Taking into account the long history and wide range of Confucian
studies, this book introduces Confucianism – initiated in China
by Confucius (c. 552–c. 479 bc) – primarily as a philosophical
and religious tradition. It pays attention to Confucianism in both
the West and the East, focusing not only on the tradition’s doctrines,
schools, rituals, sacred places and terminology, but also stressing
the adaptations, transformations and new thinking taking place in
modern times.
While previous introductions have oCered a linear account of Confucian intellectual history, Xinzhong Yao presents Confucianism as
a tradition with many dimensions and as an ancient tradition with
contemporary appeal. This gives the reader a richer and clearer view
of how Confucianism functioned in the past and of what it means in
the present.
There are important diCerences in the ways Confucianism has been
presented in the hands of diCerent scholars. This problem is caused
by, and also increases, the gap between western and eastern perceptions of Confucianism. Written by a Chinese scholar based in
the West, this book uses both traditional and contemporary scholarship and draws together the many strands of Confucianism in a style
accessible to students, teachers, and general readers interested in one
of the world’s major religious traditions.
xinzhong yao is Senior Lecturer in and Chair of the Department
of Theology and Religious Studies at the University of Wales,
Lampeter. He has doctorates from the People’s University of China,
Beijing, and from the University of Wales, Lampeter. Dr Yao has
published widely in the area of philosophy and religious studies
and is the author of five monographs including Confucianism
and Christianity (1996) and Daode Huodong Lun (On Moral
Activities; 1990), four translations (from English to Chinese), and
about fifty academic papers. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of
Arts.
i
ii
An introduction to
Confucianism
XINZHONG YAO
University of Wales, Lampeter
iii
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo
Cambridge University Press
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge , United Kingdom
Published in the United States by Cambridge University Press, New York
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Contents
List of illustrations
Preface
Confucianism in history: chronological table
1
page viii
xi
xiv
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
Stages of the Confucian evolution
Methodological focuses
Structure and contents
Translation and transliteration
1
4
10
12
14
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
‘Confucianism’ and ru
Ru and the ru tradition
Confucius
Confucianism as a ‘family’ (jia)
Confucianism as a cult (jiao)
Confucianism as a form of learning (xue)
Ethics, politics and religion in the Confucian tradition
An ethical system?
An oAcial orthodoxy?
A religious tradition?
Confucian classics
Ancient records and the classics
Confucius and the Confucian classics
16
16
17
21
26
28
29
30
32
34
38
47
49
52
v
List of contents
Confucian classics in history
The Thirteen Classics
The Five Classics
The Four Books
2
54
56
57
63
68
68
71
76
81
Evolution and transformation – a historical perspective
Confucianism and three options
Mengzi and his development of idealistic Confucianism
Xunzi: a Great Confucian synthesiser
The victory of Confucianism and its syncretism
Dong Zhongshu and the establishment of Han
Confucianism
Classical Learning: controversies and debates
The Confucian dimension of ‘Mysterious Learning’
The emergence of Neo-Confucianism
Five masters of early Neo-Confucianism
Zhu Xi and his systematic Confucianism
The Idealistic School: Lu Jiuyuan and Wang Shouren
Korea: the second home for Confucianism
Japanese Confucianism: transfiguration and application
83
86
89
96
98
105
109
115
125
3
The Way of Confucianism
The Way of Heaven
Heaven and the Confucian Ultimate
Heaven and moral principles
Heaven as Nature or Natural Law
The Way of Humans
Morality as transcendence
Good and evil
Sacred kingship and humane government
The Way of Harmony
Harmony: the concept and the theme
Oneness of Heaven and Humans
Humans and Nature
Social conflicts and their solutions
139
141
142
147
149
153
155
160
165
169
170
174
175
178
4
Ritual and religious practice
Confucianism: a tradition of ritual
Ritual and sacrifice
190
191
191
vi
List of contents
5
Sacrifice to Heaven
Sacrifice to ancestors and filial piety
The cult of Confucius
Learning and spiritual cultivation
Learning as a spiritual path
Spiritual cultivation
Confucianism and other religious traditions
The unity of three doctrines
Confucianism and Daoism
Mutual transformation between Confucianism
and Buddhism
Confucianism and Christianity
196
199
204
209
209
216
223
224
229
Confucianism and its modern relevance
Confucianism: survival and renovation
Stepping into the modern age
The rise of modern Confucianism
Unfolding of the Confucian project
The themes of modern Confucian studies
Confucianism and the fate of China
Confucianism and western culture
Confucianism and modernisation
Confucianism and its modern relevance
The revival of Confucian values
An ethic of responsibility
A comprehensive understanding of education
A humanistic meaning of life
245
246
247
251
255
261
263
266
270
273
274
279
280
284
Select bibliography
Transliteration table
Index
287
309
330
233
237
vii
List of illustrations
An inscribed portrait of Confucius travelling around to teach,
supposedly painted by Wu Daozi, a famous painter in the Tang
Dynasty (618–906)
frontispiece
(Located between pages 138 and 139)
1 The statue of Confucius at the main hall of the Temple of Confucius, Qufu, the home town of Confucius
2 The Apricot Platform where Confucius is said to have taught, in
the Temple of Confucius, Qufu, Confucius’ home town
3 The Sacred Path leading to the tomb of Confucius, the number of
trees at one side symbolising his seventy-two disciples and at the
other his life of seventy-three years
4 The tablet of Confucius in front of his tomb
5 The tablet and tomb of Zisi (483?–402? bce), the grandson of
Confucius
6 People meditating in front of the hut at the side of the tomb
of Confucius where Zigong (502?–? bce), a disciple of Confucius,
is said to have stayed for six years mourning the death of his
master
7 The tablet and statue of a Former Worthy (xian xian), Master Yue
Zheng (?–?) who is traditionally regarded as a transmitter of the
Confucian doctrine of filial piety, in the Temple of Confucius at
Qufu
viii
List of illustrations
8 The Temple of the Second Sage (Mengzi, 372?–289? bce), at Zou,
Mengzi’s home town
9 Korean scholars paying homage to Confucius in the ceremonies of
sacrifice to Confucius at Songgyun’gwan, the National Academy
of Confucius (from: Spencer J. Palmer’s Confucian Rituals in Korea,
Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press and Seoul: Po Chi Chai Ltd, 1984,
plate 66)
10 Two semicircular pools in front of a hall in the Songyang Confucian Academy, near the famous Chan Buddhist monastery, Shaolin
Si, Henan Province
11 The spiritual tablet and statue of Zhu Xi (1130–1200) in White
Cloud Temple, a Daoist Temple, Beijing. The inscription on the
tablet reads ‘The Spiritual Site of Master Zhu Xi’. His hand gesture
is certainly a kind of variation of Buddhist ones
12 The stage of the Global Celebration of Confucius’ 2549th birthday
held by the Confucian Academy Hong Kong, 17 October 1998
ix
x
Preface
As a schoolboy I read an Indian story about four blind men and an elephant: each of these men gave a diCerent and highly amusing account
of the elephant after touching only a specific part of the animal, and, of
course, not one of them was able to describe the animal correctly. To my
young mind, they couldn’t do so because they weren’t able to touch the
whole of the elephant in one go. In other words, I believed that if any of
them had had an opportunity to do this, then he would certainly have
been able to generate a correct image of it. As I grew up, and had an
opportunity to read more on philosophy and religion, I realised that it
was perhaps not as simple as this. Could a blind man, who had never
seen or heard about such an animal as an elephant, tell us what it is, even
if we suppose that he could have physical contact with all the parts of
the animal? Besides the limitation of sense experience, there are many
other factors that would hinder us from acquiring full knowledge of such
an object, and in addition to intellectual inability, there are many other
elements that would distort our image.
Having fully understood the problem arising from the intellectual process of knowing things, Zhuangzi, a Daoist philosopher of around the
fourth century bce, argues that our vision has been blurred by our own
perceptions when coming to grasp things, and that true knowledge is
possible only if we take all things and ourselves to be a unity, in which
no diCerentiation of ‘this’ and ‘that’ or of ‘I’ and ‘non-I’ is made. Shao
Yong, a Confucian scholar of the eleventh century ce, approached this
problem from a similar perspective. For him, error in human knowledge
xi
Preface
is due to the fact that we observe things from our own experience. He
therefore proposed that we must view things, not with our physical eyes,
but with our mind, and not even with our mind, but with the principle
inherent in things. When the boundary between subject and object disappears, we will be able to see things as they are.
The majority of scholars who have been trained in the West, however,
find it diAcult to accept the underlying philosophy of the Chinese methodology proposed above. A much appreciated intellectual tradition in
the West maintains that an investigation must start from a separation of
subject and object, and that experience along with a critical examination
of experience is the only guarantee of the ‘objectivity’ of the investigation. According to this view, a diCerentiation of values from facts is
therefore central to any presentation of a religious and philosophical
system.
Neither of these two seemingly diCerent and even contradictory methodologies alone can assure us of a true knowledge of religion and philosophy. More and more people are coming to appreciate that we would
benefit from a combination of these two approaches in our investigation of religious and philosophical traditions. Although this is a topic far
beyond the parameters of a short preface, suAce it to say, that the
inquiry into religious phenomena should involve empathy to some
degree, and that an inquirer should be able to enter into the doctrine and
practice of a religion almost as an ‘insider’, as well as to step outside as
a critical observer. Indeed this methodology underlies the structure and
contents of my introduction to Confucianism, and readers may easily
see that the nature and image of the Confucian tradition as revealed
in this book have been the result of a ‘double’ investigation, with the
author being both a ‘bearer’ of the values examined and a ‘critic’ of the
doctrine presented.
The formation of the book took place whilst lecturing on Confucianism in the University of Wales, Lampeter. I have run this course for a
number of years, and the last time I did it was during the first term of the
1998/9 academic year, when I had just completed the first draft of this
book. Conveniently, I took the manuscript as the textbook for the course,
and I was pleased to know that it functioned well in this capacity both in
and outside the class. Looking back at the writing process, I realise how
much I have benefited from teaching and from the questions asked and
suggestions made by the students.
xii
Preface
I am grateful to Clare Hall, University of Cambridge for awarding me
a Visiting Fellowship in 1998, which, supported also by the Pantyfedwen
Fund and the Spalding Trust, made a significant contribution to the completion of the first draft of the book. Intellectually, I benefited from conversations and discussions with colleagues both at Lampeter and at Clare
Hall, whose knowledge and insight added much value to the formation
and reshaping of my original presentation. A number of colleagues, friends
and students read various parts of the book. I would especially like to
thank Oliver Davies, Gavin Flood and Todd Thucker, for their comments
and advice, which have enabled me to avoid errors and oversights and to
correct infelicities of English style throughout the book. Any that remain
are, of course, my own responsibility.
Various sections of this book originally appeared as papers in academic
journals or as part of research projects. Among them, ‘Peace and Reconciliation in the Confucian Tradition’ (Reconciliation Project, Gresham
College) becomes the basis of the third section in chapter 3, and ‘Confucianism and its Modern Values’ (Journal of Beliefs and Values, no. 1,
1999) has been incorporated into the third section of chapter 5. I wish to
thank the editors for allowing me to reuse the materials in this book.
I would also like to thank the editors of Cambridge University Press,
especially Mr Kevin Taylor, for their eCorts in nurturing the project and
bringing this book to the readers.
xiii
Confucianism in history: chronological table
In the world
xiv
Chinese history
Confucianism
Legendary ages
Sage–kings: Yao, Shun,
Yu the Great
Xia Dynasty
(2205?–1600? bce)
Jie, the last king, a
condemned tyrant
Shang or Yin Dynasty
(1600?–1100? bce)
Tang, the founding father
Zhou, the last king, a
condemned tyrant
Zhou Dynasty
(1100?–249 bce)
Western Zhou
(1100?–771 bce)
Eastern Zhou
(770–256 bce)
Spring and Autumn
period (770–476 bce)
Warring States period
(475–221 bce)
King Wen, King Wu,
Duke of Zhou, the three
Zhou sages;
Confucius
(551–479 bce)
The Confucian
classics
School of Zisi
(483?–402 bce)
The Great Learning
and the Doctrine of
the Mean
Mengzi (372–289 bce)
Xunzi (313?–238? bce)
Confucianism in history: chronological table
In the world
Chinese history
Confucianism
Qin Dynasty
(221–206 bce)
First emperor
(r. 221–210 bce)
Burning of books and
the killing of Confucian
scholars
Han Dynasty
(206 bce–220 ce)
Former Han
(206 bce–8 ce)
Liu Bang
(r. 206–195)
Emperor Wu
(r. 140–87)
Xin Dynasty (9–23)
Later Han (25–220)
Confucianism became
the state orthodoxy
Classics annotated
Grand Academy
established
Old Text School
Dong Zhongshu
(179?–104 bce)
New Text School
Yang Xiong
(53 bce–18ce)
Liu Xin (?–23 ce)
Huan Tan
(23 bce–50 ce)
Wang Chong (27–100?)
Ma Rong (79–166)
Zheng Xuan (127–200)
Chenwei Literature
Wei–Jin Dynasties
(220–420)
Wei (220–265)
Western Jin
(265–316)
Eastern Jin
(317–420)
Mysterious Learning
Wang Bi (226–249)
He Yan (d. 249)
Xiang Xiu (223–300)
‘Pure Conversation’
Ruan Ji (210–263)
Ji Kang (223–262)
Daoist Religion
incorporated Confucian
ethics
Southern and Northern
Dynasties (386–581)
Buddhism flourished
and debates between
Confucianism and
Buddhism intensified
Confucianism was
introduced to Vietnam,
Korea and Japan
Indian Buddhism was
introduced to China
and interacted with
Confucianism
National Academy
in Korea established
(372)
The Analects were
brought to Japan in
405(?) by a Korean
scholar Wang In.
xv
Confucianism in history: chronological table
In the world
Chinese history
Confucianism
Nestorians came to
Sui-Tang Dynasties
China (635)
(581–907)
Korean Silla Kingdom
Sui (581–618)
(365–935) established
Tang (618–906)
Confucian Studies
First Japanese
Constitution (604)
incorporated Confucian
ideas
Confucianism gradually
regained its prestige;
civil service examination
system established
Han Yu (768–824)
Li Ao (772–841)
Liu Zongyuan
(733–819)
Korean Koryo Dynasty Song Dynasties
(918–1392): civil service (960–1279)
examination system;
Northern Song
national university
(960–1126)
Southern Song
(127–1279)
Renaissance of
Neo-Confucianism
Zhou Dunyi
(1017–1073)
Zhang Zai
(1020–1077)
Rationalistic School
Zhu Xi (1130–1200)
Idealistic School
Lu Jiuyuan
(1139–1193)
Practical School
Chen Liang
(1143–1194)
Yuan Dynasty
(1260–1368)
xvi
Harmonising
Rationalism and
Idealism
Wu Cheng
(1249–1333)
Zhu Xi’s annotated
Four Books as standard
version for civil service
examinations (1313)
Confucianism in history: chronological table
In the world
Chinese history
Confucianism
Korean Yi Dynasty
(1392–1910):
Neo-Confucianism
Yi Hwang
(1501–1570)
Yi I (1536–1584)
Japanese bakufu system
Fujiwara Seika
(1561–1619)
Hayashi Razan
(1583–1657)
Japanese Shushigaku
Yamazaki Ansai
(1618–1682)
Kaibara Ekken
(1630–1714)
Japanese Yômeigaku
Nakae Tôju
(1608–1648)
Ming Dynasty
(1368–1644)
Chen Xianzhang
(1428–1500)
Wang Yangming
(1472–1529)
Schools of Wang
Yangming
Li Zhi (1527–1602)
Donglin School
Gao Panlong
(1562–1626)
Liu Zongzhou
(1578–1654)
Korean Practical
Learning
Korean Eastern
Learning
Japanese Kogaku
Itô Jinsai
(1627–1705)
Ogyû Sorai
(1666–1728)
James Legge (1815–
1897) translated the
Confucian classics into
English
Qing Dynasty
(1644–1911)
Learning of the Han
School of Evidential
Research
Gu Yanwu
(1613–1682)
Wang Fuzhi
(1619–1692)
Huang Zongxi
(1610–1695)
Dai Zhen
(1724–1777)
New Learning
Kang Youwei
(1858–1927)
xvii
Confucianism in history: chronological table
In the world
Chinese history
Confucianism
Wing-tsit Chan
(1901–1994)
W. T. de Bary
Okada Takehiko
Cheng Chung-yin
Tu Wei-ming
Republic of China
(1911– )
People’s Republic of
China (1949– )
Modern New
Confucianism
Xiong Shili
(1885–1968)
Fung Yu-lan
(1895–1990)
Tang Junyi
(1909–1978)
Mou Zongsan
(1909–1995)
xviii
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
Introduction
Confucian studies East and West
If we were to characterize in one word the Chinese way of life
for the last two thousand years, the word could be ‘Confucian’.
No other individual in Chinese history has so deeply influenced
the life and thought of his people, as a transmitter, teacher
and creative interpreter of the ancient culture and literature
and as a moulder of the Chinese mind and character.
(de Bary, et al., 1960, vol. 1: 15)
At the end of the sixteenth century, an Italian Jesuit Matteo Ricci (1552–
1610) arrived in China. Ricci soon realised that the first task for him
should not be to win over a great number of people to conversion and
baptism, but instead to try to secure a stable and respectable position
for himself within Chinese society. So Ricci and his fellow missionaries
strenuously attempted to integrate themselves into the community. The
Jesuits saw a similarity between Christianity and Buddhism – both were
religions from the West – and therefore they presented themselves as
‘Monks from the West’, shaving their heads and changing their clothes
to Buddhist robes in order to win the support from the Chinese, just as
they thought the Buddhists had done a thousand years before. However,
it was not too long before the missionaries realised that the Buddhists
were not so highly regarded as they had at first imagined. They discovered that in fact it was Confucian scholars who were the true social
elite of Chinese society. Accordingly the Jesuits changed their habits once
more, wearing Confucian clothes and growing their hair long. In this
way they created a new image of ‘Scholars of the West’. Ricci continued
with his Chinese studies, paying great attention to Confucian texts,
and began to be regarded as a highly respected western scholar (xi shi).
Rule says:
The decisive change from the dress and role of Buddhist monks to
those of Confucian literati was accomplished in May 1595 when
Ricci left Shao-chou for Nanking, but it had been in preparation
for a considerable time . . . Matteo Ricci first discovered and then
1
An introduction to Confucianism
adapted himself to Confucianism in the course of his thirty-odd years
in China.
(Rule, 1986: 15, 26)
Ricci became friends with a number of Chinese scholars and oAcials
who introduced him to the court. He and his fellow missionaries sent
back hundreds of letters, travel reports, treatises and translations to
Europe which made a major contribution to the introduction of Confucius and Confucianism to the West. Although there had been some
knowledge of China and the Chinese, until Ricci and other Christian
missionaries began their work, Confucianism had hardly been studied in
Europe. The serious way in which the missionaries treated Confucian
doctrines suggested that as Christianity was to the Europeans, so Confucianism was to the Chinese.
Ricci and his fellow missionaries clearly studied Confucian classics as
part of their missionary strategy and their presentation of the Confucian
tradition may indeed be taken as a ‘Jesuit creation’ (Rule, 1986). However, by introducing Confucianism to Europe, Ricci became one of the
pioneers of Confucian Studies in the West. The Jesuit version of Confucianism played a key role in generating Sinophilism among the learned
community in Europe and some Enlightenment thinkers and philosophers,
such as Voltaire and François Quesnay in France, Leibniz and Christian
WolC in Germany, and Matthew Tindal in England thereby became
fascinated by Confucian ethical and social doctrines. For some of them, the
Confucian political blueprint that the state was ruled ‘in accordance with
moral and political maxims enshrined in the Confucian classics’ appeared
to provide an ideal prototype for a modern state (Dawson, 1964: 9). Since
then, Christian missionaries and those influenced by Christian images
of the eastern tradition have continuously played an important role
in the introduction of Confucianism to the West and in promoting the
interpretation of Confucian doctrine within a Christian or European
framework. ‘In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, according to Karl
Jaspers, ‘it was not rare for Protestant missionaries in China to be so overwhelmed by the profundity of Chinese thought that they would reverse
their role and return to the West, so to speak, as “Chinese missionaries” ’
(Jaspers, 1962: 143–4). The twentieth century has seen a rise in the
number of sinologists, philosophers, anthropologists and historians
taking part in Confucian Studies. As a result, Confucian Studies has
gradually become a discrete discipline and is now an established subject
2
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
not only within the subject of Asian Studies but also in the areas of
philosophy and religious studies.
Modern scholars from West and East introduce and examine the
Confucian tradition from the standpoints both of insiders and of outsiders. More recent examples of preeminent scholars in the West who
take their points of view roughly from within Confucianism but also
critically examine the tradition include, to name but a few, Wing-tsit Chan
(1901–94), Wm. T. de Bary, Tu Wei-ming, Cheng Chung-ying, Roger T.
Ames and Rodney L. Taylor. These scholars have not only introduced
Confucian Studies to western students and readers, but have also
developed and enriched the Confucian tradition itself. In their hands,
Confucianism is not merely treated as an old political ideology or a socioeconomic system, but primarily as a religious or philosophic tradition,
open both to the modern world and to the future. These scholars have
striven to establish a strong link between the past and the present,
a healthy interaction between the Chinese tradition and other great
traditions in the world. Their influence on western students of China
and Confucianism is enormous, and some of them have created a new
image of Confucian masters. This can be seen from Sommer’s testimony
in relation to Wing-tsit Chan, a prominent translator and researcher of
Confucian Learning, that ‘some of us students secretly suspected that,
in some mysterious way, Professor Chan was Chu Hsi [a great NeoConfucian master]’ (Sommer, 1995: ix).
Two main problems engage Confucian Studies in the West. The first
problem is that after about 400 years of study and research, Confucianism in the West is still a subject which only involves a small group
of scholars. This situation is due in part to highly scholarly Confucian
works being less accessible to students pursuing general philosophical
and religious studies. This problem is one of the major factors in the
slow development and expansion of Confucian Studies in the West. The
second problem arises from methodology and the ways in which Confucianism is introduced and studied. Confucianism has been presented
variously in the hands of diCerent scholars, which causes further confusion among readers. These two problems are both caused by, and also
increase, the gap between Confucianism as it is perceived in the West
and the Confucianism understood in the East. More and more scholars
have realised the extent of these problems and have sought to solve them
in one way or another. For example, in a book entitled Thinking Through
3
An introduction to Confucianism
Confucius, David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames attempt to return to the presuppositions that sustain the Confucian tradition through reinterpreting
Confucius. They comment that
The primary defect of the majority of Confucius’ interpreters – those
writing from within the Anglo-European tradition as well as those
on the Chinese side who appeal to Western philosophic categories
– has been the failure to search out and articulate those distinctive
presuppositions which have dominated the Chinese tradition.
(Hall & Ames, 1987: 1)
Much of East Asia was once under the influence of Confucianism, but
this has waned, and Confucianism has clearly lost its dominant position
there. Even so, despite all criticism, Confucianism still has an important
role to play in East Asian philosophy, religion, politics, ethics and culture.
Consequently, one of the major tasks facing all scholars of Confucian
studies is how to communicate between traditional values and modern
applications, between eastern and western Confucian scholarship.
Stages of the Confucian evolution
Confucianism is primarily a Chinese, or more precisely, East Asian, tradition. To understand Confucianism as a way of life or as a traditional
system of values, we have to go to its homeland and find out how it came
into being and how it was transformed. A popular method that is used in
presenting the Chinese Confucian tradition is to divide its history into as
many periods as there are Chinese dynasties. In this way Confucianism
becomes part of a much more complicated history and the Confucian progress is mixed up with the general changes in political, social, economic,
religious and cultural life. On many occasions Confucianism gained
strength and positive influence from these changes, yet on other occasions
it suCered from the breakdown of the social fabric and responded by
becoming either more flexible or more dogmatic. Throughout the history of the Chinese dynasties, Confucianism changed and adapted itself
to new political and social demands, and these changes and adaptations
are as important as the teachings of the early Confucian masters.
It can be said in general that the advance of Confucian Learning
was directly related to the replacement of one dynasty with another. The
link between Confucianism and dynastic government was formally forged
during the Former Han Dynasty (206 bce–8 ce) when it was promoted as
4
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
the state ideology. Since then, right up until the beginning of the twentieth
century, Confucian scholar–oAcials were influential in laying down the
basis for government, and the amount of influence exerted by Confucian
scholars more or less depended on the patronage of those people who
were in a position to implement the teachings. None the less it does not
follow that Confucianism was always a shadow of political change. Much
of the development of Confucian Learning was largely independent of
imperial patronage and many of its schools remained outside the political
milieu and presented a direct challenge to the establishment. Confucianism
was not merely a passive tool of government. Rather, it functioned, to a
considerable extent, as a watchdog for ruling activities, endeavouring to
apply its principles to shaping and reshaping the political structure. There
were doctrinal elements that sustained the development of Confucian
schools and there were also spiritual reasons for Confucian masters to
direct their learning away from the current actions and politics of those
in power. In this sense de Bary is right when he points out that
It is probably to the Confucian ethos and Confucian scholarship that
the Chinese dynastic state owed much of its stability and bureaucratic
continuity . . . Yet the reverse was not equally true; Confucianism was
less dependent on the state for survival than the state on it. Even though
aCected by the rise and fall of dynasties, Confucianism found ways to
survive.
(de Bary, 1988: 110)
If Confucianism is not simply a shadow of dynastic change, then
how should we present a historical perspective of it? When discussing
the history of Chinese philosophy as a whole, Fung Yu-lan (1895–1990),
one of the great Modern New Confucians, divided this history into two
ages, the creative and the interpretative. He calls the creative age, from
Confucius to the Prince of Huainan (d. 122 bce), the Period of the Philosophers (zi xue); and names the interpretative age, from Dong Zhongshu
(179–104 bce) to Kang Youwei (1858–1927 ce), the Period of Classical
Learning (jing xue) (Fung, 1953: 2). This two-part division reveals some
essential characteristics of the development of the Confucian tradition.
The creative period represents the initial formulation of the early teachings into a cohesive tradition while the interpretative period illustrates
the expansion of the tradition in line with social and political developments that necessarily take place over the centuries. However, if we
simply apply this two-fold pattern to the history of Confucianism, then
5
An introduction to Confucianism
our perspective would be seriously limited. By merely singling out the
methodological features of Confucian Learning, this division underemphasises the distinctive contributions made by distinguished masters
and overlooks the multidimensionality of various Confucian schools.
More importantly, this approach does not take suAcient account of the
interplay between Confucianism and the many other traditions that also
existed through its long history and development.
Focusing on the development of modern Confucianism, Mou Zongsan
(1908 –95), another modern New Confucian master, formulated a
diCerent pattern for the history of Confucianism, dividing it into three
periods or ‘epochs’ (Fang & Li, 1996: 486–95). His disciples, among
whom Tu Wei-ming presents a most persuasive argument, have developed
this theory further. According to this three-period theory, Confucianism
thus far has gone through three epochs. The first epoch from Confucius
(551–479 bce), Mengzi (371–289 bce) and Xunzi (310?–211? bce) to
Dong Zhongshu represents the origin of Confucianism and the acceptance of the tradition as the mainstream ideology, which corresponds to
the period from the Spring and Autumn period (770–476 bce) to the
end of the Later Han Dynasty (25–220 ce). The second epoch starts from
the renaissance of Neo-Confucianism and its spread to other parts of
East Asia and ends with the abolition of the dominance of Confucianism
in China and East Asia, corresponding to the era from the Song Dynasty
(960–1279) to the beginning of the twentieth century. The third epoch
takes place in the twentieth century, beginning with the critical reflection
on the tradition initiated in the May Fourth Movement (1919) and which
is still an ongoing process. A significant feature of the third epoch is
that modern Confucian scholars propagate and reinterpret Confucian
doctrines in the light of Western traditions, in which Confucianism is
being brought into the world and the world into Confucianism (Tu, 1993:
141–60; 1996a: 418). The primary question behind the three-epoch
theory is whether or not Confucianism is able to develop so that it can
become part of a global spirituality and culture. In search for answers
to this question the emphasis must be on the Confucian expansion of
its geographical area in relation to its self-transformation in response
to external challenges. The three-epoch theory implies that the further
development of Confucianism depends upon whether or not it can respond appropriately and successfully to industrialisation, modernisation,
democracy and the ‘global village’. Commendable as the three-epoch
theory is, it is nevertheless inadequate for us to use this theory to present
6
6
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
the historical perspective of the Confucian tradition. As a highly abstract
formula, the theory inevitably pays less attention to many significant parts
or periods of Confucian evolution which have made important contributions to sustaining and innovating Confucian Learning. Therefore,
if we use it as a paradigm for the history of Confucianism, it would be
too general to reveal what characterises the Confucian tradition as a constantly growing and changing tradition. If using it to highlight Confucian
history, we would overlook the fact that Confucianism draws its energy
and vitality both from within and from the interaction between itself and
many other traditions, and between the past and the present.
This introduction is not intended as a thorough study of Confucian
history. We nevertheless need to present a brief account of how Confucianism evolved and how it was transformed. In our historical perspective, Confucianism has gone through five stages, or in other words,
it has presented itself in five dimensions. In each of these stages or dimensions, Confucian doctrines gained new characteristics, the contents
of Confucian practices were enriched and the range of Confucian teaching was widened.
Confucianism in formation
In this first stage, Confucianism acquires a ‘classical’ form. The classic
presentation of Confucianism (ruxue or rujia) took shape during the
so-called Spring and Autumn period (770–476 bce). Confucius and his
faithful followers made the first eCorts to formulate a new philosophy
based on the old tradition and propagated it as the path to peace and harmony. Much modification of, elaboration and clarification on classical
Confucianism were added by brilliant scholars in the Warring States period
(475–221 bce), among whom Mengzi and Xunzi became preeminent
in the later Confucian tradition, and due to their eCorts Confucianism
became one of the major schools with many diCerent presentations.
Confucianism in adaptation
In the second stage, Confucianism is reformed and renewed in the interaction between Confucian schools and the schools of Legalism, Yin–Yang
and the Five Elements, Moism and Daoism. Following the replacement
of the Qin Dynasty (221–206 bce) by the Han Dynasty, Confucianism
recovered gradually from the setback under the Qin persecution and the
Legalist discrimination. Having clearly realised that they were in an
7
7
An introduction to Confucianism
eclectic culture, Han Confucians started a long process of adapting their
doctrines to the need of the empire. During the process of adaptation,
classical Confucianism was transformed, elaborated and extended. A
theological and metaphysical doctrine of interaction between Heaven and
humans was established and consequently became the cornerstone of the
revived Confucianism. There were two prominent schools of the time:
the New Text and the Old Text Schools. Debates between them resulted
in new interpretations of Confucius and the Confucian classics. This led
to what is known as ‘Classical Learning’, or more accurately, ‘scholastic
studies of the classics’ ( jing xue). Attention focused on close interpretation of words and sentences in the classics and by the end of the Later
Han Dynasty the extensive exegesis had nearly exhausted all the life
energy of Confucian scholars. To counter this stagnation, scholars of
the Wei–Jin Dynasties (220– 420) adopted one of two courses. Some
introduced Daoist philosophy into Confucianism while others adapted
Confucian world-views to Daoist principles. In each way Daoism and
Confucianism came together in what is known as Dark Learning or
Mysterious Learning (xuan xue). This was to have a lasting influence
upon the later development of Chinese thought.
Confucianism in transformation
In this stage, Confucianism responds to the challenges from Buddhism
and Daoism by ‘creating’ a new form of Confucian Learning. Confucianism of the Song–Ming Dynasties (960–1279, 1368–1644) regained
its authority over all aspects of social and religious life. Inspired by
Buddhist philosophy and Daoist spirituality, Confucian scholars reformulated the Confucian view of the universe, society and the self
on the one hand, and endeavoured to strip Confucian Learning of the
elements they considered to be Buddhist–Daoist superstitions on the
other. The result of their eCorts was a comprehensive system of new
Confucian Learning called Dao Xue (the Learning of the Way) or Li Xue
(the Learning of the Principle/Reason), which as such is normally translated in the West as Neo-Confucianism.
Confucianism in variation
The fourth period sees Chinese Confucianism being introduced to
other East Asian countries, and combined with local culture and tradition to acquire new forms of presentation. China is the homeland of
8
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
Confucianism, but Confucianism is not confined to China. The history
of Confucianism can be characterised as a process of radiation. From its
origins in the north, it spread to the whole of China and then to other
countries of East Asia. More recently it has spread to North America,
Europe and the rest of the world. According to historical records, Confucian doctrines and institutions were introduced to Vietnam, Korea and
Japan as early as the Former Han Dynasty. In the beginning, scholars
in these countries simply replicated the Chinese system but gradually,
eminent native scholars emerged who, taking the Chinese masters as their
guides, reinterpreted the Confucian classics and commentaries in the light
of their own understanding, experience and insight. In this way, they
successfully recreated a new scholarship by introducing new forms and
contents into Confucian Learning to satisfy the social and political needs
of their own countries. Thus, Chinese Confucianism acquired additional
manifestations, where the common sources of Confucian Learning and
practices were transformed into diCerent and yet related streams flowing into the twentieth century.
Confucianism in renovation
Confucianism is further transformed during this last period and develops
in the light of other world philosophies, especially European philosophical tradition and Christian spirituality in the modern age. Prominent
scholars of the twentieth century such as Xiong Shili (1885–1968), Liang
Suming (1893–1988), Fung Yu-lan (1895–1990), Qian Mu (1895–1990),
Tang Junyi (1909–78) and Mou Zongsan (1909–95), devoted the whole
of their lives to the revival of Confucian values and the transformation
of Confucian doctrines. Their contributions have rejuvenated Confucianism and constitute a significant part of ‘modern new Confucianism’
(xiandai xin ruxue).
While intending to give a brief but clear account of Confucian history,
we recognise that it is not possible in this work to take full account of
all the Confucian schools and sub-schools. Therefore we will have to
single out the most influential masters and examine their contributions
to the development of the Confucian tradition. In so doing, we will
especially emphasise the epoch-making innovations and transformations
achieved and highlight the crucial stages in its development, while
leaving many great Confucians and their teachings unexamined, or less
closely examined than they might otherwise deserve.
9
An introduction to Confucianism
Methodological focuses
Taking into account the long history and wide range of Confucian studies
engaged in the East and the West, and the great contributions made by
modern scholars during the last few decades, I will present Confucianism primarily as a philosophical and religious tradition, with a special
focus on its intellectual creativity and its modern relevance. I intend summarily to highlight, and critically examine, what has been achieved both
in the West and in the East. I will also pay special attention to what has
been understood as ‘Confucianism’ with regard to its doctrines, schools,
rituals, sacred places and terminology presented in history, while at the
same time stressing the significance of the adaptations, transformations
and ‘new thinking’ taking place in modern times.
One way to write an introductory book about Confucianism is to
follow its historical development, beginning with the pre-Confucius
age down to modern times. This is the basic structure of a few books of
this kind, and James Legge (1815–97), Herrlee Creel, and more recently
John Berthrong have done it in this way. While giving the reader a linear
account of Confucian intellectualism, these scholars are less successful
in their presentation of Confucianism as a philosophical and religious
spirit penetrating all strata of society. In contrast to them, I will introduce Confucianism as a single tradition with many facets and as an
ancient tradition with contemporary appeal. I hope to give the reader
a multidimensional view of the Confucian tradition by investigating
how Confucianism functioned in the past and how it is applied in the
present.
To examine the Confucian tradition, we need to explore its original
sources, not solely relying on second-hand materials available in the West.
By original sources we mean two kinds of texts. Firstly, original texts
in Chinese either in the form of ancient classics, annotations and commentaries or in modern deliberation and presentation. Secondly, interpretative books and articles in other languages, both highly specialist
materials including translations and annotations, and theme studies and
original research. These two kinds of material are equally important and
cross-references between them will be made throughout the chapters. A
select bibliography containing both categories is appended for further
reference.
Whether or not Confucianism is religious is a question of debate, and
this will be closely examined in chapter 1. Here, suAce it to say that
10
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
Confucianism is a tradition open to religious values. There are two
approaches to religious traditions in China adopted by prominent
sinologists; in one, a religion is studied as it was presented in the sacred
writings, while in the other, it is studied as it is applied in the way of life.
At an earlier stage these two methodologies were represented respectively by James Legge and J. J. M. de Groot. W. E. Soothill points out the
deficiency of each of them and believes that any religious tradition must
be studied in both dimensions. This comment is of insight, and will be
useful for our present study of Confucianism:
A study of a religion which limits itself to the teachings of the early
founders, and which ignores the present condition of its development,
will give a very imperfect presentation of the religion as a whole. On
the other hand, a study which is limited to its expression in practice,
without doing justice to the ideals of the founders, equally fails to do
justice to the religion as a whole, for the religious ideals of a people,
while they may be written on the tablets of their hearts and conscience,
often find very imperfect expression in their lives.
(Soothill, 1973: 21)
The Confucian tradition is both a tradition of literature and a way of
life. These two dimensions are related to and supplement each other. To
introduce Confucianism as a living tradition flowing from the past to the
present, we must look into how these two dimensions function together,
i.e., how the Confucian doctrine underlies the life of the people and how
the practice, political or religious, reflects as well as refreshes Confucian
Learning. To examine in detail the complicated relation between the
Confucian Way and Chinese practices is beyond the reach of this introductory book. How Confucian doctrine was used in East Asian politics,
religions, literature, arts and daily life are topics for diCerent kinds of
thematic research. Nevertheless we insist that relevant to our study are
not only the Confucian doctrines of Heaven, humanity and harmony, but
also how these doctrines are put into practice; not only the philosophic
discussion of human nature, but also devoted self-transformation in
relation to one’s spiritual and cultural destiny.
Similar to studies of any other philosophical and religious tradition
where numerous and various interpretations create both depth and confusion, a study of Confucianism is also an area full of diCerences. As an
introduction, this book has to be content with what has been generally
recognised in Confucian studies. While taking into account newly found
11
An introduction to Confucianism
evidence, it does not argue for a specific theory, and while discussing the
most important issues concerning Confucian studies, it does not fully
engage in all the current debates. What is intended throughout the book
is to present a phenomenological investigation of what Confucianism
was and is, and to generate a seamless interpretation and presentation of
its religious and philosophical doctrines. Having done this, I will supplement a number of questions to each chapter for further discussion, to
stimulate students and readers in general to think about the questions to
which there are no straightforward answers.
Structure and contents
This book comprises five chapters apart from this introduction.
Chapter 1 is a thematic presentation of what Confucianism is and what
characteristics it has. The focus of this chapter is on Confucius and
his contribution to the Confucian tradition, but attention is also given
to the origin and nature of what is called ‘Confucianism’ in the West.
Chapter 2 presents a historical view of how Confucianism evolved,
focusing on major Confucian schools and their leaders, from the early
records to the time when Confucianism was stepping into the modern
age. It investigates the common heritage of various schools and also
highlights the distinctiveness of each of them, treating them as necessary
links in the whole process of Confucian transformation and evolution.
In terms of geographical location, it concentrates on the unique contributions made by Confucian masters and scholars in China, Korea and
Japan, while leaving Confucianism in other areas such as Vietnam and
Southeast Asia to future studies.
Chapter 3 discusses the key elements of Confucian doctrine, and
presents them in the form of the Three Ways: the Way of Heaven, the
Way of Humans and the Way of Harmony. The Way of Heaven is central to the Confucian view of the transcendental, the metaphysical, the
natural, the ethical, the political and the religious. The Way of Humans
deals with the human correspondence with, and implementation of, the
Way of Heaven, as manifested in human nature, moral virtues, social
integration, political order, and personal destiny. Central to Confucian
belief is that the Way of Heaven cannot be fulfilled, unless it has been
understood and consciously carried out by humans in our life. The Way
of Harmony is concerned with how harmony can be achieved between
humans and Heaven, between conscious activities and the environment,
12
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
between individuals, between family members, as well as in society and
the world. It is argued that harmony is not only a central concept, but
also the spirit manifesting the life and power of Confucianism; it is both
the Confucian reality and the ideal that Confucian believers endeavour
to realise. Confucian harmony is primarily about the unity between
Heaven and humanity. According to Confucian understanding, this
unity indicates a harmonious state of the world in which humans live
and behave, which provides humanity with enjoyment, peace and
order. It also indicates a continuous relationship between the spiritual
and the human, the mind and the body, form and matter, and the traditional and the present, which gives individuals the sense of continuity,
eternity and security. It indicates once more the mutual transformation
of the eternal and the temporal, the infinite and the finite, and the sacred
and the secular, which can be observed in the proper performance of
ritual, and must be carried out in human engagement in conscientious
and industrious activity.
Chapter 4 concentrates on religious ritual and practices fostered
and upheld in the Confucian tradition. It demonstrates how Confucian
values have penetrated the lives of the Chinese, Koreans and Japanese,
and that people in these countries inevitably come under the influence of
Confucianism, and that their thinking is underpinned or shaped by Confucian values, whether or not they have studied the Confucian classics.
It starts with an investigation of how Confucian doctrines are used
to transform religious rituals and practices and how these rituals and
practices reflect the rational and humanistic ideals propagated by
Confucian masters. Confucian practices exist not only in the form of
religious worship and cults, but also in the unique way that Confucianism
takes learning and self-improvement as a spiritual path. Confucian
spirituality is influenced by the interaction between Confucianism and
other religious traditions, notably Daoism, Buddhism and Christianity.
It is in this interaction that Confucianism has transformed itself and has
caused transformations in other traditions as well.
The modern development of Confucianism and the problems facing
modern Confucian scholars are dealt with in chapter 5, in which the
so-called ‘three generations of modern new Confucians’ are examined,
and fresh challenges to Confucian theories and practices and Confucian
responses to these challenges are investigated. Confucianism has survived
the impact of western culture and Communist revolution and is being
13
An introduction to Confucianism
revived as a motivating force for modernisation. We are repeatedly
reminded that behind economic, political and social life in East Asia
are the values fostered in the Confucian tradition. Some scholars even
claim that ‘the new patterns of behaviour in these rapidly modernizing
societies are undergoing modification that can only be understood with
reference to the ancient Confucian heritage’ (Küng & Ching, 1989: 95).
In view of the influence and the revitalised image of Confucianism in
the last few decades, some scholars argue that Confucianism is moving
towards a ‘new age’. It is also suggested that the new creativity of Confucianism is not simply confined to East Asia; it has oCered a positive
response to universal and perennial human problems and concerns. In
critically examining these suggestions and taking into account the eCorts
to accentuate Confucianism made by modern scholars in the West and
the East, the book reaches a conclusion that Confucianism is by no means
only a tradition of the past, and that a revived Confucianism is able to
oCer positive values conducive to a healthy life in the modern age.
Translation and transliteration
Most of the original texts quoted in this book have been translated into
English. As a matter of fact, there are perhaps few books from other
non-western traditions that have been rendered into western languages
as often as the key Confucian classics have been. This leads to one of the
problems with which most students of Confucianism are often faced,
namely, the diCerences between various renderings of the same book.
Similar to the rendering of the scriptures of other religious/philosophic
traditions, translation of the Confucian classics often reflects a personal
involvement in re-experiencing the philosophy behind the texts. DiCerent translators have diCerent understandings of the philosophy, and their
renderings inevitably diCer. In order to present the Confucian tradition
in the best way, we cannot possibly adopt single translations exclusively.
As far as the key sources are concerned, especially in the case of Lunyu
or the Analects of Confucius and Mengzi or the Book of Mengzi, I will
make selective use of the translations rendered respectively by James
Legge, Arthur Waley, D. C. Lau and Wing-tsit Chan. When necessary, I
will select the translations I judge most accurate. As these texts are numbered in the order of chapters and paragraphs, it is reasonably easy for
the reader to match our quotations with any of the available translations. On some occasions when no translation is satisfactory, I will
14
Introduction: Confucian studies East and West
rerender what is quoted, while on other occasions when there is no translation available for a Confucian text, I will be responsible for rendering
the quoted passages directly from the original source. The references to
the original sources and to their English translators are given in the first
and second parts of the select bibliography.
The second problem facing a student is how to understand Chinese
terms and characters through translations. Some of the Confucian terms
and phrases are so complicated in meaning and application that it would
be impossible to find English equivalents for them, while others have
so wide a range of references that none of the English terms or phrases
is suAcient to denote its meanings. In this case, I will give a number of
English words that are close to the original meanings of a Chinese character, while if possible choosing one of them in the following pages.
The third problem most students find diAcult to handle, is the
romanisation of Chinese words or characters. There are two major systems currently in use for transliterating Chinese characters into English.
The first is the Wade–Giles or modified Wade–Giles system, which used
to be the dominant system for romanising Chinese characters among
western sinologists and the scholars from Taiwan and Hong Kong. The
second is the pinyin system prevailing in Mainland China, Singapore
and Malaysia, which although a newcomer, has recently been adopted
by many western sinologists and Chinese specialists, partly due to the
fact that more and more materials are being published in Mainland
China. Although there are good arguments for either system, this book
will primarily use the pinyin system, only retaining the Wade–Giles transcription for some well-known names, for example, Fung Yu-lan or
Tu Wei-ming, which are so familiar in the West that it would cause misunderstanding or unnecessary diAculty if I were to retransliterate them
into pinyin spellings. I have not changed the Wade–Giles spellings or other
systems of transliteration used in book titles or in quoted passages. To
make it convenient for readers, I have provided a glossary of Chinese,
Japanese and Korean characters, with their pinyin, Wade–Giles or other
transliterations used in this book.
15
An introduction to Confucianism
1
Confucianism, Confucius and
Confucian classics
About 2,500 years ago, a man was born to a once aristocratic family
in a small state called Lu in East China. During his lifetime, the man
endeavoured to work ‘towards a goal the realisation of which he knows
to be hopeless’ (Lunyu, 14: 38), carrying forward the old tradition in a
chaotic environment and opening up a new horizon in a dark age. By the
time he died at the age of seventy-three, his teachings had spread throughout the state and beyond. His disciples and students compared him to
the sun and moon, while his rivals considered him a man ‘who does not
work with his arms and legs and who does not know how to distinguish
between diCerent kinds of grain’ (Lunyu, 18: 7). But there was one thing
that neither side knew: that Chinese culture, and to some extent, East
Asian culture, would be forever linked with his name, and that the tradition he loved and transmitted would rank with the greatest in the world.
This tradition is known in the West as ‘Confucianism’.
‘Confucianism’ and ru
The origin of the English word ‘Confucianism’ may be traced back to
the Jesuits of the sixteenth century:
Until Nicholas Trigault published his version of Ricci’s journals
in 1615, there was hardly any knowledge of, not to say debate about,
Confucianism . . . The Jesuits were virtually the first Europeans to
discover Confucius and Confucianism, ‘the sect of the literati’ as they
not inaccurately called it . . . The Jesuits, representatives of European
values and intellectual methods, attempted . . . to understand Chinese
16
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
intellectual life in terms of systems, and transmuted the tradition of
the Ju or Chinese ‘scholars’ into an ‘-ism’, Confucianism.
(Rule, 1986: 2, 195)
Since then ‘Confucianism’ or its equivalents in other European languages has been taken in the West as a proper name for the East Asian
tradition with Confucius as its fountainhead. In fact, what is meant by
‘Confucianism’ is more a tradition generally rooted in Chinese culture
and nurtured by Confucius and Confucians rather than a new religion
created, or a new value system initiated, by Confucius himself alone. It is
true that as a distinctive ‘school’ Confucianism began with Confucius.
It was Confucius who explored deeply and elaborated extensively on
the basic principles of what was to become Confucianism, and it was
Confucius and his disciples who succeeded in transmitting and transforming their ancient culture. But it would go too far to suggest that
Confucianism was ‘created’ solely by Confucius and Confucianism was
sustained exclusively by the faith in Confucius. In this sense, the word
‘Confucianism’ is a misnomer for the tradition that is normally referred
to as ru jia, ru jiao, ru xue or simply as ru in China and other East Asian
countries. Confucius played a key role in the development of the tradition which had originated long before his time. He is usually regarded
as a ‘sage–teacher’ for the people or as the Sage for Confucians, but
seldom as the Saviour, and never as the Lord. Confucius functioned as
‘the founder’ of the Confucian tradition in a way quite diCerent from the
founders of other religious traditions.
and the R U tradition
Ru jia, ru jiao or ru xue may be translated roughly as ‘the doctrine,
or tradition, of scholars’. To understand the nature of this doctrine or
tradition, we have first to explore its root in ru. A prominent scholar
of the Han Dynasty (206 bce–220 ce), Liu Xin (?–23 ce), located the
formation of ru as a profession in the early years of the Zhou Dynasty
(1100?–256 bce) and asserted that ru was characteristic of its devotion
to the ‘six classics’ (the Book of Poetry, the Book of History, the Book
of Rites, the Book of Music, the Book of Changes, and the Spring and
Autumn Annals), and that as a social group and a distinctive school,
ru emphasised the virtues of humaneness (ren) and righteousness (yi),
followed the ancient sage–kings, and took Confucius as their master
(Hanshu, 1997: 1728). However, the identification of ru with Confucian
RU
17
An introduction to Confucianism
scholars was not recognised until a much later time, when Confucianism
had been recognised as a prominent school with its scholars engaging
with the classics and the Way of ancient Sages. What then is the original
meaning of the ru?
Among ancient texts, the character ru first occurs in the Analects, where
Confucius taught his disciples to be a ru of virtuous gentlemen (junzi ru),
and not a morally deficient man or a vulgar ru (xiaoren ru) (Lunyu, 6: 13).
Some scholars, both Chinese and Western, argue that although groups
of men professionally skilled in ceremonial practice existed prior to
Confucius’ time, the character ru post-dated Confucius’ time and was in
fact coined as a name for the followers of Confucius (Eno, 1993: 192).
While we cannot engage in this debate, suAce it now to say that there is
no reason for us to disregard what is implied by the reference to the two
kinds of ru in the Analects, and we have grounds for believing that as a
profession or distinctive group in society, ru must have predated the time
of Confucius.
As mentioned above, Liu Xin gave a clear explanation to the origin of
ru. He traced the origin of ru to a government oAce (situ zhi guan, Ministry of Education) whose function was to ‘assist the ruler to follow the way
of the yin–yang and to enlighten [the people] by education’ (zhu renjun,
shun yinyang, ming jiaohua, in Hanshu, 1998: 1728). There seem to have
been few debates concerning the meaning of ru before the twentieth
century, and people generally accepted Liu Xin’s explanation. Following
the introduction of a western scientific methodology at the beginning
of the twentieth century, however, Chinese scholars started to rethink
the character ru and reassess its meanings and connotations. A group of
scholars followed Liu Xin to confirm that ru was indeed from a government oAce. Zhang Binglin (1869–1936), for example, argued that all the
schools which came into being during the period of Spring and Autumn
(771–476 bce) and the period of Warring Sates (475–221 bce) originated
from the imperial oAces (wang guan) of the Zhou Dynasty. In his article
Yuan Ru (‘Exploring the Origin of Ru’), Zhang pointed out that in ancient
times ru was a general term with a range of references, and that there
were three kinds of ru in the Zhou Dynasty: ru as a distinguished title for
intellectuals or gentlemen who were equipped with skills and expertise
in one or more areas of social life (shu shi); ru as a classification for those
who were professionals in the six arts (rites, music, archery, carriage
driving, history and mathematics); and ru as an oAcial title for those
18
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
who assisted the ruler to follow the way of yin–yang and to enlighten the
people by education. Zhang believed that the three kinds of ru were later
disregarded and ru as a general term became a specific name for those
who taught and transmitted the Confucian classics (Zhang, 1909: 56).
Other modern scholars such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927) and Hu
Shi (1891–1962) disagreed with Liu and Zhang with regard to the origin
of ru. For them, ru did not originate in a government oAce of the Zhou
Dynasty. Based on the records that Confucius usually wore a special cap
(zhangfu zhi guan), Hu Shi claimed that ru referred to the adherents
(yimin) of the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600 –c. 1100 bce) who because of their
expertise in religious rituals were employed as priests by the Zhou
Dynasty. When the Western Zhou Dynasty (1100?–770 bce) declined
shortly before the time of Confucius, these professionals lost their privilege
and social status, and became a group of people who lived on their knowledge and skills in rituals and ceremonies (Hu, 1953: vol. 4). In his Yuan
Ru Mo (On the Origins of the Ru and Moists) Fung Yulan argued against
this assumption that wearing the Shang cap did not mean that these
people were adherents of the Shang. Fung further separated ru and rujia,
the former being a professional group who lived on education and performing rituals, the latter being a distinctive school established in the
Spring and Autumn period (Chen, 1996: 334).
Most of the debates were concentrated on the immediate predecessors
of ru that later tradition knew as Confucian scholars. Whether or not
it was associated with a government oAce, the members of ru were
certainly associated with learning and education. But what was their
original profession? Recently, a number of Chinese scholars have returned
to the question. Some conclude that as a profession ru refers originally
to dancers and musicians in religious ceremonies of the Shang Dynasty
when the worship of spirits and gods dominated the life of the people. A
ru would perform various dances and play music as imprecation for
a good harvest and as oCerings to gods or ancestors, and would lead
ceremonies for the coming of rain during the seasons of drought. To fulfil
their duties ru had to study not only the rituals proper, but also other
relevant subjects such as astronomy/astrology to predict rain or drought.
The character ru () is said to come from the character xu (). Xu was
composed of two parts, ‘cloud’ () above sky () (Yan, 1995: 50), which
reveals the relation of ru to ritual dance in rain-praying. In the oracle
bone inscriptions, xu was rendered as a man who is in a shower ( ),
19
An introduction to Confucianism
suggesting a ritual ablution before a ru went about his responsibilities.
In chapter 38 ‘The Conducts of Scholars’ of the Book of Rites, we can
see the importance of bathing for a Confucian scholar: ‘The scholar keeps
his person free from stain, and continually bathes (and refreshes) his
virtue’ (Legge, 1968, vol. 27: 407).
Other etymological connections also suggest that ru were related
to ritual dance, music and religious ceremonies. The character ru shares
the same root with those for ‘weaklings’ and ‘cowards’, indicating that
the members of ru were characterised by their softness, suppleness
and flexibility. Probably for this reason, Xu Shen (58?–147?), the first
Chinese philologist, defined it as such: ‘Ru means “soft.” It is the title for
[Confucian] scholars (shu shi) who educated the people with the six arts’
(Shuowen Jiezi Zhu, 1981: 366). Therefore, a ru was gentle and yielding
rather than competitive and commanding, in contrast to a warrior who
was known for his vigour in war and competition. As a master of music
and dance, a ru was clearly aware of his own refinement and manners,
and believed his own worth to reside in his cultivated and noble etiquette;
it was this which served to distinguish the ru from common people, such
as farmers, craftsmen and merchants.
To summarise and assess what has been presented above, we may
hypothesise that the diCerent explanations of the origins of ru might
actually refer to the diCerent periods in the evolution of the groups of
men who were called ru. The ru went through a number of stages before
the time of Confucius. Firstly, ru referred to dancers and musicians in religious rituals, who were characterised by their softness and flexibility. At
this stage, ru was a special group in society whose members were roughly
equivalent to what we mean by shamans, magicians and sorcerers.
Secondly, ru were masters of rituals and ceremonies, who performed, or
assisted the performance of, various rituals. At this stage, ru referred to
professionals expert in religious rituals, rites and ceremonies. Thirdly,
ritual masters became teachers in oAcial education. To be able to look
after rituals, ru must have mastered history, poetry, music, astrology,
archery and mathematics which were closely related to rituals in ancient
times. As experts in these areas they exercised responsibility for training
young dancers, musicians and performers, and for teaching on rituals
and ritual-related subjects, which earned them the title of shi ():
‘Masters/Teachers’, although they were still employed as professional
priests or assistants at oAcial or non-oAcial ceremonies.
20
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
Along with the decline of cultic practices and the rise of rationalism
during the Spring and Autumn period, a large number of ru departed
from the oAcially assigned profession, and entered various areas of
social life. The ru became distinctive for their skills in state rituals and
in oAcial and private education. The character ru was also gradually
extended to become a specific term for those who had skills of ritual,
history, poetry, music, mathematics and archery, and who lived oC their
knowledge of all kinds of ceremonies and of many other subjects (Chen,
1996: 350). Among the teachers of these disciplines Confucius stood
out as an outstanding ru of his time, and opened up a new course by
developing and transforming the ru tradition. By the time of the Warring
States period, Confucius had been recognised as the highest figure in the
ru tradition, as indicated by Han Fei (280?–233 bce), a leading Legalist
philosopher and a well-known critic of Confucianism, ‘In the present
age, the celebrities for learning are the literati [ru] and the Mohists. The
highest figure of the Literati was K’ung Ch’iu [Kong Qiu]; the highest
figure of the Mohists was Mo Ti’ (Liao, 1960, vol. 2: 298). Not long
after that, the tradition of ru was totally identified with the doctrines
clarified, elaborated and propagated by Confucius, and ‘the rituals of
the ru’ and ‘the Way of Confucius’ became interchangeable in a collection of the Former Han Dynasty (Huainanzi Yizhu, 1990: 501). One way
or another, Confucius’ transmission and interpretation of the ancient
culture and his practices of education played a major part in shaping and
reshaping the ru tradition. The process involved in this transformation
must be taken into account when we discuss the relationship between
Confucius and ru. Therefore, whatever method one may employ in tracing the origin of Confucianism, one must take into account both the
cultural heritage on which Confucius worked and the transformation Confucius made to the ru tradition. In this sense it is misleading to
simply ‘characterize Confucius and his followers through their role as
masters of dance’ (Eno, 1990: 2–3). As we have pointed out above, by
the time of Confucius, the ru had fundamentally changed their social
and cultural functions, and therefore, should not be treated in the same
way as the earlier masters of dance and music.
confucius
‘Confucius’ is a Latinised form of the Chinese name Kong Fuzi, Master
Kong, which is in turn a reverent title for Kong Qiu or Kong Zhongni
21
An introduction to Confucianism
(551–479 bce). Confucius was born and lived in the Spring and Autumn
period of the Zhou Dynasty. The Zhou Dynasty was established on
the system of feudalism: under the central government the empire was
divided into many feudal states, either headed by the members of the
royal house or awarded to those who had rendered outstanding service
to the state. There were about 124 states shortly before Confucius’
birth and around 70 during his life. Initially the system worked well. The
princes and dukes of the states took the king as the ‘Son of Heaven’ and
as their chief commander. When the grasp of Zhou Kings over the states
weakened, however, the administrative system began to collapse. The
heads of individual states ignored the command and order from the
central government, and competed with one another for a bigger share of
land and property. This led to military conflict between states and power
struggles within a state. The old order of social life was being destroyed
and a new one was advancing, while the people were left in endless
suCering and misery, husband being torn from wife, and wife being forced
to leave husband; the rich enjoying their luxury, while the poor had
nothing to rely on (Legge, 1992, vol. 4: 117, 320, 423, 424).
Many thinkers explored the cause of chaos and disorder, and expanded
upon their ways of solving the problems. Some became pioneers of diCerent schools, and Confucius was one of them, probably the most famous
one of his time. He believed that chaos and disorder developed from the
misuse and abuse of ritual/propriety (li) and music (yue). He described
these as a situation of li huai yue beng – ‘the decay of ritual/propriety
(li) and the collapse of music’. Unable to endure this state of aCairs,
Confucius embarked upon a life-long enterprise to restore the value of
rituals and to propagate the rules of propriety. For him chaos and disorder could not be corrected under a bad government, in which neither
ruler nor minister acted in accordance with the true values of their roles.
To establish a righteous government, the ruler and his ministers must act
according to what was established in ancient rites, because what made a
government good was the power of moral virtues rather than the power
of cruel and punitive laws. Moral virtues could produce trust and faith
in the people, while punitive measures might stop wrongdoing only for a
moment. A ruler ‘who governs the state through his virtue is like the pole
star which stays put while the other stars revolve around it’ (Lunyu, 2: 1).
An eAcient way to secure ‘governing by virtue’ was to perform rituals and
play music correctly, which would enable performers to remain in a state
22
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
of sincerity and loyalty and to set up good examples for the common
people so that they knew what was right and what was wrong. In this
sense, Confucian Learning, performing rituals and playing music were
not merely a matter of ceremonies. Either at a personal level or at a social
level, ‘flourishing comes from [learning of] poetry; establishing results
from [properly performing] ritual; and completing is to be achieved by
means of music’ (Lunyu, 8: 8). In order to set up guidelines for good
family and social life, Confucius reinterpreted the meaning and methods
of learning and education of the ru tradition, and believed that the promotion of the tradition had great leverage on improving the quality of
social life, was the key to overcoming present problems, and would lead
the people to a refined and redefined world of goodness and harmony.
As his objective was the restoration of social and moral excellence, and
the cultivation of purity within the heart of individuals, so that society
and humanity at large could function harmoniously, Confucius took on
the task of reforming the government through revitalising the ancient ways
which was believed to have been established at the beginning of the Zhou
Dynasty and carried out eCectively and eAciently during the first half of
the dynasty: ‘The Zhou is resplendent in culture, having before it the
example of the two previous dynasties. I am for the Zhou’ (Lunyu, 3: 14).
The political ambition and moral strength with which Confucius
strove to realise his ideal came in part from his ancestral background
and aristocratic origins. Confucius is believed to have been a descendant
of the royal house of the Shang Dynasty and his family lived in the state
of Song until his grandfather was forced to move to the state of Lu. His
father died when Confucius was three years old and it was his mother
who raised him and had him properly educated. The passing away of
his father led to the further decline of the family, and Confucius once
described himself as ‘being of humble station when young so that I was
able to handle many menial things’ (Lunyu, 9: 6). The humbleness of his
living conditions and the nobility of his ancestry were probably two main
factors which encouraged him to learn. The road to the final achievement was long but gradual, as we find in his poetic self-description which
records that he set his heart firmly on learning at the age of fifteen, and
by thirty he had achieved some success; ten years later, he had reached
a higher step, when he was no longer perplexed with world aCairs; at
fifty, he believed that he had understood the Mandate of Heaven; at sixty
his ears were docile, and at seventy, he had reached the peak of human
23
An introduction to Confucianism
transformation so that he could do everything following his own heart’s
desire without transgressing the norm (Lunyu, 2: 4).
In his public career, however, the progress was much less obvious.
He was a private educator and a well-known master for most of his
life. Although Confucius was keen to transform government, he himself
seemed to be more interested in practising virtues at home than in holding
oAce. When asked why he was not involved in government, Confucius
replied, ‘What does the Book of History say? “Simply by being a good
son and friendly to his brothers, a man can exert an influence upon
government.” In so doing a man is, in fact, taking part in government.
How can there be any question of his having actively to “take part in
government?” ’ (Lunyu, 2: 21). Confucius held oAce for only a few years,
the first significant post assigned to him being that of magistrate of the
district Zhongdu when he was nearly fifty-one years old (501 bce). Due
to the success of his administration in this district, he was promoted to
Minister for Construction (500 bce) and the Chief Justice, possibly even
serving as acting Prime Minister for a short period (499 bce). Seeing that
he was unable to turn his doctrines into practice, Confucius left his home
state of Lu for other states in 497 bce, hoping that his words would
be heeded, his politics carried out and his ideal realised in other parts
of the world. For thirteen years (497–484 bce), he and a group of his
disciples travelled from one state to another, frequently encountering
failure and despair. However, he never lost his faith in the Way of Heaven
(tian) and his mission in the world. Confucius believed that Heaven is
the Ultimate, the source of faith from which he drew his optimism and
wisdom in dealing with human aCairs.
When Confucius realised that the situation was hopeless and when the
political climate in the state of Lu changed, he returned home, devoting
the rest of his life to teaching disciples and editing ancient classics, in
the expectation that the disciples would carry on his work and pass his
teachings on to later generations. Confucius died in the fourth month of
479 bce, and it was said that Duke Ai of Lu (r. 494–467 bce) came to
pay his condolences: ‘Alas! Heaven has no mercy on me, and has not
spared me the Grand Old Man, leaving me unprotected and in deep regret.
Alas! Father Ni (Confucius’ name)! Great is my sorrow!’ (Lin. 1994: 153;
Legge, 1992, vol. 5: 846). A few hundred years later, when Sima Qian
(145?–86? bce), the greatest Chinese historian, wrote a biography of
Confucius, he concluded with the following paragraph:
24
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
When I read the works of Confucius, I try to see the man himself. In
Lu I visited his temple and saw his carriage, clothes and sacrificial
vessels. Scholars go regularly to study ceremony there, and I found it
hard to tear myself away. The world has known innumerable princes
and worthies who enjoyed fame and honour in their days but were
forgotten after death, while Confucius, a commoner, has been looked up
to by scholars for ten generations and more. From the emperor, princes
and barons downwards, all in China who study the Six Arts take the
master as their final authority. Well is he called the Supreme Sage!
(Shiji, 1997: 1947; Yang & Yang, 1974: 27)
It is commonly agreed that as a distinctive school Confucianism
took shape in the hands of Confucius and he was responsible for the
formation of the basics of Confucianism. His commanding personality
and profundity of knowledge attracted many followers and he himself
became the centre of gravity and the embodiment of Confucian virtues.
His understanding of the world and religious matters led the Confucian
tradition to the direction of rationalism and humanism, which characterises Confucian practices, either secular or religious. He deliberated
on many important concepts, which laid down the very foundation
for Confucian doctrines. He virtually instituted a pedagogic tradition
which transcended the class distinctions. And he painted a picture of the
gentleman/virtuous man (junzi) as an attainable ideal. All these become
the backbone of the Confucian Way, illustrating how a Confucian follower should behave, how he should lead his life and what he must do
for an ideal society. It is believed that following this Way, a Confucian
will be able not only to manifest the Principle of Heaven and Earth, but
also to continually ‘make’ the Principle out of his own practices.
With all his contributions clearly recognised, however, there is no
agreed evaluation of Confucius and his works, and opinions on him
among western scholars vary dramatically. For example, in his history
of philosophy, Hegel looked down upon Confucius as merely a moral
educationalist and his teachings as a collection of moral proverbs, which
represents the primitive stage of the progression of the Absolute Spirit.
For Karl Jaspers, the image is diCerent. Confucius is said to be one of the
four ‘paradigmatic individuals – It would be diAcult to find a fifth of
equal historical stature’ – who ‘by being what they were did more than
other men to determine the history of man. Their influence extended
through two millennia down to our own day’ (Jaspers, 1962: 6). As
25
An introduction to Confucianism
regard to his contribution to religion, Herbert Fingarette emphasises
the sacredness of his secular teaching, while Julia Ching would rather
consider him ‘a seminal thinker’ (Ching, 1993: 52).
The main concern of Confucius was with humans and with the fundamental principles of humanity. Confucius believed that these principles
were the root of social relationships, the foundation of the stability, peace
and prosperity of the state, the family and individuals. He developed his
ethics around two central theses; that goodness can be taught and learned,
and that society can only be in harmony and at peace under the guidance
of wisdom. He further developed a system of concepts to expound the
central theses. Of these concepts four became the underlying ideas of the
Confucian tradition, namely, the Way (dao), ritual/propriety (li), humaneness (ren) and virtue (de), and later the backbone of the ideological structure of a Confucian state. Devoting himself wholeheartedly to solving
human problems, Confucius propagated the value of education, virtue
and self-cultivation. On the one hand Confucius kept a distance from
religious matters such as serving ‘spirits and ghosts’, and would rather
talk about this life than the life after (Lunyu, 11: 12); on the other
hand, he held a deep faith in Heaven and destiny (ming), and preserved
religious ritual strictly. Although he believed in his mission that was
endowed by Heaven, he never saw himself as the leader or founder of a
religious tradition; what he did was merely to transmit the ancient culture, which in his mind was the model for the present and the guarantee
for the future. However, in the transmission he ‘innovated’ the old
tradition, as asserted by Schwarts that ‘in his focus on the concept of jen
[humaneness] Confucius is an innovator rather than a transmitter’
(Schwarts, 1985: 76). According to Fung Yu-lan, ‘in transmitting, he
originated something new’ (Fung, 1961: 41), while in the words of Jaspers,
‘in the philosophy of Confucius, the new expressed itself in the form of
the old’ (Jaspers, 1962: 54).
confucianism as a ‘ family ’ ( J I A )
It was said that Confucius had three thousand students, among whom
72 were intimate disciples – the number of his disciples varying in diCerent books, for example, 70 in Mengzi 2a:3, 77 in Shiji, 76 in Kongzi
Jiayu, and 72 in Hou Hanshu, and the number of 72 becoming widely
accepted probably under the influence of the Five Elements School’s
numerological configuration of the perfect number 360 divided by 5. After
26
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
three years’ mourning (in one case six years’) for their master, these disciples and students went to diCerent areas, either engaging in administration of a state, or setting up schools to teach the principles of the ru
tradition. Confucius was recognised as the symbol of the ru, and the ru
gradually became a specific term for those who followed Confucius to
interpret, and teach, the classics, and who engaged themselves in administration, education and the preservation of ancient rituals and music.
The multidimensional themes raised in Confucius’ conversations and the
rich resources of his teaching made it possible for the members of the ru
to develop diCerent understandings and interpretations of Confucius and
his philosophy. The diCerences in the methods of learning and practice
led to a variety of sections within the broad category of the ru. According
to Han Fei, during this period there were eight prominent sections of the
ru (Watson, 1970: 119). Although these sections developed Confucian
doctrines in manifestly diCerent directions, all of them considered themselves faithful followers of Confucius, devoted to studying, editing and
interpreting the classics as well as producing a considerable amount of
new literature in the ru tradition, and thus receiving recognition as distinguished scholars (ru) on the ancient classics. All these sections together
were known as ru jia, one of the bai jia (a hundred schools).
Jia means a structure of family home, being extended to refer to a group
of people who are devoted to the same ideal and who form among themselves relationships which are like those of a large family. By ru jia it is
meant the school or tradition of literati or scholars who have committed
themselves to the tradition of the ru. As a school, ru jia sought to make
the Way of ancient sage–kings prevail again in the present world. The
Way of the ancients was understood as multidimensional in its contents,
including the vision of harmony, the rules of propriety, the values of rituals
and rites, virtues and methods of a benevolent government. All these were
believed to have been well illustrated in the classics that ru scholars held
Confucius to have edited and interpreted. Ru jia propagated the study
and learning of these classics to correct disorder and to transform the
society, and strove to bring order to the state and peace to the world.
Like many other schools, the ru transmitted these teachings and principles
through forging a seemingly unbroken chain of master–disciples. Its practices were characterised by untiring study of, and instruction on ancient
writings, and by performing rituals and playing music properly under
the guidance of masters.
27
An introduction to Confucianism
confucianism as a cult ( J I A O )
For a long time after the death of Confucius, Confucianism remained only
one of many schools. Although its teaching was considered prominent
and its followers were numerous, it did not enjoy any privilege throughout the Warring States period. On the contrary, it was frequently mocked
and attacked by the followers of other schools, as it had been during the
lifetime of Confucius. In the eyes of its rivals, Confucianism did not
provide adequate answers to the problems of life, nor did it show any
advantage over other schools. In a passage from a Daoist work, the Book
of Zhuang Zi, Confucianism is treated the same as other schools, having
its strong and weak points: ‘The various skills of the hundred schools
[bai jia] all have their strong points, and at times each may be of use. But
none is wholly suAcient, none is universal’ (Watson, 1964: 364).
The First Emperor of the Qin Dynasty (221–206 bce) relied on
Legalism (fa jia) to unify and govern the empire. As Legalism was one
of the chief rivals of Confucianism, Confucianism was humiliated and
suCered from suppression and persecution. With a gradual recovery in
the first few decades of the Former Han Dynasty (206 bce–8 ce), Confucianism became a dominant school and an orthodox ideology during the
reign of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 bce). Closely related to the religious
sacrifices of the state, Confucianism was given another name, jiao, and
later became one of the three jiaos, Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism.
In Shiji or the Records of the Historian ru and jiao are first linked together.
However, the meaning here is perhaps no more than the teaching of the ru
(Shiji, 1997: 3184; Watson, 1961, vol. 2: 455.) One of the early references
to Confucianism as a religious doctrine is made in the History of the Jin
Dynasty ( Jinshu, 1997: 1). When Kang Youwei of the late Qing Dynasty
(1644–1911) launched a reform movement to transform the Confucian
tradition into a state religion, he confected the story that Confucius
created the ru jiao, the religion or religious doctrine of literati.
The original form of ‘jiao’ ( ) is a pictograph, consisting of ‘a hand
holding a stick ( | )’ and ‘beating ( ) a child ( )’. The later form of
the character () consists of ‘teaching (educating, )’ and ‘filial piety
()’, meaning that a child is rigorously brought into a filial relation. This
meaning was broadened to include the doctrines that a group of people
endeavoured to transmit and spread. A jiao also implies a system of
observance of rituals, disciplines of behaviour and faith in the teachings
of the founders of a tradition, which are regarded as three of the most
28
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
important factors in maintaining the unity and transmission of a jiao.
Therefore, what is meant by ru jiao is the cult of the learned or cultured,
the continuous tradition of the scholars who followed Confucius to take
part in the interpretation and application of the doctrines explored
in the classics, and who emphasised the importance and significance of
rituals and ceremonies for the realisation of their ideal. As Confucianism
was promoted to be the state ideology, the reverence and worship of
Confucius became part of state religious activities. Confucius was given
the title of Perfect Sage and Ancient Teacher; religious ceremonies were
performed on his birthday and other festivals, and sacrifices were oCered
to his spiritual tablet in temples dedicated to Confucius. Along with the
rising of Confucius’ status and with the dogmatic application of his teachings, two more names were invented to refer to Confucianism. Kong jiao
(‘the cult of Confucius’) emphasises that the teaching and figure of Confucius are central to the tradition, and recognises that Confucianism as
a distinctive school, a glorious tradition and an orthodox doctrine was
promoted, explored, transmitted and interpreted by Confucius, while li
Jiao (‘the ritual religion’) reveals the overemphasis of Confucianism on
li, the rules of propriety, the rites, rituals and ceremonies.
confucianism as a form of learning ( X U E )
One of the features that serves to distinguish Confucianism from many
other traditions is its commitment to the study and transmission of
ancient classics. Confucius is said to be the great editor and commentator
of the classics, and his reputation as the sage is based on the fact that he
embodies ancient culture. Following him, each generation of Confucian
masters and scholars made a contribution to learning, and the doctrines
of Confucianism were gradually enriched and extended in numerous
writings, treatises and discussions. The Confucian tradition has gathered
around its classics an unparalleled abundance of annotations and commentaries. As the tradition of literati, Confucianism is steeped in the spirit
of scholarship. Confucianism is thus known by the name ru xue, meaning the learning of scholars, and the term is first used in the Records
of History (Shiji, 1997: 3118). It is agreed that Confucianism has been
able to outlive its status as state religion, and has survived persecution,
suppression and revolution, because it is sustained not by its social and
religious privilege, but by its unflagging eCorts to further learning. It is
also contended that Confucian temples may be demolished, devotion to
29
An introduction to Confucianism
its sages abolished and Confucian followers may be stripped of their social
privileges, but Confucianism can still survive and thrive as long as learning is permitted, and the classic texts are available. For this reason, most
modern East Asian intellectuals prefer to name Confucianism as ru xue
rather than ru jia or ru jiao, in recognition of the fact that the life and
spirit of Confucianism lies in its learning.
It is generally recognised that either as a school of thought or as the
state orthodoxy, the vitality of Confucianism can be generated through
learning and education, and renewed in practising what has been learnt.
Confucian Learning diCers significantly from what we mean today by
‘learning’. For a Confucian, Learning is first of all a process of reading,
understanding and deliberating, but it is more than a purely academic
subject. Confucian Learning is the study of the Way of Heaven both in
the inner self and in external practices. The only purpose of learning is
the promotion of virtuous action and the cultivation of a moral character, as Confucius made it clear that ‘A person of virtue studies the Way
in order to love people’ (Lunyu, 17: 4). Confucian Learning is also closely
related to human nature and destiny. Learning is to transform one’s self
and retain what is virtuous. It is in this sense that Mengzi, the second
sage in the Confucian tradition, understood the way of learning to be
nothing other than ‘going after the lost heart’ (Mengzi, 6a: 11).
As a particular kind of learning, the Confucian tradition is known for
three characteristics (1) that its members are mostly learned people or
civilised intellectuals in a broad sense, which reveals that in Confucian
Learning preference is always given to the virtuous way of life (2) that
they commit themselves to expanding upon, and interpreting, the classics,
which indicates that the value of Confucianism lies in a continuous
process of transmitting and furthering the ancient tradition; and (3) that
they endeavour to carry out, politically and ethically, collectively and
individually, the principles embodied in the classics, which implies that
the intention and goal of Confucian Learning is to transform the world
in the world.
Ethics, politics and religion in the Confucian tradition
The seven-dimension theory of religion put forward by Ninian Smart
has become a useful tool for scholars in Religious Studies to explore
the richness and depth of a particular tradition. Smart believes that
although it is diAcult to define a religion, we can examine it usefully
30
Confucianism, Confucius and Confucian classics
in its diCerent aspects or dimensions, such as the practical and ritual
dimension, the experiential and emotional dimension, the narrative or
mystic dimension, the doctrinal and political dimension, the ethical and
legal dimension, the social and institutional dimension, and the material
dimension (Smart, 1989: 12–21).
‘Confucianism’ literally means the tradition and doctrine of literati/
scholars. In fact, it is more than the values of a group of people. It contains a socio-political programme, an ethical system, and a religious
tradition. It functions as an underlying ideology and a guiding principle
permeating the way of life in China and informing the cultures of many
other East Asian countries.
Confucian doctrines are primarily explored and illustrated in the
Confucian classics, and are also enriched, transformed and extended at
the hands of many generations of Confucian masters and students. The
interpretation of Confucian principles changes with the times, and we
can therefore observe a number of distinct phases or stages in the process of Confucian evolution. Confucianism was the dominant school of
thought and orthodox ideology for the most part of two thousand years,
exercising both dogmatic and dynamic functions. It was dogmatic in
maintaining and strengthening its dominance, but it was also flexible
enough to adapt to diCerent environments and situations, shaping and
reshaping itself constantly and synthesising new ideas from other schools.
It is essentially a Chinese tradition, primarily reflecting the Chinese attitude towards life and the world, although of course it has spread also to
other East Asian nations, flourishing in both a distinctively Korean and
Japanese form.
Any adequate understanding of Confucianism, past and present, will
depend upon a thorough examination of all its dimensions, phases and
forms as well as the interplay between it and its social environment.
Each of these dimensions is in itself a miniature of the whole tradition,
embodying the fundamental principles of Confucianism and at the same
time reflecting other dimensions in its own distinctive way. Can we single
out from the many dimensions the one which is more important than
the others and by which Confucianism may be defined? Many modern
scholars and students in Confucian Studies have attempted to answer
this question, yet Confucianism demonstrates an ability to cross the
boundaries of the traditionally defined subjects in the West, therefore
the variety of its presentations has made it almost impossible to be clearly
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An introduction to Confucianism
defined. Even so, some of them still argued that Confucianism must have
some essential characteristics that serve to set it apart from other traditions and to preserve its distinctiveness, and that it should be possible to
define Confucianism in its relation either to ethics, politics or religion.
an ethical system ?
Morality has been characteristic of Confucian theory and practice. It was
on the foundation of Confucianism that various codes of moral life, rules
of propriety, patterns of behaviour and guidelines for social and daily
life were produced and enhanced. Confucianism underlined, and perhaps
to a smaller extent continues to underline, the basic structure of society
and community, to orient the life of the people and to define their moral
standards and ethical ideal in most parts of East Asia.
Considering the central position of morality in Confucianism and
the significance of Confucian ethics for society, some Western scholars
have concluded that the moral dimension is so essential for Confucianism
that Confucianism itself can be defined as a form of ethics. A number
of prominent scholars hold this position. For them, ‘Confucianism . . .
was essentially a system of ethics’ (Needham, 1970: 24–5); ‘What is
call...
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