Jaspers, 1962: 143–4). The twentieth century has seen a rise in the number of sinologists, philosophers, anthropologists and historians taking part in Confucian Studies. As a result, Confucian Studies has gradually become a discrete discipline and is now an established subject 2 Introduction: Confucian studies East and West not only within the subject of Asian Studies but also in the areas of philosophy and religious studies. Modern scholars from West and East introduce and examine the Confucian tradition from the standpoints both of insiders and of outsiders. More recent examples of preeminent scholars in the West who take their points of view roughly from within Confucianism but also critically examine the tradition include, to name but a few, Wing-tsit Chan (1901–94), Wm. T. de Bary, Tu Wei-ming, Cheng Chung-ying, Roger T. Ames and Rodney L. Taylor. These scholars have not only introduced Confucian Studies to western students and readers, but have also developed and enriched the Confucian tradition itself. In their hands, Confucianism is not merely treated as an old political ideology or a socioeconomic system, but primarily as a religious or philosophic tradition, open both to the modern world and to the future. These scholars have striven to establish a strong link between the past and the present, a healthy interaction between the Chinese tradition and other great traditions in the world. Their influence on western students of China and Confucianism is enormous, and some of them have created a new image of Confucian masters. This can be seen from Sommer’s testimony in relation to Wing-tsit Chan, a prominent translator and researcher of Confucian Learning, that ‘some of us students secretly suspected that, in some mysterious way, Professor Chan was Chu Hsi [a great NeoConfucian master]’ (Sommer, 1995: ix). Two main problems engage Confucian Studies in the West. The first problem is that after about 400 years of study and research, Confucianism in the West is still a subject which only involves a small group of scholars. This situation is due in part to highly scholarly Confucian works being less accessible to students pursuing general philosophical and religious studies. This problem is one of the major factors in the slow development and expansion of Confucian Studies in the West. The second problem arises from methodology and the ways in which Confucianism is introduced and studied. Confucianism has been presented variously in the hands of diCerent scholars, which causes further confusion among readers. These two problems are both caused by, and also increase, the gap between Confucianism as it is perceived in the West and the Confucianism understood in the East. More and more scholars have realised the extent of these problems and have sought to solve them in one way or another. For example, in a book entitled Thinking Through 3 An introduction to Confucianism Confucius, David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames attempt to return to the presuppositions that sustain the Confucian tradition through reinterpreting Confucius. They comment that The primary defect of the majority of Confucius’ interpreters – those writing from within the Anglo-European tradition as well as those on the Chinese side who appeal to Western philosophic categories – has been the failure to search out and articulate those distinctive presuppositions which have dominated the Chinese tradition. (Hall & Ames, 1987: 1) Much of East Asia was once under the influence of Confucianism, but this has waned, and Confucianism has clearly lost its dominant position there. Even so, despite all criticism, Confucianism still has an important role to play in East Asian philosophy, religion, politics, ethics and culture. Consequently, one of the major tasks facing all scholars of Confucian studies is how to communicate between traditional values and modern applications, between eastern and western Confucian scholarship. Stages of the Confucian evolution Confucianism is primarily a Chinese, or more precisely, East Asian, tradition. To understand Confucianism as a way of life or as a traditional system of values, we have to go to its homeland and find out how it came into being and how it was transformed. A popular method that is used in presenting the Chinese Confucian tradition is to divide its history into as many periods as there are Chinese dynasties. In this way Confucianism becomes part of a much more complicated history and the Confucian progress is mixed up with the general changes in political, social, economic, religious and cultural life. On many occasions Confucianism gained strength and positive influence from these changes, yet on other occasions it suCered from the breakdown of the social fabric and responded by becoming either more flexible or more dogmatic. Throughout the history of the Chinese dynasties, Confucianism changed and adapted itself to new political and social demands, and these changes and adaptations are as important as the teachings of the early Confucian masters. It can be said in general that the advance of Confucian Learning was directly related to the replacement of one dynasty with another. The link between Confucianism and dynastic government was formally forged during the Former Han Dynasty (206 bce–8 ce) when it was promoted as 4 Introduction: Confucian studies East and West the state ideology. Since then, right up until the beginning of the twentieth century, Confucian scholar–oAcials were influential in laying down the basis for government, and the amount of influence exerted by Confucian scholars more or less depended on the patronage of those people who were in a position to implement the teachings. None the less it does not follow that Confucianism was always a shadow of political change. Much of the development of Confucian Learning was largely independent of imperial patronage and many of its schools remained outside the political milieu and presented a direct challenge to the establishment. Confucianism was not merely a passive tool of government. Rather, it functioned, to a considerable extent, as a watchdog for ruling activities, endeavouring to apply its principles to shaping and reshaping the political structure. There were doctrinal elements that sustained the development of Confucian schools and there were also spiritual reasons for Confucian masters to direct their learning away from the current actions and politics of those in power. In this sense de Bary is right when he points out that It is probably to the Confucian ethos and Confucian scholarship that the Chinese dynastic state owed much of its stability and bureaucratic continuity . . . Yet the reverse was not equally true; Confucianism was less dependent on the state for survival than the state on it. Even though aCected by the rise and fall of dynasties, Confucianism found ways to survive. (de Bary, 1988: 110) If Confucianism is not simply a shadow of dynastic change, then how should we present a historical perspective of it? When discussing the history of Chinese philosophy as a whole, Fung Yu-lan (1895–1990), one of the great Modern New Confucians, divided this history into two ages, the creative and the interpretative. He calls the creative age, from Confucius to the Prince of Huainan (d. 122 bce), the Period of the Philosophers (zi xue); and names the interpretative age, from Dong Zhongshu (179–104 bce) to Kang Youwei (1858–1927 ce), the Period of Classical Learning (jing xue) (Fung, 1953: 2). This two-part division reveals some essential characteristics of the development of the Confucian tradition. The creative period represents the initial formulation of the early teachings into a cohesive tradition while the interpretative period illustrates the expansion of the tradition in line with social and political developments that necessarily take place over the centuries. However, if we simply apply this two-fold pattern to the history of Confucianism, then 5 An introduction to Confucianism our perspective would be seriously limited. By merely singling out the methodological features of Confucian Learning, this division underemphasises the distinctive contributions made by distinguished masters and overlooks the multidimensionality of various Confucian schools. More importantly, this approach does not take suAcient account of the interplay between Confucianism and the many other traditions that also existed through its long history and development. Focusing on the development of modern Confucianism, Mou Zongsan (1908 –95), another modern New Confucian master, formulated a diCerent pattern for the history of Confucianism, dividing it into three periods or ‘epochs’ (Fang & Li, 1996: 486–95). His disciples, among whom Tu Wei-ming presents a most persuasive argument, have developed this theory further. According to this three-period theory, Confucianism thus far has gone through three epochs. The first epoch from Confucius (551–479 bce), Mengzi (371–289 bce) and Xunzi (310?–211? bce) to Dong Zhongshu represents the origin of Confucianism and the acceptance of the tradition as the mainstream ideology, which corresponds to the period from the Spring and Autumn period (770–476 bce) to the end of the Later Han Dynasty (25–220 ce). The second epoch starts from the renaissance of Neo-Confucianism and its spread to other parts of East Asia and ends with the abolition of the dominance of Confucianism in China and East Asia, corresponding to the era from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the beginning of the twentieth century. The third epoch takes place in the twentieth century, beginning with the critical reflection on the tradition initiated in the May Fourth Movement (1919) and which is still an ongoing process. A significant feature of the third epoch is that modern Confucian scholars propagate and reinterpret Confucian doctrines in the light of Western traditions, in which Confucianism is being brought into the world and the world into Confucianism (Tu, 1993: 141–60; 1996a: 418). The primary question behind the three-epoch theory is whether or not Confucianism is able to develop so that it can become part of a global spirituality and culture. In search for answers to this question the emphasis must be on the Confucian expansion of its geographical area in relation to its self-transformation in response to external challenges. The three-epoch theory implies that the further development of Confucianism depends upon whether or not it can respond appropriately and successfully to industrialisation, modernisation, democracy and the ‘global village’. Commendable as the three-epoch theory is, it is nevertheless inadequate for us to use this theory to present 6 6 Introduction: Confucian studies East and West the historical perspective of the Confucian tradition. As a highly abstract formula, the theory inevitably pays less attention to many significant parts or periods of Confucian evolution which have made important contributions to sustaining and innovating Confucian Learning. Therefore, if we use it as a paradigm for the history of Confucianism, it would be too general to reveal what characterises the Confucian tradition as a constantly growing and changing tradition. If using it to highlight Confucian history, we would overlook the fact that Confucianism draws its energy and vitality both from within and from the interaction between itself and many other traditions, and between the past and the present. This introduction is not intended as a thorough study of Confucian history. We nevertheless need to present a brief account of how Confucianism evolved and how it was transformed. In our historical perspective, Confucianism has gone through five stages, or in other words, it has presented itself in five dimensions. In each of these stages or dimensions, Confucian doctrines gained new characteristics, the contents of Confucian practices were enriched and the range of Confucian teaching was widened. Confucianism in formation In this first stage, Confucianism acquires a ‘classical’ form. The classic presentation of Confucianism (ruxue or rujia) took shape during the so-called Spring and Autumn period (770–476 bce). Confucius and his faithful followers made the first eCorts to formulate a new philosophy based on the old tradition and propagated it as the path to peace and harmony. Much modification of, elaboration and clarification on classical Confucianism were added by brilliant scholars in the Warring States period (475–221 bce), among whom Mengzi and Xunzi became preeminent in the later Confucian tradition, and due to their eCorts Confucianism became one of the major schools with many diCerent presentations. Confucianism in adaptation In the second stage, Confucianism is reformed and renewed in the interaction between Confucian schools and the schools of Legalism, Yin–Yang and the Five Elements, Moism and Daoism. Following the replacement of the Qin Dynasty (221–206 bce) by the Han Dynasty, Confucianism recovered gradually from the setback under the Qin persecution and the Legalist discrimination. Having clearly realised that they were in an 7 7 An introduction to Confucianism eclectic culture, Han Confucians started a long process of adapting their doctrines to the need of the empire. During the process of adaptation, classical Confucianism was transformed, elaborated and extended. A theological and metaphysical doctrine of interaction between Heaven and humans was established and consequently became the cornerstone of the revived Confucianism. There were two prominent schools of the time: the New Text and the Old Text Schools. Debates between them resulted in new interpretations of Confucius and the Confucian classics. This led to what is known as ‘Classical Learning’, or more accurately, ‘scholastic studies of the classics’ ( jing xue). Attention focused on close interpretation of words and sentences in the classics and by the end of the Later Han Dynasty the extensive exegesis had nearly exhausted all the life energy of Confucian scholars. To counter this stagnation, scholars of the Wei–Jin Dynasties (220– 420) adopted one of two courses. Some introduced Daoist philosophy into Confucianism while others adapted Confucian world-views to Daoist principles. In each way Daoism and Confucianism came together in what is known as Dark Learning or Mysterious Learning (xuan xue). This was to have a lasting influence upon the later development of Chinese thought. Confucianism in transformation In this stage, Confucianism responds to the challenges from Buddhism and Daoism by ‘creating’ a new form of Confucian Learning. Confucianism of the Song–Ming Dynasties (960–1279, 1368–1644) regained its authority over all aspects of social and religious life. Inspired by Buddhist philosophy and Daoist spirituality, Confucian scholars reformulated the Confucian view of the universe, society and the self on the one hand, and endeavoured to strip Confucian Learning of the elements they considered to be Buddhist–Daoist superstitions on the other. The result of their eCorts was a comprehensive system of new Confucian Learning called Dao Xue (the Learning of the Way) or Li Xue (the Learning of the Principle/Reason), which as such is normally translated in the West as Neo-Confucianism. Confucianism in variation The fourth period sees Chinese Confucianism being introduced to other East Asian countries, and combined with local culture and tradition to acquire new forms of presentation. China is the homeland of 8 Introduction: Confucian studies East and West Confucianism, but Confucianism is not confined to China. The history of Confucianism can be characterised as a process of radiation. From its origins in the north, it spread to the whole of China and then to other countries of East Asia. More recently it has spread to North America, Europe and the rest of the world. According to historical records, Confucian doctrines and institutions were introduced to Vietnam, Korea and Japan as early as the Former Han Dynasty. In the beginning, scholars in these countries simply replicated the Chinese system but gradually, eminent native scholars emerged who, taking the Chinese masters as their guides, reinterpreted the Confucian classics and commentaries in the light of their own understanding, experience and insight. In this way, they successfully recreated a new scholarship by introducing new forms and contents into Confucian Learning to satisfy the social and political needs of their own countries. Thus, Chinese Confucianism acquired additional manifestations, where the common sources of Confucian Learning and practices were transformed into diCerent and yet related streams flowing into the twentieth century. Confucianism in renovation Confucianism is further transformed during this last period and develops in the light of other world philosophies, especially European philosophical tradition and Christian spirituality in the modern age. Prominent scholars of the twentieth century such as Xiong Shili (1885–1968), Liang Suming (1893–1988), Fung Yu-lan (1895–1990), Qian Mu (1895–1990), Tang Junyi (1909–78) and Mou Zongsan (1909–95), devoted the whole of their lives to the revival of Confucian values and the transformation of Confucian doctrines. Their contributions have rejuvenated Confucianism and constitute a significant part of ‘modern new Confucianism’ (xiandai xin ruxue). While intending to give a brief but clear account of Confucian history, we recognise that it is not possible in this work to take full account of all the Confucian schools and sub-schools. Therefore we will have to single out the most influential masters and examine their contributions to the development of the Confucian tradition. In so doing, we will especially emphasise the epoch-making innovations and transformations achieved and highlight the crucial stages in its development, while leaving many great Confucians and their teachings unexamined, or less closely examined than they might otherwise deserve. 9 An introduction to Confucianism Methodological focuses Taking into account the long history and wide range of Confucian studies engaged in the East and the West, and the great contributions made by modern scholars during the last few decades, I will present Confucianism primarily as a philosophical and religious tradition, with a special focus on its intellectual creativity and its modern relevance. I intend summarily to highlight, and critically examine, what has been achieved both in the West and in the East. I will also pay special attention to what has been understood as ‘Confucianism’ with regard to its doctrines, schools, rituals, sacred places and terminology presented in history, while at the same time stressing the significance of the adaptations, transformations and ‘new thinking’ taking place in modern times. One way to write an introductory book about Confucianism is to follow its historical development, beginning with the pre-Confucius age down to modern times. This is the basic structure of a few books of this kind, and James Legge (1815–97), Herrlee Creel, and more recently John Berthrong have done it in this way. While giving the reader a linear account of Confucian intellectualism, these scholars are less successful in their presentation of Confucianism as a philosophical and religious spirit penetrating all strata of society. In contrast to them, I will introduce Confucianism as a single tradition with many facets and as an ancient tradition with contemporary appeal. I hope to give the reader a multidimensional view of the Confucian tradition by investigating how Confucianism functioned in the past and how it is applied in the present. To examine the Confucian tradition, we need to explore its original sources, not solely relying on second-hand materials available in the West. By original sources we mean two kinds of texts. Firstly, original texts in Chinese either in the form of ancient classics, annotations and commentaries or in modern deliberation and presentation. Secondly, interpretative books and articles in other languages, both highly specialist materials including translations and annotations, and theme studies and original research. These two kinds of material are equally important and cross-references between them will be made throughout the chapters. A select bibliography containing both categories is appended for further reference. Whether or not Confucianism is religious is a question of debate, and this will be closely examined in chapter 1. Here, suAce it to say that 10 Introduction: Confucian studies East and West Confucianism is a tradition open to religious values. There are two approaches to religious traditions in China adopted by prominent sinologists; in one, a religion is studied as it was presented in the sacred writings, while in the other, it is studied as it is applied in the way of life. At an earlier stage these two methodologies were represented respectively by James Legge and J. J. M. de Groot. W. E. Soothill points out the deficiency of each of them and believes that any religious tradition must be studied in both dimensions. This comment is of insight, and will be useful for our present study of Confucianism: A study of a religion which limits itself to the teachings of the early founders, and which ignores the present condition of its development, will give a very imperfect presentation of the religion as a whole. On the other hand, a study which is limited to its expression in practice, without doing justice to the ideals of the founders, equally fails to do justice to the religion as a whole, for the religious ideals of a people, while they may be written on the tablets of their hearts and conscience, often find very imperfect expression in their lives. (Soothill, 1973: 21) The Confucian tradition is both a tradition of literature and a way of life. These two dimensions are related to and supplement each other. To introduce Confucianism as a living tradition flowing from the past to the present, we must look into how these two dimensions function together, i.e., how the Confucian doctrine underlies the life of the people and how the practice, political or religious, reflects as well as refreshes Confucian Learning. To examine in detail the complicated relation between the Confucian Way and Chinese practices is beyond the reach of this introductory book. How Confucian doctrine was used in East Asian politics, religions, literature, arts and daily life are topics for diCerent kinds of thematic research. Nevertheless we insist that relevant to our study are not only the Confucian doctrines of Heaven, humanity and harmony, but also how these doctrines are put into practice; not only the philosophic discussion of human nature, but also devoted self-transformation in relation to one’s spiritual and cultural destiny. Similar to studies of any other philosophical and religious tradition where numerous and various interpretations create both depth and confusion, a study of Confucianism is also an area full of diCerences. As an introduction, this book has to be content with what has been generally recognised in Confucian studies. While taking into account newly found 11 An introduction to Confucianism evidence, it does not argue for a specific theory, and while discussing the most important issues concerning Confucian studies, it does not fully engage in all the current debates. What is intended throughout the book is to present a phenomenological investigation of what Confucianism was and is, and to generate a seamless interpretation and presentation of its religious and philosophical doctrines. Having done this, I will supplement a number of questions to each chapter for further discussion, to stimulate students and readers in general to think about the questions to which there are no straightforward answers. Structure and contents This book comprises five chapters apart from this introduction. Chapter 1 is a thematic presentation of what Confucianism is and what characteristics it has. The focus of this chapter is on Confucius and his contribution to the Confucian tradition, but attention is also given to the origin and nature of what is called ‘Confucianism’ in the West. Chapter 2 presents a historical view of how Confucianism evolved, focusing on major Confucian schools and their leaders, from the early records to the time when Confucianism was stepping into the modern age. It investigates the common heritage of various schools and also highlights the distinctiveness of each of them, treating them as necessary links in the whole process of Confucian transformation and evolution. In terms of geographical location, it concentrates on the unique contributions made by Confucian masters and scholars in China, Korea and Japan, while leaving Confucianism in other areas such as Vietnam and Southeast Asia to future studies. Chapter 3 discusses the key elements of Confucian doctrine, and presents them in the form of the Three Ways: the Way of Heaven, the Way of Humans and the Way of Harmony. The Way of Heaven is central to the Confucian view of the transcendental, the metaphysical, the natural, the ethical, the political and the religious. The Way of Humans deals with the human correspondence with, and implementation of, the Way of Heaven, as manifested in human nature, moral virtues, social integration, political order, and personal destiny. Central to Confucian belief is that the Way of Heaven cannot be fulfilled, unless it has been understood and consciously carried out by humans in our life. The Way of Harmony is concerned with how harmony can be achieved between humans and Heaven, between conscious activities and the environment, 12 Introduction: Confucian studies East and West between individuals, between family members, as well as in society and the world. It is argued that harmony is not only a central concept, but also the spirit manifesting the life and power of Confucianism; it is both the Confucian reality and the ideal that Confucian believers endeavour to realise. Confucian harmony is primarily about the unity between Heaven and humanity. According to Confucian understanding, this unity indicates a harmonious state of the world in which humans live and behave, which provides humanity with enjoyment, peace and order. It also indicates a continuous relationship between the spiritual and the human, the mind and the body, form and matter, and the traditional and the present, which gives individuals the sense of continuity, eternity and security. It indicates once more the mutual transformation of the eternal and the temporal, the infinite and the finite, and the sacred and the secular, which can be observed in the proper performance of ritual, and must be carried out in human engagement in conscientious and industrious activity. Chapter 4 concentrates on religious ritual and practices fostered and upheld in the Confucian tradition. It demonstrates how Confucian values have penetrated the lives of the Chinese, Koreans and Japanese, and that people in these countries inevitably come under the influence of Confucianism, and that their thinking is underpinned or shaped by Confucian values, whether or not they have studied the Confucian classics. It starts with an investigation of how Confucian doctrines are used to transform religious rituals and practices and how these rituals and practices reflect the rational and humanistic ideals propagated by Confucian masters. Confucian practices exist not only in the form of religious worship and cults, but also in the unique way that Confucianism takes learning and self-improvement as a spiritual path. Confucian spirituality is influenced by the interaction between Confucianism and other religious traditions, notably Daoism, Buddhism and Christianity. It is in this interaction that Confucianism has transformed itself and has caused transformations in other traditions as well. The modern development of Confucianism and the problems facing modern Confucian scholars are dealt with in chapter 5, in which the so-called ‘three generations of modern new Confucians’ are examined, and fresh challenges to Confucian theories and practices and Confucian responses to these challenges are investigated. Confucianism has survived the impact of western culture and Communist revolution and is being 13 An introduction to Confucianism revived as a motivating force for modernisation. We are repeatedly reminded that behind economic, political and social life in East Asia are the values fostered in the Confucian tradition. Some scholars even claim that ‘the new patterns of behaviour in these rapidly modernizing societies are undergoing modification that can only be understood with reference to the ancient Confucian heritage’ (Küng & Ching, 1989: 95). In view of the influence and the revitalised image of Confucianism in the last few decades, some scholars argue that Confucianism is moving towards a ‘new age’. It is also suggested that the new creativity of Confucianism is not simply confined to East Asia; it has oCered a positive response to universal and perennial human problems and concerns. In critically examining these suggestions and taking into account the eCorts to accentuate Confucianism made by modern scholars in the West and the East, the book reaches a conclusion that Confucianism is by no means only a tradition of the past, and that a revived Confucianism is able to oCer positive values conducive to a healthy life in the modern age. Translation and transliteration Most of the original texts quoted in this book have been translated into English. As a matter of fact, there are perhaps few books from other non-western traditions that have been rendered into western languages as often as the key Confucian classics have been. This leads to one of the problems with which most students of Confucianism are often faced, namely, the diCerences between various renderings of the same book. Similar to the rendering of the scriptures of other religious/philosophic traditions, translation of the Confucian classics often reflects a personal involvement in re-experiencing the philosophy behind the texts. DiCerent translators have diCerent understandings of the philosophy, and their renderings inevitably diCer. In order to present the Confucian tradition in the best way, we cannot possibly adopt single translations exclusively. As far as the key sources are concerned, especially in the case of Lunyu or the Analects of Confucius and Mengzi or the Book of Mengzi, I will make selective use of the translations rendered respectively by James Legge, Arthur Waley, D. C. Lau and Wing-tsit Chan. When necessary, I will select the translations I judge most accurate. As these texts are numbered in the order of chapters and paragraphs, it is reasonably easy for the reader to match our quotations with any of the available translations. On some occasions when no translation is satisfactory, I will 14 Introduction: Confucian studies East and West rerender what is quoted, while on other occasions when there is no translation available for a Confucian text, I will be responsible for rendering the quoted passages directly from the original source. The references to the original sources and to their English translators are given in the first and second parts of the select bibliography. The second problem facing a student is how to understand Chinese terms and characters through translations. Some of the Confucian terms and phrases are so complicated in meaning and application that it would be impossible to find English equivalents for them, while others have so wide a range of references that none of the English terms or phrases is suAcient to denote its meanings. In this case, I will give a number of English words that are close to the original meanings of a Chinese character, while if possible choosing one of them in the following pages. The third problem most students find diAcult to handle, is the romanisation of Chinese words or characters. There are two major systems currently in use for transliterating Chinese characters into English. The first is the Wade–Giles or modified Wade–Giles system, which used to be the dominant system for romanising Chinese characters among western sinologists and the scholars from Taiwan and Hong Kong. The second is the pinyin system prevailing in Mainland China, Singapore and Malaysia, which although a newcomer, has recently been adopted by many western sinologists and Chinese specialists, partly due to the fact that more and more materials are being published in Mainland China. Although there are good arguments for either system, this book will primarily use the pinyin system, only retaining the Wade–Giles transcription for some well-known names, for example, Fung Yu-lan or Tu Wei-ming, which are so familiar in the West that it would cause misunderstanding or unnecessary diAculty if I were to retransliterate them into pinyin spellings. I have not changed the Wade–Giles spellings or other systems of transliteration used in book titles or in quoted passages. To make it convenient for readers, I have provided a glossary of Chinese, Japanese and Korean characters, with their pinyin, Wade–Giles or other transliterations used in this book. 15 An introduction to Confucianism 1 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics About 2,500 years ago, a man was born to a once aristocratic family in a small state called Lu in East China. During his lifetime, the man endeavoured to work ‘towards a goal the realisation of which he knows to be hopeless’ (Lunyu, 14: 38), carrying forward the old tradition in a chaotic environment and opening up a new horizon in a dark age. By the time he died at the age of seventy-three, his teachings had spread throughout the state and beyond. His disciples and students compared him to the sun and moon, while his rivals considered him a man ‘who does not work with his arms and legs and who does not know how to distinguish between diCerent kinds of grain’ (Lunyu, 18: 7). But there was one thing that neither side knew: that Chinese culture, and to some extent, East Asian culture, would be forever linked with his name, and that the tradition he loved and transmitted would rank with the greatest in the world. This tradition is known in the West as ‘Confucianism’. ‘Confucianism’ and ru The origin of the English word ‘Confucianism’ may be traced back to the Jesuits of the sixteenth century: Until Nicholas Trigault published his version of Ricci’s journals in 1615, there was hardly any knowledge of, not to say debate about, Confucianism . . . The Jesuits were virtually the first Europeans to discover Confucius and Confucianism, ‘the sect of the literati’ as they not inaccurately called it . . . The Jesuits, representatives of European values and intellectual methods, attempted . . . to understand Chinese 16 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics intellectual life in terms of systems, and transmuted the tradition of the Ju or Chinese ‘scholars’ into an ‘-ism’, Confucianism. (Rule, 1986: 2, 195) Since then ‘Confucianism’ or its equivalents in other European languages has been taken in the West as a proper name for the East Asian tradition with Confucius as its fountainhead. In fact, what is meant by ‘Confucianism’ is more a tradition generally rooted in Chinese culture and nurtured by Confucius and Confucians rather than a new religion created, or a new value system initiated, by Confucius himself alone. It is true that as a distinctive ‘school’ Confucianism began with Confucius. It was Confucius who explored deeply and elaborated extensively on the basic principles of what was to become Confucianism, and it was Confucius and his disciples who succeeded in transmitting and transforming their ancient culture. But it would go too far to suggest that Confucianism was ‘created’ solely by Confucius and Confucianism was sustained exclusively by the faith in Confucius. In this sense, the word ‘Confucianism’ is a misnomer for the tradition that is normally referred to as ru jia, ru jiao, ru xue or simply as ru in China and other East Asian countries. Confucius played a key role in the development of the tradition which had originated long before his time. He is usually regarded as a ‘sage–teacher’ for the people or as the Sage for Confucians, but seldom as the Saviour, and never as the Lord. Confucius functioned as ‘the founder’ of the Confucian tradition in a way quite diCerent from the founders of other religious traditions. and the R U tradition Ru jia, ru jiao or ru xue may be translated roughly as ‘the doctrine, or tradition, of scholars’. To understand the nature of this doctrine or tradition, we have first to explore its root in ru. A prominent scholar of the Han Dynasty (206 bce–220 ce), Liu Xin (?–23 ce), located the formation of ru as a profession in the early years of the Zhou Dynasty (1100?–256 bce) and asserted that ru was characteristic of its devotion to the ‘six classics’ (the Book of Poetry, the Book of History, the Book of Rites, the Book of Music, the Book of Changes, and the Spring and Autumn Annals), and that as a social group and a distinctive school, ru emphasised the virtues of humaneness (ren) and righteousness (yi), followed the ancient sage–kings, and took Confucius as their master (Hanshu, 1997: 1728). However, the identification of ru with Confucian RU 17 An introduction to Confucianism scholars was not recognised until a much later time, when Confucianism had been recognised as a prominent school with its scholars engaging with the classics and the Way of ancient Sages. What then is the original meaning of the ru? Among ancient texts, the character ru first occurs in the Analects, where Confucius taught his disciples to be a ru of virtuous gentlemen (junzi ru), and not a morally deficient man or a vulgar ru (xiaoren ru) (Lunyu, 6: 13). Some scholars, both Chinese and Western, argue that although groups of men professionally skilled in ceremonial practice existed prior to Confucius’ time, the character ru post-dated Confucius’ time and was in fact coined as a name for the followers of Confucius (Eno, 1993: 192). While we cannot engage in this debate, suAce it now to say that there is no reason for us to disregard what is implied by the reference to the two kinds of ru in the Analects, and we have grounds for believing that as a profession or distinctive group in society, ru must have predated the time of Confucius. As mentioned above, Liu Xin gave a clear explanation to the origin of ru. He traced the origin of ru to a government oAce (situ zhi guan, Ministry of Education) whose function was to ‘assist the ruler to follow the way of the yin–yang and to enlighten [the people] by education’ (zhu renjun, shun yinyang, ming jiaohua, in Hanshu, 1998: 1728). There seem to have been few debates concerning the meaning of ru before the twentieth century, and people generally accepted Liu Xin’s explanation. Following the introduction of a western scientific methodology at the beginning of the twentieth century, however, Chinese scholars started to rethink the character ru and reassess its meanings and connotations. A group of scholars followed Liu Xin to confirm that ru was indeed from a government oAce. Zhang Binglin (1869–1936), for example, argued that all the schools which came into being during the period of Spring and Autumn (771–476 bce) and the period of Warring Sates (475–221 bce) originated from the imperial oAces (wang guan) of the Zhou Dynasty. In his article Yuan Ru (‘Exploring the Origin of Ru’), Zhang pointed out that in ancient times ru was a general term with a range of references, and that there were three kinds of ru in the Zhou Dynasty: ru as a distinguished title for intellectuals or gentlemen who were equipped with skills and expertise in one or more areas of social life (shu shi); ru as a classification for those who were professionals in the six arts (rites, music, archery, carriage driving, history and mathematics); and ru as an oAcial title for those 18 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics who assisted the ruler to follow the way of yin–yang and to enlighten the people by education. Zhang believed that the three kinds of ru were later disregarded and ru as a general term became a specific name for those who taught and transmitted the Confucian classics (Zhang, 1909: 56). Other modern scholars such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927) and Hu Shi (1891–1962) disagreed with Liu and Zhang with regard to the origin of ru. For them, ru did not originate in a government oAce of the Zhou Dynasty. Based on the records that Confucius usually wore a special cap (zhangfu zhi guan), Hu Shi claimed that ru referred to the adherents (yimin) of the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600 –c. 1100 bce) who because of their expertise in religious rituals were employed as priests by the Zhou Dynasty. When the Western Zhou Dynasty (1100?–770 bce) declined shortly before the time of Confucius, these professionals lost their privilege and social status, and became a group of people who lived on their knowledge and skills in rituals and ceremonies (Hu, 1953: vol. 4). In his Yuan Ru Mo (On the Origins of the Ru and Moists) Fung Yulan argued against this assumption that wearing the Shang cap did not mean that these people were adherents of the Shang. Fung further separated ru and rujia, the former being a professional group who lived on education and performing rituals, the latter being a distinctive school established in the Spring and Autumn period (Chen, 1996: 334). Most of the debates were concentrated on the immediate predecessors of ru that later tradition knew as Confucian scholars. Whether or not it was associated with a government oAce, the members of ru were certainly associated with learning and education. But what was their original profession? Recently, a number of Chinese scholars have returned to the question. Some conclude that as a profession ru refers originally to dancers and musicians in religious ceremonies of the Shang Dynasty when the worship of spirits and gods dominated the life of the people. A ru would perform various dances and play music as imprecation for a good harvest and as oCerings to gods or ancestors, and would lead ceremonies for the coming of rain during the seasons of drought. To fulfil their duties ru had to study not only the rituals proper, but also other relevant subjects such as astronomy/astrology to predict rain or drought. The character ru () is said to come from the character xu (). Xu was composed of two parts, ‘cloud’ () above sky () (Yan, 1995: 50), which reveals the relation of ru to ritual dance in rain-praying. In the oracle bone inscriptions, xu was rendered as a man who is in a shower ( ), 19 An introduction to Confucianism suggesting a ritual ablution before a ru went about his responsibilities. In chapter 38 ‘The Conducts of Scholars’ of the Book of Rites, we can see the importance of bathing for a Confucian scholar: ‘The scholar keeps his person free from stain, and continually bathes (and refreshes) his virtue’ (Legge, 1968, vol. 27: 407). Other etymological connections also suggest that ru were related to ritual dance, music and religious ceremonies. The character ru shares the same root with those for ‘weaklings’ and ‘cowards’, indicating that the members of ru were characterised by their softness, suppleness and flexibility. Probably for this reason, Xu Shen (58?–147?), the first Chinese philologist, defined it as such: ‘Ru means “soft.” It is the title for [Confucian] scholars (shu shi) who educated the people with the six arts’ (Shuowen Jiezi Zhu, 1981: 366). Therefore, a ru was gentle and yielding rather than competitive and commanding, in contrast to a warrior who was known for his vigour in war and competition. As a master of music and dance, a ru was clearly aware of his own refinement and manners, and believed his own worth to reside in his cultivated and noble etiquette; it was this which served to distinguish the ru from common people, such as farmers, craftsmen and merchants. To summarise and assess what has been presented above, we may hypothesise that the diCerent explanations of the origins of ru might actually refer to the diCerent periods in the evolution of the groups of men who were called ru. The ru went through a number of stages before the time of Confucius. Firstly, ru referred to dancers and musicians in religious rituals, who were characterised by their softness and flexibility. At this stage, ru was a special group in society whose members were roughly equivalent to what we mean by shamans, magicians and sorcerers. Secondly, ru were masters of rituals and ceremonies, who performed, or assisted the performance of, various rituals. At this stage, ru referred to professionals expert in religious rituals, rites and ceremonies. Thirdly, ritual masters became teachers in oAcial education. To be able to look after rituals, ru must have mastered history, poetry, music, astrology, archery and mathematics which were closely related to rituals in ancient times. As experts in these areas they exercised responsibility for training young dancers, musicians and performers, and for teaching on rituals and ritual-related subjects, which earned them the title of shi (): ‘Masters/Teachers’, although they were still employed as professional priests or assistants at oAcial or non-oAcial ceremonies. 20 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics Along with the decline of cultic practices and the rise of rationalism during the Spring and Autumn period, a large number of ru departed from the oAcially assigned profession, and entered various areas of social life. The ru became distinctive for their skills in state rituals and in oAcial and private education. The character ru was also gradually extended to become a specific term for those who had skills of ritual, history, poetry, music, mathematics and archery, and who lived oC their knowledge of all kinds of ceremonies and of many other subjects (Chen, 1996: 350). Among the teachers of these disciplines Confucius stood out as an outstanding ru of his time, and opened up a new course by developing and transforming the ru tradition. By the time of the Warring States period, Confucius had been recognised as the highest figure in the ru tradition, as indicated by Han Fei (280?–233 bce), a leading Legalist philosopher and a well-known critic of Confucianism, ‘In the present age, the celebrities for learning are the literati [ru] and the Mohists. The highest figure of the Literati was K’ung Ch’iu [Kong Qiu]; the highest figure of the Mohists was Mo Ti’ (Liao, 1960, vol. 2: 298). Not long after that, the tradition of ru was totally identified with the doctrines clarified, elaborated and propagated by Confucius, and ‘the rituals of the ru’ and ‘the Way of Confucius’ became interchangeable in a collection of the Former Han Dynasty (Huainanzi Yizhu, 1990: 501). One way or another, Confucius’ transmission and interpretation of the ancient culture and his practices of education played a major part in shaping and reshaping the ru tradition. The process involved in this transformation must be taken into account when we discuss the relationship between Confucius and ru. Therefore, whatever method one may employ in tracing the origin of Confucianism, one must take into account both the cultural heritage on which Confucius worked and the transformation Confucius made to the ru tradition. In this sense it is misleading to simply ‘characterize Confucius and his followers through their role as masters of dance’ (Eno, 1990: 2–3). As we have pointed out above, by the time of Confucius, the ru had fundamentally changed their social and cultural functions, and therefore, should not be treated in the same way as the earlier masters of dance and music. confucius ‘Confucius’ is a Latinised form of the Chinese name Kong Fuzi, Master Kong, which is in turn a reverent title for Kong Qiu or Kong Zhongni 21 An introduction to Confucianism (551–479 bce). Confucius was born and lived in the Spring and Autumn period of the Zhou Dynasty. The Zhou Dynasty was established on the system of feudalism: under the central government the empire was divided into many feudal states, either headed by the members of the royal house or awarded to those who had rendered outstanding service to the state. There were about 124 states shortly before Confucius’ birth and around 70 during his life. Initially the system worked well. The princes and dukes of the states took the king as the ‘Son of Heaven’ and as their chief commander. When the grasp of Zhou Kings over the states weakened, however, the administrative system began to collapse. The heads of individual states ignored the command and order from the central government, and competed with one another for a bigger share of land and property. This led to military conflict between states and power struggles within a state. The old order of social life was being destroyed and a new one was advancing, while the people were left in endless suCering and misery, husband being torn from wife, and wife being forced to leave husband; the rich enjoying their luxury, while the poor had nothing to rely on (Legge, 1992, vol. 4: 117, 320, 423, 424). Many thinkers explored the cause of chaos and disorder, and expanded upon their ways of solving the problems. Some became pioneers of diCerent schools, and Confucius was one of them, probably the most famous one of his time. He believed that chaos and disorder developed from the misuse and abuse of ritual/propriety (li) and music (yue). He described these as a situation of li huai yue beng – ‘the decay of ritual/propriety (li) and the collapse of music’. Unable to endure this state of aCairs, Confucius embarked upon a life-long enterprise to restore the value of rituals and to propagate the rules of propriety. For him chaos and disorder could not be corrected under a bad government, in which neither ruler nor minister acted in accordance with the true values of their roles. To establish a righteous government, the ruler and his ministers must act according to what was established in ancient rites, because what made a government good was the power of moral virtues rather than the power of cruel and punitive laws. Moral virtues could produce trust and faith in the people, while punitive measures might stop wrongdoing only for a moment. A ruler ‘who governs the state through his virtue is like the pole star which stays put while the other stars revolve around it’ (Lunyu, 2: 1). An eAcient way to secure ‘governing by virtue’ was to perform rituals and play music correctly, which would enable performers to remain in a state 22 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics of sincerity and loyalty and to set up good examples for the common people so that they knew what was right and what was wrong. In this sense, Confucian Learning, performing rituals and playing music were not merely a matter of ceremonies. Either at a personal level or at a social level, ‘flourishing comes from [learning of] poetry; establishing results from [properly performing] ritual; and completing is to be achieved by means of music’ (Lunyu, 8: 8). In order to set up guidelines for good family and social life, Confucius reinterpreted the meaning and methods of learning and education of the ru tradition, and believed that the promotion of the tradition had great leverage on improving the quality of social life, was the key to overcoming present problems, and would lead the people to a refined and redefined world of goodness and harmony. As his objective was the restoration of social and moral excellence, and the cultivation of purity within the heart of individuals, so that society and humanity at large could function harmoniously, Confucius took on the task of reforming the government through revitalising the ancient ways which was believed to have been established at the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty and carried out eCectively and eAciently during the first half of the dynasty: ‘The Zhou is resplendent in culture, having before it the example of the two previous dynasties. I am for the Zhou’ (Lunyu, 3: 14). The political ambition and moral strength with which Confucius strove to realise his ideal came in part from his ancestral background and aristocratic origins. Confucius is believed to have been a descendant of the royal house of the Shang Dynasty and his family lived in the state of Song until his grandfather was forced to move to the state of Lu. His father died when Confucius was three years old and it was his mother who raised him and had him properly educated. The passing away of his father led to the further decline of the family, and Confucius once described himself as ‘being of humble station when young so that I was able to handle many menial things’ (Lunyu, 9: 6). The humbleness of his living conditions and the nobility of his ancestry were probably two main factors which encouraged him to learn. The road to the final achievement was long but gradual, as we find in his poetic self-description which records that he set his heart firmly on learning at the age of fifteen, and by thirty he had achieved some success; ten years later, he had reached a higher step, when he was no longer perplexed with world aCairs; at fifty, he believed that he had understood the Mandate of Heaven; at sixty his ears were docile, and at seventy, he had reached the peak of human 23 An introduction to Confucianism transformation so that he could do everything following his own heart’s desire without transgressing the norm (Lunyu, 2: 4). In his public career, however, the progress was much less obvious. He was a private educator and a well-known master for most of his life. Although Confucius was keen to transform government, he himself seemed to be more interested in practising virtues at home than in holding oAce. When asked why he was not involved in government, Confucius replied, ‘What does the Book of History say? “Simply by being a good son and friendly to his brothers, a man can exert an influence upon government.” In so doing a man is, in fact, taking part in government. How can there be any question of his having actively to “take part in government?” ’ (Lunyu, 2: 21). Confucius held oAce for only a few years, the first significant post assigned to him being that of magistrate of the district Zhongdu when he was nearly fifty-one years old (501 bce). Due to the success of his administration in this district, he was promoted to Minister for Construction (500 bce) and the Chief Justice, possibly even serving as acting Prime Minister for a short period (499 bce). Seeing that he was unable to turn his doctrines into practice, Confucius left his home state of Lu for other states in 497 bce, hoping that his words would be heeded, his politics carried out and his ideal realised in other parts of the world. For thirteen years (497–484 bce), he and a group of his disciples travelled from one state to another, frequently encountering failure and despair. However, he never lost his faith in the Way of Heaven (tian) and his mission in the world. Confucius believed that Heaven is the Ultimate, the source of faith from which he drew his optimism and wisdom in dealing with human aCairs. When Confucius realised that the situation was hopeless and when the political climate in the state of Lu changed, he returned home, devoting the rest of his life to teaching disciples and editing ancient classics, in the expectation that the disciples would carry on his work and pass his teachings on to later generations. Confucius died in the fourth month of 479 bce, and it was said that Duke Ai of Lu (r. 494–467 bce) came to pay his condolences: ‘Alas! Heaven has no mercy on me, and has not spared me the Grand Old Man, leaving me unprotected and in deep regret. Alas! Father Ni (Confucius’ name)! Great is my sorrow!’ (Lin. 1994: 153; Legge, 1992, vol. 5: 846). A few hundred years later, when Sima Qian (145?–86? bce), the greatest Chinese historian, wrote a biography of Confucius, he concluded with the following paragraph: 24 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics When I read the works of Confucius, I try to see the man himself. In Lu I visited his temple and saw his carriage, clothes and sacrificial vessels. Scholars go regularly to study ceremony there, and I found it hard to tear myself away. The world has known innumerable princes and worthies who enjoyed fame and honour in their days but were forgotten after death, while Confucius, a commoner, has been looked up to by scholars for ten generations and more. From the emperor, princes and barons downwards, all in China who study the Six Arts take the master as their final authority. Well is he called the Supreme Sage! (Shiji, 1997: 1947; Yang & Yang, 1974: 27) It is commonly agreed that as a distinctive school Confucianism took shape in the hands of Confucius and he was responsible for the formation of the basics of Confucianism. His commanding personality and profundity of knowledge attracted many followers and he himself became the centre of gravity and the embodiment of Confucian virtues. His understanding of the world and religious matters led the Confucian tradition to the direction of rationalism and humanism, which characterises Confucian practices, either secular or religious. He deliberated on many important concepts, which laid down the very foundation for Confucian doctrines. He virtually instituted a pedagogic tradition which transcended the class distinctions. And he painted a picture of the gentleman/virtuous man (junzi) as an attainable ideal. All these become the backbone of the Confucian Way, illustrating how a Confucian follower should behave, how he should lead his life and what he must do for an ideal society. It is believed that following this Way, a Confucian will be able not only to manifest the Principle of Heaven and Earth, but also to continually ‘make’ the Principle out of his own practices. With all his contributions clearly recognised, however, there is no agreed evaluation of Confucius and his works, and opinions on him among western scholars vary dramatically. For example, in his history of philosophy, Hegel looked down upon Confucius as merely a moral educationalist and his teachings as a collection of moral proverbs, which represents the primitive stage of the progression of the Absolute Spirit. For Karl Jaspers, the image is diCerent. Confucius is said to be one of the four ‘paradigmatic individuals – It would be diAcult to find a fifth of equal historical stature’ – who ‘by being what they were did more than other men to determine the history of man. Their influence extended through two millennia down to our own day’ (Jaspers, 1962: 6). As 25 An introduction to Confucianism regard to his contribution to religion, Herbert Fingarette emphasises the sacredness of his secular teaching, while Julia Ching would rather consider him ‘a seminal thinker’ (Ching, 1993: 52). The main concern of Confucius was with humans and with the fundamental principles of humanity. Confucius believed that these principles were the root of social relationships, the foundation of the stability, peace and prosperity of the state, the family and individuals. He developed his ethics around two central theses; that goodness can be taught and learned, and that society can only be in harmony and at peace under the guidance of wisdom. He further developed a system of concepts to expound the central theses. Of these concepts four became the underlying ideas of the Confucian tradition, namely, the Way (dao), ritual/propriety (li), humaneness (ren) and virtue (de), and later the backbone of the ideological structure of a Confucian state. Devoting himself wholeheartedly to solving human problems, Confucius propagated the value of education, virtue and self-cultivation. On the one hand Confucius kept a distance from religious matters such as serving ‘spirits and ghosts’, and would rather talk about this life than the life after (Lunyu, 11: 12); on the other hand, he held a deep faith in Heaven and destiny (ming), and preserved religious ritual strictly. Although he believed in his mission that was endowed by Heaven, he never saw himself as the leader or founder of a religious tradition; what he did was merely to transmit the ancient culture, which in his mind was the model for the present and the guarantee for the future. However, in the transmission he ‘innovated’ the old tradition, as asserted by Schwarts that ‘in his focus on the concept of jen [humaneness] Confucius is an innovator rather than a transmitter’ (Schwarts, 1985: 76). According to Fung Yu-lan, ‘in transmitting, he originated something new’ (Fung, 1961: 41), while in the words of Jaspers, ‘in the philosophy of Confucius, the new expressed itself in the form of the old’ (Jaspers, 1962: 54). confucianism as a ‘ family ’ ( J I A ) It was said that Confucius had three thousand students, among whom 72 were intimate disciples – the number of his disciples varying in diCerent books, for example, 70 in Mengzi 2a:3, 77 in Shiji, 76 in Kongzi Jiayu, and 72 in Hou Hanshu, and the number of 72 becoming widely accepted probably under the influence of the Five Elements School’s numerological configuration of the perfect number 360 divided by 5. After 26 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics three years’ mourning (in one case six years’) for their master, these disciples and students went to diCerent areas, either engaging in administration of a state, or setting up schools to teach the principles of the ru tradition. Confucius was recognised as the symbol of the ru, and the ru gradually became a specific term for those who followed Confucius to interpret, and teach, the classics, and who engaged themselves in administration, education and the preservation of ancient rituals and music. The multidimensional themes raised in Confucius’ conversations and the rich resources of his teaching made it possible for the members of the ru to develop diCerent understandings and interpretations of Confucius and his philosophy. The diCerences in the methods of learning and practice led to a variety of sections within the broad category of the ru. According to Han Fei, during this period there were eight prominent sections of the ru (Watson, 1970: 119). Although these sections developed Confucian doctrines in manifestly diCerent directions, all of them considered themselves faithful followers of Confucius, devoted to studying, editing and interpreting the classics as well as producing a considerable amount of new literature in the ru tradition, and thus receiving recognition as distinguished scholars (ru) on the ancient classics. All these sections together were known as ru jia, one of the bai jia (a hundred schools). Jia means a structure of family home, being extended to refer to a group of people who are devoted to the same ideal and who form among themselves relationships which are like those of a large family. By ru jia it is meant the school or tradition of literati or scholars who have committed themselves to the tradition of the ru. As a school, ru jia sought to make the Way of ancient sage–kings prevail again in the present world. The Way of the ancients was understood as multidimensional in its contents, including the vision of harmony, the rules of propriety, the values of rituals and rites, virtues and methods of a benevolent government. All these were believed to have been well illustrated in the classics that ru scholars held Confucius to have edited and interpreted. Ru jia propagated the study and learning of these classics to correct disorder and to transform the society, and strove to bring order to the state and peace to the world. Like many other schools, the ru transmitted these teachings and principles through forging a seemingly unbroken chain of master–disciples. Its practices were characterised by untiring study of, and instruction on ancient writings, and by performing rituals and playing music properly under the guidance of masters. 27 An introduction to Confucianism confucianism as a cult ( J I A O ) For a long time after the death of Confucius, Confucianism remained only one of many schools. Although its teaching was considered prominent and its followers were numerous, it did not enjoy any privilege throughout the Warring States period. On the contrary, it was frequently mocked and attacked by the followers of other schools, as it had been during the lifetime of Confucius. In the eyes of its rivals, Confucianism did not provide adequate answers to the problems of life, nor did it show any advantage over other schools. In a passage from a Daoist work, the Book of Zhuang Zi, Confucianism is treated the same as other schools, having its strong and weak points: ‘The various skills of the hundred schools [bai jia] all have their strong points, and at times each may be of use. But none is wholly suAcient, none is universal’ (Watson, 1964: 364). The First Emperor of the Qin Dynasty (221–206 bce) relied on Legalism (fa jia) to unify and govern the empire. As Legalism was one of the chief rivals of Confucianism, Confucianism was humiliated and suCered from suppression and persecution. With a gradual recovery in the first few decades of the Former Han Dynasty (206 bce–8 ce), Confucianism became a dominant school and an orthodox ideology during the reign of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 bce). Closely related to the religious sacrifices of the state, Confucianism was given another name, jiao, and later became one of the three jiaos, Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. In Shiji or the Records of the Historian ru and jiao are first linked together. However, the meaning here is perhaps no more than the teaching of the ru (Shiji, 1997: 3184; Watson, 1961, vol. 2: 455.) One of the early references to Confucianism as a religious doctrine is made in the History of the Jin Dynasty ( Jinshu, 1997: 1). When Kang Youwei of the late Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) launched a reform movement to transform the Confucian tradition into a state religion, he confected the story that Confucius created the ru jiao, the religion or religious doctrine of literati. The original form of ‘jiao’ ( ) is a pictograph, consisting of ‘a hand holding a stick ( | )’ and ‘beating ( ) a child ( )’. The later form of the character () consists of ‘teaching (educating, )’ and ‘filial piety ()’, meaning that a child is rigorously brought into a filial relation. This meaning was broadened to include the doctrines that a group of people endeavoured to transmit and spread. A jiao also implies a system of observance of rituals, disciplines of behaviour and faith in the teachings of the founders of a tradition, which are regarded as three of the most 28 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics important factors in maintaining the unity and transmission of a jiao. Therefore, what is meant by ru jiao is the cult of the learned or cultured, the continuous tradition of the scholars who followed Confucius to take part in the interpretation and application of the doctrines explored in the classics, and who emphasised the importance and significance of rituals and ceremonies for the realisation of their ideal. As Confucianism was promoted to be the state ideology, the reverence and worship of Confucius became part of state religious activities. Confucius was given the title of Perfect Sage and Ancient Teacher; religious ceremonies were performed on his birthday and other festivals, and sacrifices were oCered to his spiritual tablet in temples dedicated to Confucius. Along with the rising of Confucius’ status and with the dogmatic application of his teachings, two more names were invented to refer to Confucianism. Kong jiao (‘the cult of Confucius’) emphasises that the teaching and figure of Confucius are central to the tradition, and recognises that Confucianism as a distinctive school, a glorious tradition and an orthodox doctrine was promoted, explored, transmitted and interpreted by Confucius, while li Jiao (‘the ritual religion’) reveals the overemphasis of Confucianism on li, the rules of propriety, the rites, rituals and ceremonies. confucianism as a form of learning ( X U E ) One of the features that serves to distinguish Confucianism from many other traditions is its commitment to the study and transmission of ancient classics. Confucius is said to be the great editor and commentator of the classics, and his reputation as the sage is based on the fact that he embodies ancient culture. Following him, each generation of Confucian masters and scholars made a contribution to learning, and the doctrines of Confucianism were gradually enriched and extended in numerous writings, treatises and discussions. The Confucian tradition has gathered around its classics an unparalleled abundance of annotations and commentaries. As the tradition of literati, Confucianism is steeped in the spirit of scholarship. Confucianism is thus known by the name ru xue, meaning the learning of scholars, and the term is first used in the Records of History (Shiji, 1997: 3118). It is agreed that Confucianism has been able to outlive its status as state religion, and has survived persecution, suppression and revolution, because it is sustained not by its social and religious privilege, but by its unflagging eCorts to further learning. It is also contended that Confucian temples may be demolished, devotion to 29 An introduction to Confucianism its sages abolished and Confucian followers may be stripped of their social privileges, but Confucianism can still survive and thrive as long as learning is permitted, and the classic texts are available. For this reason, most modern East Asian intellectuals prefer to name Confucianism as ru xue rather than ru jia or ru jiao, in recognition of the fact that the life and spirit of Confucianism lies in its learning. It is generally recognised that either as a school of thought or as the state orthodoxy, the vitality of Confucianism can be generated through learning and education, and renewed in practising what has been learnt. Confucian Learning diCers significantly from what we mean today by ‘learning’. For a Confucian, Learning is first of all a process of reading, understanding and deliberating, but it is more than a purely academic subject. Confucian Learning is the study of the Way of Heaven both in the inner self and in external practices. The only purpose of learning is the promotion of virtuous action and the cultivation of a moral character, as Confucius made it clear that ‘A person of virtue studies the Way in order to love people’ (Lunyu, 17: 4). Confucian Learning is also closely related to human nature and destiny. Learning is to transform one’s self and retain what is virtuous. It is in this sense that Mengzi, the second sage in the Confucian tradition, understood the way of learning to be nothing other than ‘going after the lost heart’ (Mengzi, 6a: 11). As a particular kind of learning, the Confucian tradition is known for three characteristics (1) that its members are mostly learned people or civilised intellectuals in a broad sense, which reveals that in Confucian Learning preference is always given to the virtuous way of life (2) that they commit themselves to expanding upon, and interpreting, the classics, which indicates that the value of Confucianism lies in a continuous process of transmitting and furthering the ancient tradition; and (3) that they endeavour to carry out, politically and ethically, collectively and individually, the principles embodied in the classics, which implies that the intention and goal of Confucian Learning is to transform the world in the world. Ethics, politics and religion in the Confucian tradition The seven-dimension theory of religion put forward by Ninian Smart has become a useful tool for scholars in Religious Studies to explore the richness and depth of a particular tradition. Smart believes that although it is diAcult to define a religion, we can examine it usefully 30 Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics in its diCerent aspects or dimensions, such as the practical and ritual dimension, the experiential and emotional dimension, the narrative or mystic dimension, the doctrinal and political dimension, the ethical and legal dimension, the social and institutional dimension, and the material dimension (Smart, 1989: 12–21). ‘Confucianism’ literally means the tradition and doctrine of literati/ scholars. In fact, it is more than the values of a group of people. It contains a socio-political programme, an ethical system, and a religious tradition. It functions as an underlying ideology and a guiding principle permeating the way of life in China and informing the cultures of many other East Asian countries. Confucian doctrines are primarily explored and illustrated in the Confucian classics, and are also enriched, transformed and extended at the hands of many generations of Confucian masters and students. The interpretation of Confucian principles changes with the times, and we can therefore observe a number of distinct phases or stages in the process of Confucian evolution. Confucianism was the dominant school of thought and orthodox ideology for the most part of two thousand years, exercising both dogmatic and dynamic functions. It was dogmatic in maintaining and strengthening its dominance, but it was also flexible enough to adapt to diCerent environments and situations, shaping and reshaping itself constantly and synthesising new ideas from other schools. It is essentially a Chinese tradition, primarily reflecting the Chinese attitude towards life and the world, although of course it has spread also to other East Asian nations, flourishing in both a distinctively Korean and Japanese form. Any adequate understanding of Confucianism, past and present, will depend upon a thorough examination of all its dimensions, phases and forms as well as the interplay between it and its social environment. Each of these dimensions is in itself a miniature of the whole tradition, embodying the fundamental principles of Confucianism and at the same time reflecting other dimensions in its own distinctive way. Can we single out from the many dimensions the one which is more important than the others and by which Confucianism may be defined? Many modern scholars and students in Confucian Studies have attempted to answer this question, yet Confucianism demonstrates an ability to cross the boundaries of the traditionally defined subjects in the West, therefore the variety of its presentations has made it almost impossible to be clearly 31 An introduction to Confucianism defined. Even so, some of them still argued that Confucianism must have some essential characteristics that serve to set it apart from other traditions and to preserve its distinctiveness, and that it should be possible to define Confucianism in its relation either to ethics, politics or religion. an ethical system ? Morality has been characteristic of Confucian theory and practice. It was on the foundation of Confucianism that various codes of moral life, rules of propriety, patterns of behaviour and guidelines for social and daily life were produced and enhanced. Confucianism underlined, and perhaps to a smaller extent continues to underline, the basic structure of society and community, to orient the life of the people and to define their moral standards and ethical ideal in most parts of East Asia. Considering the central position of morality in Confucianism and the significance of Confucian ethics for society, some Western scholars have concluded that the moral dimension is so essential for Confucianism that Confucianism itself can be defined as a form of ethics. A number of prominent scholars hold this position. For them, ‘Confucianism . . . was essentially a system of ethics’ (Needham, 1970: 24–5); ‘What is call...
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    The Core Theory of Confucian Morality
    Morality is an important component of the Confucian theory. Confucianism is known for
    giving rise to several patterns of behavior, moral life codes, and daily human interaction
    guidelines. According to Yao (32), most people across East Asia subscribe to ethical ideals and
    moral standards set by Confucianism. As a result, several Western scholars have argued that
    Confucianism itself must be treated as a component of ethics. Confucianism is incomplete if it
    lacks a moral dimension. Yao (32) notes that most scholars believe Confucianism was a system
    of ethics with sets of behavioral patterns expected of the people in a particular society.
    Consequently, Confucianism has both deontological and consequentialist aspects. In particular,
    the evaluation of an individual must include both the inner motives and the external results.
    Confucianism is similar to other moral systems shared by people worldwide, making it a form
    and a system of ethics.
    According to the theory of Confucian morality, family virtues are the cornerstone of
    world order. As a result, family relationships are an essential element of Confucianism. The
    relationships could include the husband and wife, children and their parents, and children and
    grandparents. Since the family is the basic community unit, peaceful family relationships will
    create a harmonious society. Yao (33) opines that the primary emphasis in family relationships is
    accomplishing responsibilities with a conscientious heart. However, Confucianism demands that
    the members of the ruling class must lead in demonstrating their commitment to harmonious

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    family relationships. For instance, Yao (33) acknowledges that a ruler who demonstrates their
    affection for the parents and other family members will direct the society toward becoming
    humane. Overall, family relationships are the cornerstone of peaceful states.
    Yao (33) reveals that several philosophers believe the Confucian moral system developed
    in the same manner as virtue ethics. For instance, ethical persuasion and moral instruction
    utilized by Confucius and Mengzi can offer radical alternatives to the Thomistic and Aristotelian
    paradigms associated with the West. Yao (33) states that the argument that Confucianism is a
    system of virtue ethics emanates from the belief that it can address several social challenges
    associated with the lack of ethics. In cases with the limited will to practice ethics, Confucianism
    serves as a persuasion tool. Further, there exists no question that ethics is the cornerstone of
    Confucianism's theory and practice. However, it is imperative to note that the meaning of
    morality in Western ethics differs from those in Confucianism. Consequently, the theory of
    Confucian morality considers ethics as a core component of its development and use in society.
    Further, Confucian morality does not only deal with ethical issues but also encompasses
    the aspects of metaphysics, politics, and religion. According to Yao (34), since politics and
    religion are integrated with morality, society needs moral virtues to accomplish religious
    activities and govern their interactions. Similarly, since metaphysics and religion are components
    of morality, religious practices are essential for moral enhancement. As a result, Yao (34) notes
    that Confucianism is a special form of morality with a wider coverage when compared to the
    West. As a result, Confucianism is beyond the consideration as a moral system as it is
    understood in the West. Yao (32) reveals that due to its significant influence on politics,
    Confucianism, the first Japanese constitution, demonstrated the Confucian moral-idealist aspects.
    As a result, the drafters of the constitution used Confucian historical-political designs. Overall,

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    Confucian morality played an important role in shaping political, religious, and metaphysical
    systems.
    Contrary to the Western belief that Confucian morality is only concerned with regulating
    external behaviors, Yao (257) opines that Confucianism targets the inner ...

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