can you do discussion Board post and journal

timer Asked: Oct 5th, 2017
account_balance_wallet $25

Question Description

HN 370 Journal Entry

The Journal is a time for you to reflect on the content of the unit. It is an informal and viewable to yourself and your instructor.

Watch the video:

The video “Single Dad Builds a Future With Employment Initiative” touches on a major problem in our society; most single parent programs and services focus on single mothers. There are many young fathers who need resources as well and have nowhere to turn.

Search in your community to find resources available to young fathers. Using the Journal, list the resources you found. If there were more services to address the needs of single fathers, do you think that more single fathers would be willing to be responsible fathers as opposed to missing fathers? Explain.

HN370 Discussion Board

Read and post one primary post for each Discussion topic, addressing each of the topics clearly and correctly applying concepts from the course material to support answers. The length requirement for your post is 150 words minimum.

Be sure to make two or more responses to other students on each thread presenting original ideas, contributing to the quality of the discussion, and meets length requirement (50-100 words for each peer response).

Teenage pregnancy is a multi-faceted issue. Understanding teens as they grapple with their decisions regarding sexuality and parenthood involves understanding where they are in their development. Do they have a clear and thorough understanding of what the consequences are to being sexually active?

Based on what you have learned this week, please answer the following questions:

  • If you could design a teen pregnancy prevention program what would it look like?
  • Describe how you would involve parents, teens, schools, and community organizations.
  • Locate teen pregnancy/parenting programs available in your community and what identify services they offer.Do any of the agencies you listed offer volunteer opportunities? If so, what you would need to do to accept one? Explain how an opportunity like that would benefit your future work as a Human Service Professional.


Read Chapter 11, "Teenage Pregnancy and Parenting," in your text, Exploring Child Welfare: A Practice Perspective.

Review the Web Resources below.

Web Resources

Unformatted Attachment Preview

11 Teenage Pregnancy and Parenting Lynne Kellner Competencies Applied with Practice Behavior Examples—in This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • Professional Identity Ethical Practice Critical Thinking Diversity in Practice Human Rights & Justice Research Based Practice Human Behavior Policy Practice Practice Contexts Engage, Assess, Intervene, Evaluate Case Example Shannon, a sixteen-year-old high school junior, and her one-year-old son live with her twenty-two-year-old boyfriend and her mother. Her mother looks after the baby while Shannon attends school. Immediately on returning home, Shannon assumes full responsibility for the baby because her mother and boyfriend both work evenings. Shannon arranged with her guidance counselor to enter a half-day job-training program while condensing her academics into the other half; however, she has not attended the program in nine of the past ten days. “Why would Shannon pass up this opportunity to improve her income potential?” the counselor asks in frustration. Raising a child to adulthood has become increasingly complicated and expensive in our technologically advanced world. Children tend to remain at home longer as they complete their educations before entering an ever-more-competitive work world. Inflation makes it harder for young adults to become self-supporting. No wonder Shannon’s guidance counselor thinks that acquiring job skills would give Shannon the “best chance” at self-sufficiency. Shannon, however, is struggling with the adolescent developmental issues compounded by early parenthood. Peer contact, with its frivolous concerns and moments of forgetting her responsibilities, satisfies needs separate from those of her child. With the emergence of adolescent pregnancy as a national social problem in the 1960s, attention focused on the following: the psychological and financial inability of teen parents to care for their children; the negative impact on adolescent development, including decreased career and economic options for parenting teens; the economic consequences for the country of supporting children of unwed mothers; and the absence of fathers in children’s lives. This chapter will review and analyze these concerns and assumptions, place adolescent pregnancy in historical context, review current research to enhance our understanding, identify risk factors, and highlight key intervention strategies. DEFINITION OF TERMS Children having children is a phrase popularly used to describe adolescent pregnancy. Although catchy, it simplifies a very complicated phenomenon. Determining when adolescence ends is no simple feat in today’s society. Using traditional responsibilities of adulthood as guideposts—such as establishing a career, buying a home, and marrying and raising a family—many psychologists now extend adolescence into the midtwenties. When teen parents are viewed as children, intervention strategies appear patronizing. If the intention is to empower teens to assume responsible parenting, the “children having children” perspective is counterproductive. For the purposes of this chapter, age groupings established by the Department of Health and Human Services (Hamilton et al, 2010) will be used to distinguish between three sets of teenagers: young teens (ages ten to fourteen), middle teens (ages fifteen to seventeen), and older teens (ages eighteen and nineteen). HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Teen pregnancy is construed differently today than when our country was first settled. Many have preconceptions of the early Americans as moralistic and repressive. Think of Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Scarlet Letter, in which Hester Prynne, bearing the minister’s love-child, is publicly humiliated and sentenced to wear a scarlet A (for adultery) on her bosom. Although the colonists disapproved of premarital sexual relations, they tolerated them if the mother married before thirty-two weeks of giving birth (Hambleton, 2004). As many as one-third of early eighteenth century brides were pregnant at the time they married. Abortions, herbally induced, were considered an acceptable treatment for “blocked menstruation” as long as there was no quickening, or movement of the baby (Mays, 2004). Both societal and technological changes accompanying the Industrial Revolution impacted childbearing patterns. As Americans moved from farms to factories, young men delayed marriage in order to save enough money to provide for a family rather than relying on the fruits of the land (Furstenburg, 2007). Medical advances lead to more reliable birth control; advances in rubber processing resulted in a new kind of condom, replacing those made from linen or animal intestines, and the newly developed IUD (intrauterine device) provided a long-term birth control method (Tone, 2002). Wealthier women had access to birth control, but poorer women did not. Consequently, childbearing rates among the poor remained high, and some in the upper classes feared that our country would be swamped with those of “low grade stock” (Males, 2010, 40). President Theodore Roosevelt referred to the declining rates of childbirth among white women as “race suicide” (Males, 2010, 40). The public emphasis on pregnancy prevention as desirable for the lower socioeconomic class still continues. Whereas previous generations resolved the problem of out-of-wedlock pregnancies with “shotgun weddings,” by the late nineteenth century, homes for unwed mothers provided shelter, medical care, and a moral education (Hulsey, 2004). As the number of young pregnant women living in group homes increased, researchers began to study the effects of illegitimacy. In 1919 the newly established Children’s Bureau concluded that the mortality rate among babies born to unmarried mothers was three times higher than those born to married couples; many were concerned that teen mothers were “too young” physically to bear healthy babies (Lundberg and Lenrott, 1919). As the twentieth century began, teenage and premarital pregnancy became the domain of the professional social worker. After World War II, many young men returned from the war and young women left their military-supporting jobs to marry and start families. Post–World War II “baby boom” teen birthrates peaked at 96.3 per 1,000 women in 1957 (Ventura et al., 2001, 1). In the 1950s, half of all teens who married were pregnant, but this did not pose a problem in the national consciousness because most were married. Until the 1960s, marriage and childbearing remained tightly linked; for many couples, engaged or pre-engaged, getting pregnant simply meant moving up the wedding date (Furstenburg, 2007). However, when the National Fertility Survey of 1965 revealed that 34% of poor women reported unwanted pregnancies, compared to 15% of more financially stable women (Campbell, 1968), politicians argued that those least able to provide for families were having the most children. The rising rates of federal assistance, coupled with higher birthrates among unmarried poor women, created a climate in which teen mothers were blamed for taxing the national economy. The 1960s was a time of social turmoil, and a number of societal factors contributed to Americans questioning traditional values. After publication of the groundbreaking Kinsey reports on both men’s (1948) and women’s (1953) sexual practices revealed that Americans had been engaging in premarital sex for some time, many people revisited their assumptions about sexual attitudes and their images of a moralistic national past, and consequently the stigma of illegitimacy lessened (Furstenburg, 2007). When the birth-control pill was introduced in 1960, contraception became less intrusive. Concurrently, leaders in the women’s movement affirmed women as sexual beings, thus making it easier for teen women to say yes to sex or, perhaps more realistically, making it harder to say no to their partners. In 1973 Roe v. Wade legalized abortion and made terminating unwanted pregnancies safe and legal, thus reducing fears that an unwanted pregnancy would inevitably lead to early parenthood and marriage. Feeling that they had more options, many women found marriage less attractive than those of previous generations and became less willing to enter unsatisfying unions simply because they were pregnant. As manufacturing jobs declined, men delayed marriage so that they could complete more education (Furstenburg, 2007). The confluence of more relaxed sexual attitude and, delayed marriage helped set the stage for increased rates of teen sexual activity and pregnancy. Expectations that early pregnancy reduced a woman’s options were also challenged by adolescents. Through the 1960s, pregnant students were forced to withdraw from high school, but in the environment of increasing tolerance of teen sexuality, this too changed. In 1971, a pregnant honor student, frustrated by the lack of challenge of home tutoring, sued her Massachusetts school district on the grounds that her right to attend regular classes had been violated (Ordway v. Hargraves). The school argued that the school environment was too dangerous for a pregnant teen. This perspective was typical of policies that ostracized pregnant teens for fear that they would negatively influence peers. The court ruled that the school had discriminated and acted illegally by expelling a student due to pregnancy. This case drew national attention to the rights of young pregnant women and shifted the focus from a moralistic one to a practical one on educational equality (Kiester, 1972). In 1972, Title IX mandated that public schools educate pregnant teens (California Department of Education, 2010). Starting in the 1960s, teen mothers received economic support, education, job training, and developmental opportunities for their young children through ventures such as Head Start. Such services were intended to help stop the “cycle of poverty.” During the 1980s, a new belief emerged that teen pregnancy could be reduced if economic supports were withdrawn so that mothers would have to join the work force to support their children (Raley, 2008). This attitude culminated in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, which targeted prevention of teen pregnancy as a way of reducing entitlement benefits (Furstenburg, 2007). Consequently, mothers younger than eighteen were required to live with a parent or under other adult supervision, such as in group homes, and remain in school in order to receive benefits. Teen fathers are included in our society’s increasing focus on personal responsibility. Minor fathers were subjected to the same support obligations as older men, and were held accountable for payments. Recognizing the difficulty many teen fathers have providing financial support to their children, some states are looking to paternal grandparents. Wisconsin has enacted “grandparent liability” statutes that allow the courts to order grandparents to help support the offspring of their minor sons (Rozie-Battle, 2003). During the 1960s and 1970s, most children growing up in female-headed homes were children of divorced parents, but a growing acceptance of out-of-wedlock child-bearing became the major cause in the 1980s. The number of babies born out of wedlock has steadily risen since the 1990s, with record highs for the sixty-five years during which data has been collected: 38.5% of all babies born in the United States in 2006 were born to unmarried mothers. Of mothers under twenty, 84.4% remain single. Younger teen mothers are least likely to be married: 98.3% of mothers under fifteen are single compared to 57.9% of mothers age twenty to twenty-four (Hamilton et al., 2007, 14). Even teen mothers in relationships or cohabitating with the child’s father face the stresses of young relationships and are likely to wind up single-parenting within a few years. THROUGH THE EYES OF SOCIETY: MYTHS REVISITED Human Rights and Justice Practice Behavior Example: Understand the forms and mechanisms of oppression and discrimination Critical Thinking Question: How have pregnant teens been victims of oppression in the past? Are they still? Teens Acting Badly Popular opinion holds that teen females become pregnant because they and their teenage boyfriends cannot control their sexual impulses or do not know enough to use contraception. While this may be true in many cases, it does not acknowledge the number of teens who are either subjected to, or “willingly” participate in, teen/adult sexual relations. Seventy percent of females seventeen and younger who get pregnant do so by adult males over age twenty; and a quarter of teen fathers have children with adult women. Decades of marriage and birth records indicate that a quarter of the fathers of children born to teen mothers are twenty-five years of age or older. For the young teen trying to escape a troubled home, an older partner may provide increased resources, independence, and mobility (Males, 2010, 32–33). The movie Precious provides an example of how commonly it is assumed that a pregnant teen has made a bad decision with a fellow teen. Only after her second child is born, a social worker discovers that Precious’ two children were the product of rape by her father. Cycle of Poverty • Many believe that young mothers, and others receiving federal benefits, do so in disregard of middle-class values and suggest that “cutting off” supports will force welfare recipients to tow the line. While popular opinion supports this belief, many social policy analysts do not. The real value of welfare benefits, given inflation, declined significantly from the 1960s to the 1980s, thus decreasing the incentive young mothers would have for collecting benefits, or as many believe, having another child to get more money. While the European countries offer much more generous welfare benefits, they have lower rates of teen pregnancy. To argue that subsisting on welfare benefits encourages teens into early parenthood does not acknowledge the impact of the larger social context in which they weigh their options concerning the relative benefits of early parenthood in relation to perceived educational and occupational opportunities. Feeling unable to achieve middle-class goals, a teen may turn to achieving adult status by becoming a parent; this may not represent a good choice, but it is often an understandable one, given the lack of better options. (Raley, 2008, 339) Growing evidence suggests that pre-existing academic and economic hardships play a role in the continuing struggles of teen mothers. While 85% of young women who delay having their first child until at least twenty or twenty-one obtain a high school diploma or GED, only 63% of mothers who give birth by age seventeen do so. Teen mothers are also less likely to complete higher education: less than 2% of women who have babies by seventeen, and only 3% who give birth at eighteen or nineteen, complete a four-year college degree by age thirty, compared to 9% of women who delay parenting until age twenty or twenty-one. Given the emphasis on education in the workforce, it is not surprising that a young mother’s earning potential is impacted; in fact, women who had babies by age seventeen earned about $84,000 less during the first fifteen years of motherhood than those who waited until age twenty or twenty-one (Hoffman, 2006, 19–21). Teenage mothers rely on public assistance, such as Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), food stamps, and housing assistance, more than older mothers do; those seventeen and younger receive more than twice as much assistance ($37,000, compared to $17,000), and for almost twice as long, as mothers who first have a child at twenty or twenty-one (Hoffman, 2006, 22–24). The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy (2011) conservatively estimates that teen childbearing cost taxpayers $10.9 billion in 2008, mostly on costs associated with publicly funded health care for the children, child welfare service, and later lost tax revenues of their adult children as a result of lower educational levels and earnings. However, a closer look at the mother’s pre-pregnancy socioeconomic status reveals that many teen mothers experienced systemic disadvantage prior to their pregnancies and not as a result of their early childbearing. Poor women who have children as teens have life-courses similar to peers who wait until their twenties to start their families: they find employment, but typically not in jobs that help them enter the middle-class; wed and usually divorce; and typically do not substantially further their education. The timing may be a bit different, but the end result tends not to vary much. Mothers who wait until their twenties may have better parenting skills, in part of a result of exposure to educational opportunities beforehand, and tend to place less of a burden on their families to help support them and their children (Furstenberg, 2007). Medical Concerns Because teens have more complications in pregnancy than older women, many argue that teens are not physiologically ready to bear children. Poverty, lack of education, and poor health care decisions contribute to the poor outcomes of teen pregnancies. Many teens delay or avoid prenatal care because they deny their pregnancies, fear or do not know of resources, or are unable to pay for services. From 2000 to 2003, only 47.1% of the youngest teen mothers received first trimester prenatal care, in contrast to 69.5% of mothers aged fifteen to nineteen, 78.2% of mothers aged twenty to twenty-four, and 86.2% of mothers aged twenty-five to twenty-nine. Disturbingly, 7.0% of mothers aged fifteen to nineteen and 16.1% of mothers under fifteen received prenatal care only during the third trimester, if at all (Menacker et al., 2004, 13). Many young mothers do not make healthy choices; almost a quarter of pregnant adolescents gain excessive weight (Martin et al., 2007, 13). Older teens (18.9%) and mothers in their early twenties (18.6%) have the highest rates of smoking, which correlates with low birth weight, miscarriage, infant mortality, and compromised postnatal development (Martin et al., 2007, 16). Ten percent of babies born to teen mothers are of low birth weight (defined as less than 2,500 grams or 5.5 pounds), compared to 8% born to mothers over twenty. Low birth weight places an infant at increased risk of illness, infection, and death shortly after birth, as well as later delayed motor and social development and/or learning disabilities (Child Trends, 2011b). Gilbert et al. (2004) compared 300,000 births to Californian first-time mothers aged eleven to fifteen, sixteen to nineteen, or twenty to twenty-nine to determine if teen mothers suffer more birth complications than older women of the same ethnicity. Compared to older women, teens in all four racial groups (Asian, white, Hispanic, and African American) collectively were one-and-a-half to three times more likely to have adverse birth outcomes, including infant and neonatal death, prematurity, and low birth weight. However, they did not have higher rates of preeclampsia or eclampsia, as in previous studies. Like older Asian women, teen Asian mothers had the best overall outcomes, except for increased prematurity and low birth weight. African American teens had the worst outcomes, but these outcomes did not significantly differ from those of older African American women; perhaps lower socioeconomic status (SES) and limited access to health care accounts for their poor pregnancy outcomes. White teenagers had the best outcomes of all adolescents. However, compared to older white women, they were also at the highest risk for negative outcomes. All teens except Asians were at increased risk of complications during delivery, mostly caused by urinary tract ...
Purchase answer to see full attachment

Tutor Answer

School: Rice University

Please let me know if there is anything needs to be changed or added. I will be also appreciated that you can let me know if there is any problem or you have not received the work Good luck in your study and if you need any further help in your assignments, please let me know Can you please confirm if you have received the work? Once again, thanks for allowing me to help you R MESSAGE TO STUDYPOOL


HN370 Discussion Board
Institutional Affiliation:



HN370 Discussion Board
Teenage pregnancy has been seen as an issue that as open-ended and may be viewed in
two perspectives (Chen, et al, 2007). In designing an effective teen pregnancy prevention
program, the best way would be to ensure that each and every party involved such as the kids,
parents and the health department have been brought together. It would be only effective if the
teens themselves have been educated on the consequences that come with teen pregnancy. This
program would be used to install a responsibility among the teens and in the process reduce
chances of teen pregnancy (Somers & Fahlman, 2001).
In the attempt to involve parties such as the teens, the schools, the parents as well as the
community at large, sensitization campaigns on the issue of teen pregnancy needs to be put in
place. this would be used to attract the teens and the community. Holding such campaigns even
in the schools would help in incorporating the schooling community in the campaign and in the
program at large (C...

flag Report DMCA

Thanks, good work

Similar Questions
Related Tags

Brown University

1271 Tutors

California Institute of Technology

2131 Tutors

Carnegie Mellon University

982 Tutors

Columbia University

1256 Tutors

Dartmouth University

2113 Tutors

Emory University

2279 Tutors

Harvard University

599 Tutors

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2319 Tutors

New York University

1645 Tutors

Notre Dam University

1911 Tutors

Oklahoma University

2122 Tutors

Pennsylvania State University

932 Tutors

Princeton University

1211 Tutors

Stanford University

983 Tutors

University of California

1282 Tutors

Oxford University

123 Tutors

Yale University

2325 Tutors