three pages in chicago style

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foot-note and chicago style

This the comment that i got it from the professor " No parenthesis and page number in chicago (it is in footnote. number comes after period too...". also please use only this resource for this paper : Robert W. Strayer and Eric W. Nelson, Ways of the World: A Brief Global History with Sources vol. 1, 3rd Edition (2016) AND Thinking Through Sources.

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WOH 2012 Paper #2 Assignment For the second paper in this course, you will write about one of the major events of the fourteenth century: the Black Death. As you can see in your reading, this was experienced across the medieval world, in many of the locations we have discussed this semester. As with the first paper, you are asked to focus particularly on creating a thesis statement and a persuasive argument in your paper. Be sure to look at the comments on your first paper to prepare for further developing your skills with the second paper. v For the second paper, you will consider the assigned readings from Thinking Through Sources chapter 11. In your paper, you will answer this prompt: In the fourteenth century, the Black Death wreaked havoc across much of the world. How did religion influence the interpretation of and response to this disease? Were religious responses to the crisis helpful in managing the issue, or did it exacerbate the suffering associated with the plague? Did this differ based on location? Consider at least three of the assigned primary source readings. Make sure that you state your argument in a thesis statement in the first paragraph of the paper. v This should be a formal paper, with an introduction, body, and conclusion. You must cite all information that is not your own original thought, including lecture and readings. You should not consult any material from outside the course for this paper assignment – base your paper only on the course materials. What is a thesis statement? This is a statement, usually a single sentence, that establishes the argument for the paper and identifies what will be in the paper. It is not just a topic, but an attempt to persuade the reader of the author’s conclusions. A good thesis statement will be one which someone could argue either for or against. The purpose of the body of the paper is to present and analyze the evidence for your thesis statement. This is where you will provide the information that supports your interpretation, including specific references to details in the images, specific quotes from the readings, specific lectures, etc. Everything in the body of the paper should relate back to the thesis statement and support it. Technical Requirements: The paper should be typed in a Microsoft Word document, in 12-point, Times New Roman font. It must be a minimum of 750 words long. The file should be titled YOURLASTNAME_WOH2012_Paper2. Write the word count at the bottom of the document. For this assignment, you must cite in the Chicago Manual style. If you have questions about this style, consult the handout posted on Canvas, or email the professor or your TA. Grading Rubric for WOH 2012 Paper #2 A Level Thesis Statement/Argument Essay contains a clear argument about what the primary sources tell us about how religion influenced the interpretation of and response to the Black Death and what the effects of those responses were. (25 points) Analysis/Insight Essay contains deep analysis of readings and reveals individual thought. (25 points) Content and Evidence Essay contains answers to the questions posed in the prompt, backed up with specific evidence from the sources. (35 points) Writing/Mechanics Proper sentence and paragraph structure. No grammatical or spelling errors. Avoids clichés and informal language (contractions, cursing, overt moralizing.) Shows evidence of proofreading and includes full and correct citations. (15 points) B Level C Level D-F Level Makes a clear and wellsupported argument about the source and its context. Makes an argument about the source and its context that is supported by some evidence. Makes an argument about the source and its context that is weak, unclear, or largely unsupported. Does not make an argument about the source. Goes beyond the familiar and reveals individual thought and analysis of the material. Explains these revelations. Suggests individual insight but does not expand. May summarize but not analyze some of the material. Favors summary or description over analysis. Contains too few quotes, or too many. Only uses summary or description. Thoroughly answers the questions, backed up with specific and properly cited evidence from at least three of the primary sources. Describes the primary source well, and answers the questions with some properly cited evidence. Describes the primary source incompletely, demonstrating some misunderstanding. May contain evidence from only one source. Does not describe the source or answer the questions from the prompt. Proper sentence and paragraph structure. No grammatical or spelling errors. Avoids clichés and informal language. Shows evidence of proofreading and full and correct citations. Good sentence and paragraph structure. Few grammatical or spelling errors. No major writing errors. Citations are given correctly throughout. Poor sentence and paragraph structure. Some grammatical or spelling errors. Some major writing errors. May reveal some minor problems with citation. Inadequate sentence and paragraph structure. Numerous grammatical or spelling errors. Major writing errors. CHAPTER 1 1 THINKING THROUGH SOURCES / LIVING AND DYING DURING THE BLACK DEATH 135 THINKING THROUGH SOURCES Living and Dying during the Black Death It is a punishment that God inflicts on whom he wills, but He has granted a modicum of clemency with respect to Believers.? These teachings made it a matter of faith for many Muslims to trust in God to protect them from the plague. Questions to consider as you examine the source: How does Ibn al-Wardi seek to explain the plague? What does this document reveal about the range of initial responses to it? In what ways does Islam inform Ibn al-Wardi's account of these events? mong the most far-reaching outcomes of the Mongol moment in world Amistos y he andere spreadlane crates as he Middle East , Europe and IBN AL-WARDI Report of the Pestilence 1348 North Africa of that deadly disease known as the plague or the Black Death. While the Mongols certainly did not cause the plague, their empire facili- tated the movement not only of goods and people but also of the microor- ganisms responsible for this pestilence. Its sudden arrival in the late 1340s, the enormity of its death toll, the social trauma it generated, the absence of any remembered frame of reference for an event so devastating — all of this left people everywhere bewildered, imagining the end of the world. The sources that follow illustrate how people in various cultural settings expe- rienced this initial phase of the catastrophe, sought to understand what was happening, and tried to cope with it. This exercise begins with three general accounts of the arrival of the plague - in the Islamic Middle East, Western Europe, and the Byzantine Empire followed by five sources that focus on more specific aspects of this hemispheric pandemic. The plague frightened and killed. It began in the Source 11.1 The Black Death in the Islamic World Ibn al-Wardi was an Arab Muslim writer living in Aleppo, Syria, when the plague struck. He wrote extensively about what he witnessed and then died from the pestilence in 1349. As the only major contemporary account of the Black Death to survive from the Middle East, it was widely quoted by later Muslim writers and remains a major source for modern historians. His account is thoroughly informed by an Islamic religious sensibility, especially when he refers to the “noble tradition” that prohibits fleeing an outbreak of disease. Three passages from the hadiths, sayings attributed to Muhammad, were especially important: When you learn that epidemic disease exists in a country, do not go there, but if it breaks out in the country where you are, do not leave. visitor! ... China was not preserved from it. The plague afflicted the Indians in India. ... It attacked the Persians ... and gnawed away at the Crimea.... The plague destroyed mankind in Cairo ... the scourge came to Jerusalem. ... It overtook those people who fled to the al-Aqsa Mosque. How amazingly does it pursue the people of each house. One of them spits blood and everyone in the household is certain of death ... after two or three nights. Oh God, it is acting by your command. Lift this from us. The pestilence caused the people of Aleppo the same disturbance. ... Oh, if you could see the nobles of Aleppo studying their inscrutable books of medicine. They multiply its remedies by eat- ing dried and sour food. ... They perfumed their homes with ambergris and camphor. ... They wore ruby rings and put onions, vinegar, and sar- dines together with the daily meal. If you see many biers and their carriers and hear in every quarter of Aleppo the announce- ments of death and cries, you run from them and refuse to stay with them. The profits of the undertakers have greatly increased. ... Those who sweat from carrying coffins enjoy this plague-time. We ask God's forgiveness for our souls' bad inclinations; the plague is surely part of His pun- ishment. The plague is for the Muslims a martyrdom and a reward, and for the disbelievers a punish- ment and a rebuke. ... It has been established by our Prophet ... that the plague-stricken are mar- tyrs. ... And this secret should be pleasing to the true believer. If someone says that it causes infection and destruction, say: God creates and recreates.... If we acknowledge the plague's devastation of the people, it is the will of the Chosen Doer. I take refuge in God from the yoke of the plague. One man begs another to take care of his children, and one says goodbye to his neighbors. A third perfects his work, and another prepares his shroud. A fifth is reconciled with his enemies, and another treats his friends with kindness. ... One man puts aside his property [in a religious endow- ment called a waqf]; one frees his servants. One man changes his character, while another amends his ways. There is no protection today from it other than His mercy, praise be to God. Nothing prevented us from running away from the plague, except our devotion to the noble tradition [prohibiting flight from a plague-stricken land). Come then, seek the aid of God Almighty for raising the plague, for He is the best helper.... He who dies of epidemic disease is a martyr. 134 136 CHAPTER 11 THINKING THROUGH SOURCES / LIVING AND DYING DURING THE BLACK DEATH 137 reported that in Cairo, “some people appropriated for themselves without scruple the immovable and movable goods and cash of their former owners after their demise. But very few lived long enough to profit thereby. "2] We do not depend on our good health against the plague, but on You (God). [Somewhat later, a fifteenth-century account of the plague in Cairo by the Egyptian scholar al-Maqrizi reported that people received very high wages for reciting the Quran at funerals, caring for the ill, and washing the dead. Many trades disappeared as artisans found more lucrative employment in plague-related occupations. Fields went unharvested for lack of peasants to do the work. Weddings and family feasts vanished, and even the call to prayer was sometimes canceled. Al-Maqrizi Source: Michael Dols, “Ibn al-Wardi's Risalah al-Naba' 'an al- Waba', a Translation of a Major Source for the History of the Black Death in the Middle East” in Near Eastern Numismatics, Ico- nography, Epigraphy and History: Studies in Honor of George C. Miles, ed. Dickran K. Kouymjian (Beirut: University of Beirut, 1974), 448–455. Reprinted by permission of the American Uni- versity of Beirut Press. public processions or by other means, in any way efficacious. Neither a doctor's advice nor the strength of medicine could do anything to cure this ill- ness; ... in fact, the number of doctors, other than the well-trained, was increased by a large number of men and women who had never had any medical training; at any rate, few of the sick were ever cured, and almost all died after the third day of the appearance of the previously described symptoms. ... There came about such a fear and such fan- tastic notions among those who remained alive that almost all of them took a very cruel attitude in the matter; that is, they completely avoided the sick and their possessions, and in so doing, each one believed that he was protecting his own good health. There were some people who thought that liv- ing moderately and avoiding any excess might help a great deal in resisting this disease, and so they gathered in small groups and lived entirely apart from everyone else. ... Allowing no one to speak about or listen to anything said about the sick and the dead outside, these people lived, entertaining themselves with music and other pleasures that they Source 11.2 The Black Death in Western Europe Like Ibn al-Wardi in Aleppo, the Italian writer Giovanni Boccaccio of Florence, Italy, was an eyewitness to the plague in his city. He recorded his impressions of the plague, which claimed the lives of his father and step- mother, in a preface to The Decameron, completed around 1353. That fic- tional collection of tales was set in a villa outside Florence, where a group of seven women and three men took turns telling stories to one another while escaping the plague that was ravaging their city. Questions to consider as you examine the source: How does Boccaccio describe the social breakdown that accompanied the plague in Florence? What different responses to the plague does he identify? In what ways does Boccaccio's account overlap with that of Ibn al- Wardi? And how does it differ? disappeared, for, like other men, the ministers and executors of the laws were either dead or sick.... As a result, everybody was free to do as he pleased. Others ... maintained that there was no bet- ter medicine against the plague than to flee from it. ... [M]en and women in great numbers aban- doned their city, their houses, their farms, their relatives, and their possessions and sought other places, going at least as far away as the Florentine countryside. ... [B]rother abandoned brother, uncle abandoned nephew, sister left brother, and very often wife abandoned husband, and — even worse, almost unbelievable fathers and mothers neglected to tend and care for their children as if they were not their own. ... When a woman fell sick, no matter how attractive or beautiful or noble she might be, she did not mind having a manservant (whoever he might be, no matter how young or old he was), and she had no shame whatsoever in revealing any part of her body to him ... when necessity of her sickness required her to do so. This practice was, perhaps, in the days that followed the pestilence, the cause of looser morals in the women who sur- vived the plague. ... With the fury of the pestilence increasing, (tra- ditional burial customs) for the most part died out and other practices took [their] place ... so not only did people die without having a number of women around them, but there were many who passed away without having even a single witness present. ... And these dead bodies were not even carried on the shoulders of honored and reputable citizens but rather by gravediggers from the lower classes that were called becchini. Working for pay, they would pick up the bier and hurry it off. ... Many ended their lives in public streets, dur- ing the day or at night. ... The city was full of corpses. ... So many corpses would arrive in front of the church every day and at every hour that the amount of holy ground for burials was certainly insufficient for the ancient customs of giving each body its individual place; when all the graves were full, huge trenches were dug in all of the cemeter- ies of the churches and into them the new arrivals were dumped by the hundreds; and they were could arrange. GIOVANNI BOCCACCIO The Decameron Mid-Fourteenth Century Others thought the opposite: they believed that drinking excessively, enjoying life, going about singing and celebrating, satisfying in every way the appetites as best one could, laughing and making light of everything that happened was the best medicine for such a disease; so they practiced to the fullest what they believed by going from one tavern to another all day and night, drinking to excess; and they would often make merry in private homes, doing everything that pleased or amused them the most. This they were able to do easily for everyone felt he was doomed to die and as a result abandoned his property, so that most of the houses had become common property, and any stranger who came upon them used them as if he were their rightful owner.... And in this great affliction and misery of our city the revered authority of the laws, both divine and human, had fallen and almost completely [IFI came n 1348] into the distinguished city of Florence ... .. there a deadly pesti- lence. ... And against this pestilence no human wisdom or foresight was of any avail; quanti- ties of filth were removed from the city by officials. ... [T]he entry of any sick person into the city was prohibited; and many directives were issued concerning the maintenance of good health. Nor were the humble supplications, rendered not once but many times by the pious to God, through 138 CHAPTER 11 THINKING THROUGH SOURCES / LIVING AND DYING DURING THE BLACK DEATH 139 EMPEROR JOHN VI OF BYZANTIUM Historarum Mid- to Late Fourteenth Century unharvested but also unreaped, and they were allowed to roam where they wished. ... So great was the cruelty of Heaven, and, per- haps, also that of man, that from March to July of the same year, between the fury of the pestiferous sick- ness and the fact that many of the sick were badly treated or abandoned in need because of the fear that the healthy had, more than one hundred thousand human beings are believed to have lost their lives for certain inside the walls of the city of Florence. UI severely aggravating their sickness, they died at packed in there with dirt, one on top of another, like ship's cargo.... But ... the hostile winds blowing there did not ... spare the surrounding countryside. ... In the scattered villages and in the fields the poor, miserable peasants and their families without any medical assistance or aid of servants, died on the roads and in their fields and homes, as many by day as by night, and they died not like men but more like animals. ... When they saw that death was upon them, completely neglecting the future fruits of their past labors, their livestock, their property, they did their best to consume what they already had to hand. So it came about that oxen, donkeys, sheep, pigs, chickens, and even dogs, man's most faithful companion, were driven from their homes into the fields where the wheat was left not only once. Source: From The Decameron by Giovanni Boccaccio, translated by Mark Musa and Peter Bondanella. Copyright © 1982 by Mark Musa and Peter Bondanella. Used by permission of W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. This selection may not be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior written permission of the publisher. (pon arrival in Byzantium, she [the empress Irene) found Andronikos, the youngest born, dead from the invading plague. ... [It has] spread throughout almost the entire world. So incurable was the evil that neither any regu- larity of life, nor any bodily strength could resist it. Strong and weak bodies were all similarly carried away and those best cared for died in the same manner as the poor. ... Neither did the disease take the same course in all persons. Great abscesses were formed on the legs or the arms, from which, when cut, a large quantity of foul-smelling pus flowed. ... Even many who were seized by all the symptoms unexpectedly recovered. There was no help from anywhere; if someone brought to another a remedy useful to himself, this became poison to the other patient. Some, by treating others, became infected with the disease. It caused great destruction and many homes were deserted by their inhabitants. Domestic ani- mals died together with their masters. Most ter- rible was the discouragement. Whenever people felt sick there was hope left for recovery, but by turning to despair, adding to their prostration and No words could express the nature of the disease. All that can be pointed out is that it had nothing in common with the everyday evils to which the nature of man is subject, but was some- thing else sent by God to restore chastity. Many of the sick turned to better things in their minds, by being chastened, not only those who died, but also those who overcame the disease. They abstained from all vice during that time and they lived vir- tuously; many divided their property among the poor, even before they were attacked by the dis- ease. If he ever felt himself seized, no one was so ruthless as not to show repentance of his faults and to appear before the judgment seat of God with the best chance of salvation, not believing that the soul was incurable or unhealed. Many died in Byzantium then, and the king's son, Andronikos, was attacked and died the third day. Source 11.3 The Black Death in Byzantium Source: Christos S. Bartsocas, “Two Fourteenth-Century Descrip- tions of the 'Black Death,”” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences by YALE UNIVERSITY. Reproduced with per- mission of OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS in the format reuse in a book/e-book via Copyright Clearance Center. In 1347, the plague struck Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire, and quickly touched the royal family, as the young son of Emperor John VI and Empress Irene perished from the disease. Eight years later, the emperor abdicated his throne, retiring to a monastery, where he wrote a history of the Byzantine Empire. That work contained a description of the plague as it arrived in Constantinople. Questions to consider as you examine the source: In what larger context did Emperor John VI place the plague and his own personal tragedy? How did Emperor John VI describe the outcomes of the plague? Does this account have more in common with that of Ibn al-Wardi or Boccaccio? Source 11.4 Religious Responses in the Islamic World Religion permeated the worlds of both Islam and Christianity during the fourteenth century. It is hardly surprising, then, that many people would turn to religious practices in their efforts to understand and cope with a catastrophe of such immense proportions. And yet for a few, the plague chal- lenged established religious understandings. Some Islamic scholars had long opposed the idea of contagion as an explanation for the spread of disease as it seemed to grant human actions, rather than God's decree, the primary role in this process. The plague, however, persuaded one Muslim scholar and 140 CHAPTER 11 THINKING THROUGH SOURCES / LIVING AND DYING DURING THE BLACK DEATH 141 Source 11.5 Religious Responses in the Christian World 2,3 physician, al-Khatib, to reject this teaching. “The existence of contagion,” he wrote, “has been proved by experience, deduction, the senses, observa- tion, and by unanimous reports. Most people, however, turned to traditional religious practices to find some sense of meaning, comfort, and protection in the face of the unimagi- nable tragedy. Source 10.4, written by Ibn Kathir, an Islamic teacher from Damascus, describes one such event. Questions to consider as you examine the source: What specific practices did the Muslims of Damascus undertake? Why might they have chanted the Quran's account of the flood of Noah in particular? What assumptions underlay these practices? What might you infer from Ibn Kathir's description of the composition of the gathered crowd? IBN KATHIR The Beginning and the End: On History ca. 1350–1351 The horrific experience of the Black Death also caused some people in the Christian world to question fundamental teachings about the mercy and power of God or the usefulness of religious rituals. For some, the plague prompted an orgy of hedonism, perhaps to affirm life in the face of endless death or simply to live to the full in what time remained to them. Most European Christians, however, relied on familiar practices: seeking the aid of parish priests, invoking the intercession of the Virgin Mary, participating in religious processions and pilgrimages, attending mass regularly, increas- ing attention to private devotion. From church leaders, the faithful heard a message of the plague as God's punishment for sins. Accompanying such ideas were religiously based attacks on prostitutes, homosexuals, and Jews, people whose allegedly immoral behavior or alien beliefs had invited God's retribution. The most well-known movement reflecting an understanding of the plague as God's judgment on a sinful world was that of the flagellants, whose name derived from the Latin word flagella, meaning "whips.” The practice of flagellation, whipping oneself or allowing oneself to be whipped, had a long tradition within the Christian world and elsewhere as well. Flagellation served as a penance for sin and as a means of identifying with Christ, who was himself whipped prior to his crucifixion. It reemerged as a fairly wide- spread practice, especially in Germany, between 1348 and 1350 in response to the initial outbreak of the plague. Its adherents believed that perhaps the terrible wrath of God could be averted by performing this extraordinary act of atonement or penance. Groups of flagellants like those depicted in Source 11.5A moved from city to city, where they called for repentance, confessed their sins, sang hymns, and participated in ritual dances, which climaxed in whipping themselves with knotted cords sometimes embedded with iron points. The initial and subsequent outbreaks of the plague in Western Europe generated an understandable preoccupation with death and its apparently indiscriminate occurrence. This concern, or obsession, found expression in the Dance of Death, a ritual intended to prevent the plague or to cure the afflicted, which began in France in 1348. During the performance, people would periodically fall to the ground, allowing others to trample on them. By 1400, such performances took place in a number of parish churches and subsequently in more secular settings. The Dance of Death also received artistic expression in a variety of poems and sketches along with paintings like Source 11.5B. A a t Damascus, a reading of the Traditions - Muhammad] took place on June 5 of this year [1348] after the public prayer with the great magistrates there assisting in the presence of a very dense crowd. The ceremony continued with a recitation of a section of the Koran, and the people poured out their supplication that the city be spared the plague. . It was predicted and feared that it would become a menace to Damascus. On the morning of June 7, the crowd reassembled ... and resumed the recitation of the flood of Noah. ... During this month, the mortality increased among the population of Damascus, until it reached a daily average of more than 100 persons. On Monday July 21, a proclamation made in the city invited the population to fast for three day; they were further asked to go on the fourth day, a Friday, to the Mosque of the Foot in order to humbly beseech God to take away this plague. ... On the morning of July 25, the inhab- itants threw themselves [into these ceremonies] at every opportunity. ... One saw in this multitude Jews, Christians, Samaritans, old men, old women, young children, poor men, emirs, notables, magis- trates, who processed after the morning prayer, not ceasing to chant their prayers until daybreak. That was a memorable ceremony. [By October] in the environs of the capital, the dead were innumerable, a thousand in a few days. Source: Gaston Wiet, "La Grande Peste Noire en Syrie et en Egypt,” Études d'Orientalisme dédiées à la memoire de Lévi Provençal, 2 vols. (Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1962), 1:381–83.
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Religious interpretation and responses to Black Death across the world

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Introduction
As the Black Death spread across the world, claiming people’s lives, destroying families
and countries at large, people turned to religion in search for an understanding of the plague.
People relied on religion for the interpretation of the plague and religion significantly affected
people’s response the plague. While religion impacted people’s interpretation and responses to
the plague, the responses to the plague significantly differed from one religious group to another.
Some people turned to religion to get answers regarding the cause of the plague and ways of
evading it while others deserted their religious beliefs as they lost faith in their religion due to the
suffering experienced. The Muslims for example, interpreted the Black Death as a reward for the
righteous and accepted the plague without fleeing their homes that helped in containment of the
spread of the plague1. Religious responses to the plague significantly differed from one society to
another exacerbating suffering in some societies while it helped manage the crisis in other
communities based on the society’s religious interpretation and response to the Black Death.
As the Black Death continued to spread across the globe and deemed in...


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