Street Prostitution

Anonymous
timer Asked: Dec 19th, 2017
account_balance_wallet $45

Question description

Might not be perfect but just do as well as you can. When finished i will edit an fix it up myself if needed.

( 8 PAGE PAPER; DOUBLE SPACED; FONT: TIMES NEW ROMAN; FONT SIZE: 12 )

Format: ASA STLYE(if unsure, use link https://owl.english.purdue.edu/owl/resource/583/01... )

Intro : The myth ( Women enter street prostitution because they are abused ).

- State how women enter prostitution for many different reasons; not only due to abuse.

- Myth details

-who benefits

-Whos pushing prostitution / How is it perpetuated

Body Paragraphs: What does the research actually tell us. (PLEASE ONLY USE THE ATTACHED READINGS FOR THIS ASSIGNMENT)

Topics that can be touched within the body paragraphs are :

- how younger women enter prostitution for different reasons that why an older women would.

-why do they stay

- how poor education plays a big role

-how or when they seek to get help

-what do these organizations offer.

Conclusion: can mention how a better education system can prevent young women from dropping out. Having students be more engaged. etc.


Attachments: i entered 2 actual readings, and i added a document that shows info from another book i had read which has great info and actual quotes. the last document i added was me just explaining the main points of the readings.

HOPE IT HELPS ! THANKS

ASK ANY QUESTIONS !

Leaving Prostitution Pg 1 Leaving Prostitution: Getting Out And Staying Out Of Prostitution Sharon S. Oselin Leaving Prostitution Pg 2 Within this book we are learning the reasons why women enter prostitution, and learning their stories of the transitions and steps they look to exit prostitution.“Why don't they work at Mcdonalds, where they aren't breaking the law and don't need a degree?” (Sharron 2014: 5). These are the comments we mainly hear as if these women really have a choice. Some do and some don't, and we learn that many women are lead into sex work for various reasons. “Are they victims of a patriarchal system forced to sell their bodies, a position commonly called the oppression paradigm​, or are they women who used their sexuallity for profit and derive benifits from this engagement, a tance known as the ​empowerment paradigm​? A third perspective, the polymorphous paradigm​, argues that sex workers fall along a continuum of victimization and empowerment given personal circumstances, experiences, and working conditions” (Sharon, 2014).” “Dalla concludes that women exit prostitution via three main avenues: jail, on their own, and via prostitute- serving organization (PSO) (Sharron 2014: 6). Type of Entrance Characteristics Sample Size 18 AND UNDER -Childhood physical/sexual 8 Fleeing Abuse & Reclaiming abuse, runaway Control behavior,perception of sex work as empowering, some use of pimps - Economic motivation, Normal learned from family and friends, viewed sex work as 6 Leaving Prostitution Pg 2 exciting and glamourous 19 AND UP -Family history of drug use, Drug Addiction 10 drug addicted, morally conflicted about sex work - Means of survival, 6 homeless, fueled by tragic circumstances or events -Dont not fit into other 3 categories This chart shows that majority of young women are lead into prostitution due to the normalization of sex work. It is the glamour and the exciting thrill they looked forward to, meanwhile studies show older women were most likely lead to sex work because of drug addiction. “Feelings of empowerment, attractiveness, glamour, and excitement emerged as positive outcomes of working in prostitution for certain women. However there feelings were not sustained for long durations after the initial entrance period.In fact, longer individuals remained in prostitution the number and salience of negative experiences associated with sex work seemed to grow, and ultimately colored their perceptions of the trade” (Sharron 2014: 34). Drugs were used and bought to ease and remove and feelings of sorrow, insecurities, etc. Hospitalization… facing near death experiences, and pregnancy were other reasons women left sex work. If not pregnancy, it could be reuniting with child which would help them focus on a better life. Sharon Leaving Prostitution Pg 2 strongly focused on PSO’s and how they are beneficial to many women, also addressing the cons, and why women may be lead back to the streets. She addressed some resources that these programs provide, and also how some methods might not be as helpful. “Phoenix is an excellent opportunity for prostitutes who want to leave. You don't have to pay rent. They can go for free. Even all these books are paid for, so with everything available you can really focus on changing” (Sharron 2014:75). Some programs would offer benefits for compliance, and administer punishments in response to adverse client talk and behavior. Programs that did not promote this rule had a much better outcome. “Thus, these PSO’s exerted much less pressure on clients to conform to their expectations, which were also amorphous, and resulted in few clients exhibiting distance from street prostitutes” (Sharron 2014:81). Another very important part of this process is relations and commitment from staff members. “Staff was routinely available to clients and lavish them with affection, support, and encouragement. Together the staff investment in and client endorsement of this model facilitated the pattern exhibition of role distancing (Sharron 2014: 90). Shannon focused on the benefits of PSO and how these roles of staff members can play a very important role in women's lives.
Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique. 2012. ​Age at Entry into Prostitution: Relationship to Drug Use, Race, Suicide, Education Level, Childhood Abuse, and Family Experiences​. This study seeks to explore factors related to age at entry into prostitution. Participants were 389 women arrested for prostitution who had attended a diversion program. Women who entered prostitution as minors were found to be more likely to be African- American; report having a family member with a substance use problem; have a history of attempted suicide; and not have completed middle or high school. The age at first drug use was found to significantly impact the reported age at entry. Key areas for intervention should include improving school connectedness and preventing adolescent substance abuse, specifically for AfricanAmericans.(Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique 2012) Many of these women encounter numerous forms of severe violence, trauma, degradation, and extreme poverty (Willis & Levy, 2002). Drug use has been found to be high among this population, further adding to the many negative outcomes associated with involvement in prostitution (Kuhns, Heide, & Silverman, 1992). A significant amount of research in previous decades has focused on the pathways leading toward entry into prostitution. This study attempts to add to the existing body of knowledge by exploring childhood abuse, education level, race, familial drug use, attempted suicide, and drug use as they relate to age at entry into prostitution(Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique 2012). The citations below shows evidence I would consider using with-in my paper. Childhood Abuse and Family Dysfunction in Relation to Entry into Prostitution Experiences of childhood abuse—sexual, physical, and emotional—have been widely reported in the backgrounds of women involved in prostitution (Silbert & Pines, 1982; Tyler, Hoyt, Whitbeck, & Cauce, 2001). Childhood abuse has been found to be associated with an increased likelihood of entry into prostitution (Schissel & Fedec, 1999)​ ​Running away, possibly from abusive home situations (Bagley & Young, 1987), has been identified as a common pathway to juvenile entry into prostitution (Estes & Weiner, 2001), increasing the odds of entry during early adolescence by more than 40 times (McClanahan, McClelland, Abram, & Teplin, 1999).​ ​In a study of 200 women (juveniles and adults) formerly or currently involved in prostitution, Silbert and Pines (1982) found that 94% of the juveniles were runaways. Bagley and Young, in their study of 45 women formerly involved in prostitution, found nearly half of the women to have reported leaving home because of sexual abuse (Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique 2012).​ ​In a sample of 71 adult women attending a residential prostitution exiting program, women who entered prostitution as juveniles were more likely to have run away from home and to have experienced childhood emotional abuse (Roe-Sepowitz, in press). After controlling for childhood physical and sexual abuse and race, a hierarchical regression revealed childhood emotional abuse to explain an earlier age at entry into prostitution (Roe-Sepowitz).​ ​Childhood abuse appears to be the beginning of a negative chain of events leading into eventual involvement in prostitution. Dysfunctional family systems and poor social and educational experiences also appear to be important links in this chain. Dalla (2001), in a qualitative study of 31 women involved in street prostitution, illustrated that most participants reported abandonment by valued individuals during key developmental stages. In other studies, family dysfunction was evidenced in commonly reported experiences of familial substance abuse and parental domestic violence (Bagley & Young, 1987; Silbert & Pines, 1982). School Involvement and Social Influences of Entry Seventy-eight percent of the sample in Silbert and Pines (1982) reported being school age at the time of first involvement in prostitution, whereas only 19% actually reported attending school. As children’s schooling progressed, those who would later become involved in prostitution grew increasingly involved with deviant peers, with 40% feeling they had no friends after leaving school (Silbert & Pines, 1982). In fact, Silbert and Pines described the situation of juveniles in their study as almost completely devoid of positive social support. (1992) compared 53 women arrested for prostitution to 47 other arrestees and identified that school problems, specifically dropping out of school, increased the likelihood of involvement in prostitution. Similarly, Kramer and Berg (2003) found that each additional year of school attended decreased the likelihood of involvement in prostitution, possibly due to youths’ connectedness to school and the healthy social bonds that could be fostered there. The combined effects of running from home to escape abusive situations, truancy from school, and involvement with deviant peers put juveniles at risk for entry into prostitution (Bagley & Young, 1987; Silbert & Pines, 1982). Entry may be facilitated by a need for survival and a lack of alternatives (Bagley & Young, 1987), coupled with absorption into the negative patterns of street culture. In one of the only studies to compare juvenile to adult entry into prostitution, Loza et al. (2010) interviewed 920 women involved in prostitution in Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico. Loza et al. found those who entered prostitution as adults to be less educated, more likely to have children before entry, and more likely to have migrated to the area where they became involved in prostitution than those who entered as minors. However, the findings by Loza et al. pertain to populations engaging in prostitution near the U.S.–Mexico border and may not generalize to other areas. These results, which suggest adults have a lower level of education than minors upon entry into prostitution, may be more reflective of migration from a rural area out of economic necessity and less to do with education directly influencing the specific age at entry (Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique 2012). Peer involvement in prostitution was explored by Gossop, Powis, Griffiths, and Strang (1994) in a study of 51 drug-using women involved in prostitution with an average age at entry of 19.3. Fifty-nine percent reported being introduced to prostitution by a close friend (Gossop et al.). This finding suggests poor social support networks among adult women prior to entry and indicates the powerful influence of association with deviant peers, even for adults. Substance use Though it is commonly known that drug use and prostitution are closely linked, the order in which they occur and the degree of influence they have on one another is not fully understood. Much is still to be learned about the relationship between substance use and age at entry into prostitution and the motivations behind initiating both. An area worthy of investigation in the matrix of prostitution and drug use is how the type of drug(s) being used influences involvement in prostitution. Alcohol and crack cocaine appear to be the most commonly abused substances among women involved in prostitution (Kuhns et al., 1992; Weiner, 1996), whereas the prevalence of heroin use appears to vary by region (Surratt, Kurtz, Weaver, & Inciardi, 2005; Gossop et al., 1994). Involvement in street prostitution was found to present a greater risk of using hard drugs when compared with indoor prostitution (Cusick & Hickman, 2005), and most women involved in street prostitution reportedly entered to support an existing drug habit (Cusick, 1998). Women involved in both indoor and street prostitution indicated that the use of drugs helped to enhance their sexual performance; however, women involved in street prostitution also indicated that drugs were used to numb and cope with fears of violence (Cusick, 1998). Women involved in indoor prostitution tended to look negatively upon the sex-for-drug exchanges that were more commonly seen in street prostitution (Cusick & Hickman, 2005). These findings indicate different degrees of drug abuse and dependence based on the type of prostitution in which women become involved in addition to group differences regarding what constitutes acceptable drug use. Substance Use and Juvenile Entry into Prostitution Adolescence is a time when important social relationships are formed and goals are set but is also a time of higher-level brain development (Steinberg, 2005). Because of the rapid changes occurring in the adolescent brain, substance use during this period makes the brain more vulnerable to longterm adverse effects (Monti et al., 2005). Brawn and Roe-Sepowitz (2008) conducted a study of 128 juveniles arrested for prostitution and discovered 57% to be using drugs or alcohol, with most beginning substance use 1 year prior to entry into prostitution. Similar to the results of Kramer and Berg (2003), significantly more Caucasian juveniles involved in prostitution were using drugs than non-Whites, reiterating the importance of considering race (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008). Among juveniles arrested for prostitution, those who used drugs were found to have less parental supervision at home, higher rates of childhood abuse and neglect, more negative peer influences, and prior occurrences of delinquency and/or conduct problems at school than those who did not use drugs (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008). Most drug-using juveniles had backgrounds with more severe dysfunction than non–drug-using juveniles; however, it was less clear how non–drug-using juveniles entered prostitution and whether continued involvement would lead to drug use in the future. Women who entered prostitution prior to using 276 R. J. Clarke et al. heroin were more likely to say they would continue to prostitute if they were not using drugs, whereas those who used heroin prior to prostitution were more likely to say they would stop prostituting if they were not using drugs (Gossop et al.). The findings of Gossop et al. are implicative of different motivations for entry into prostitution based on the sequence of entry into prostitution and drug use (heroin in particular). 278 279 Pg 279 280 A possible area of investigation could include an examination of increased education as a protective factor and the benefits afforded by academic engagement. Alternatively, school connectedness could be examined to determine whether positive social relationships with peers and adults in school settings act as protective factors against involvement in prostitu-tion. Extracurricular activities, mentorship, and other forms of institutional connectedness may also warrant further examination to see whether these provide protective effects against juvenile entry into prostitution (Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique 2012).Exploring the reasons such individuals enter prostitution could yield information regarding other pathways into the lifestyle besides a lack of alternatives or survival purposes. Education level could also be explored in relation to the type of prostitution in which women become involved, in order to determine whether any correlations exist. Those who drop out before completing elementary or middle school likely have extremely poor family situations and a lack of parental monitoring. Parents may be unaware of or unresponsive to the risks associated with dropping out of school at this age. Abusive or drug-using parents may lack the necessary involvement with their children to encourage them to stay in school (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008). Such a lack of monitoring may extend to children’s peer relationship choices and substance use, possibly allowing the foundations of a pathway to prostitution to be laid. Further exploring the factors associated with dropping out of elementary or middle school may provide useful information that could be used to shape interventions for children at risk for dropping out and subsequently entering prostitution. Of all racial groups studied, African-Americans had the highest rates of juvenile entry into prostitution (Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique 2012). Clinical Implications African-American women were found to enter prostitution earlier than other racial groups. The findings of this study suggest a need for improved resources for young African-American women in schools and communities in order to improve the social experiences of these individuals and prevent negative outcomes that could lead to entry into prostitution. In light of findings regarding the premature discontinuation of education among those who enter prostitution as juveniles, programs that aim to prevent truancy and dropping out of school should be supported and expanded (Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique 2012). Opportunities for after-school activities and resources to improve school connectedness should be increased, especially in underserved communities where these social resources may currently be lacking. An earlier initiation of drug use was related to early entry into prostitution. Therefore, targeted interventions that focus on prevention of entry into prostitution for youths found to be using drugs are advisable. These could possibly be incorporated into existing school-based substance use prevention programs. Interventions and treatment facilities should provide educational opportunities for those involved in prostitution, as a general lack of education appears to be pervasive, especially among those who entered prior to age 18(Clarke J. Ross, Clarke J. Elizabeth, Fey Richard, and Roe-Sepowitz Dominique 2012). Etheredge D. Gina. and Maria Eugenia . 2004. ​And then I became a prostitute ... Some aspects of prostitution and brothel prostitutes in Dakar, Senegal. Prostitution is legal in Senegal. In 1970, the government institutionalized the medical follow-up of self-professed female prostitutes and made it compulsory for any female prostitute older than 21 to register with a health service (Etheredge D. Gina. and Maria Eugenia, 2004). In Dakar, what is commonly called “maison-close” is an aggregate of made-up rudimentarily constructions in a compound where men come to buy sexual services from female prostitutes. The majority of these brothels are located in working class neighborhoods where most of the inhabitants live in extremely difficult conditions. Women who work in them are mostly from the lower classes of the population. Because of the illegal status of these brothels (prostitution is legal, but the brothels are not), it was necessary to proceed with an inventory of brothels in Dakar (Etheredge D. Gina. and Maria Eugenia, 2004). A part of street prostitution is practiced in certain middle class residential areas, along the coast and in empty lots. The customers are of all ages and various social origins, but it is students who, according to the girls who work in the sector, represent the majority of their customers (Etheredge D. Gina. and Maria Eugenia, 2004). Police raids are the prostitutes’ obsession. In Senegal prostitution is legal, but the girls are continually picked up either soliciting on public highways, or because their health record is not up-to-date (Etheredge D. Gina. and Maria Eugenia, 2004). “DM” is 44 years old. When she was 17 she left her residence and took refuge at a girlfriend’s in Dakar in revolt against her parents’ decision to marry her to a cousin. In Dakar, she started participating in prostitution with her girlfriend who had been selling sex for 3 years. Upon becoming pregnant, she returned to the village with her child. Rejected by her parents, she went back to Dakar and left her child with the mother of a girlfriend. She entered prostitution in order to earn a living (Etheredge D. Gina. and Maria Eugenia, 2004). “EM” is 27 years old and lives in Guediawaye, a suburb of Dakar. She married when she was 16. The divorce came 4 years afterwards, and was imposed by her husband’s family who never approved of the marriage. From this marriage, she had three children who were kept by the father’s family. For 2 years, she worked as a servant for small earnings. Her second marriage, from which she had her fourth child, lasted hardly 1 year. Her second husband was violent and did not provide for the household. After her second divorce she started working as a prostitute to provide for the needs of her child and his grandmother, who kept the child. (Etheredge D. Gina. and Maria Eugenia, 2004). Never registered with IHS. “... I hide this trade because no one agrees to rent a house to a woman who does this work ... ,” “... I work at my place and the customers come to meet me at home. At the end of the sex, I get my money and it is ok. On that point, there’s no difference between another girl who works the street and me. Unless that I keep my privacy because I’m not registered. However, on the other hand, if the customer doesn’t want to pay, I can’t do anything. I don’t want to make scandals and attract the neighbors. I don’t want them know the type of work I do ... ”Often there was a desire among young women to have a high standard of living, which was impossible given their parents’ low income. Such was the case of “AM” (21-year-old), who, after her divorce and the death of her two children, returned to her parents’ home. She started going out and selling sex just to have her hair done and to buy trendy clothes. Her parents were ignorant of her activities. She left the house through the window late at night after her parents went to bed. Her sister, a high-school student with whom she shared a room, knew of her activities, but kept silent. According to “AM,” her parents believed that the money that she offered them, as well as her beautiful new clothes, came from her fiancé, who did not know about her other life (Etheredge D. Gina. and Maria Eugenia, 2004). Alex S.Vitale . 2017. ​The End Of Policing Based chapter 6 of this book, it relates to by topic as it prove that these women do not have anywhere to turn. Prostitutes are looks at as the criminals rather than victims. These women need other options and places to turn to help, as they should have many other recourses to offered these women; income being one of the biggest struggles and is the reason why many women tend to go bac to street sex work. Young People, poor women, and transgendered persons who rely on sex industry to survive and even thrive are forces by police into shadows, leaving them venerable to abuse, exploitation, and diminished health outcomes (Alex S.Vitale, 2017).These groups take an abolitionist approach, arguing that all sex work should be banned with punitive state enforcement action at the center of any such efforts (Alex S.Vitale, 2017). Because of their social position and history of disregard and abuse at the hands of police, these workers rarely see police intervention as being in their best interest. Sex workers have an interest in maintaining the anonymity of their client, criminal prosecution and public embarrassment is bad for business (Alex S.Vitale, 2017).Police often view these sex workers as offenders rather than victims and fail to take their request for helping seriously (Alex S.Vitale, 2017).Sex workers who are offered counseling and drug treatment but not jobs and housing will often return to sex work, even in an abusive for, because they are not given a sustainable way out (Alex S.Vitale, 2017).Like the Nordic model, this approach does little to improve the life options or working conditions of sex workers or address the underlying motivation for buying sexual services, which requires a much deeper conversation about the role of sex in society (Alex S.Vitale, 2017).
The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 And then I became a prostitute . . . Some aspects of prostitution and brothel prostitutes in Dakar, Senegal Maria Eugênia G. Do Espirito Santo a,∗ , Gina D. Etheredge b a Senegal Ministry of Health and Prevention/French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 146, Rue du Chemin Vert, 75011 Paris, France b Tulane University School of Public Health and Tropical Medicine, New Orleans, LA, USA Abstract In the framework of a research undertaken to study the role of clients of brothel prostitutes in the spread of HIV in Dakar, Senegal, prostitutes working in several sectors of prostitution (street, bar, hotels, etc.), provided information about their life and about how they became prostitutes through opened interviews. Information was also obtained by observation of the brothels during the fieldwork with clients. This paper describes some characteristics of prostitution in brothels and prostitutes in Dakar, Senegal. This research shows that young African women are vulnerable to HIV infection because sexual relations with men are an important means to achieve social and economic status, and for some women they are necessary for survival. These data show that Senegalese prostitutes, because of their high HIV prevalence, represent a reservoir of HIV infection and a core group for HIV transmission into Senegalese society. This suggests that in spite of information and free condoms, a number of prostitutes engage in unprotected sex. Clandestine and minor prostitutes are at major risk because they are not targeted for condom interventions. Pockets of non-utilization of condoms were found in some geographic areas (brothels) of Dakar and merit local interventions. © 2003 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction In Senegal, prostitution (defined here as the exchange of sexual services for money or material goods) exists predominantly in urban centers and is on the rise due to economic ∗ Corresponding author. Present address: 9, Boulevard de Magenta, 75010 Paris. Tel.: +33-1-42411364; fax: +33-139546673. E-mail address: egomes@noos.fr (M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo). 0362-3319/$ – see front matter © 2003 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.soscij.2003.10.013 138 M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 hardship. It concerns mostly females. They are well-defined groups of women who are primarily occupied or dependent on money from the sale of sex. Senegal, with a population of approximately 10 million inhabitants in 2001, has reported relatively low rates of HIV infection since the beginning of the epidemic in 1988 (Meda et al., 1999). The surveillance system of AIDS Control Program estimate that in 1997 prevalence rates in the adult population (15 years and higher) ranged from 1.2 and 3.2 with regional and urban/rural variations whereas for female prostitutes, HIV seroprevalence in 1997 was estimated to be 19.1% in Dakar, the capital, 34.5% in Ziguinchor, in the south of the country, 30.0% in Kaolack, 12.8% in Thies both in the central region and 9.1% in Mbour, a tourist area on the southeast coast (AIDS, 1999). Prostitution is legal in Senegal. In 1970, the government institutionalized the medical follow-up of self-professed female prostitutes and made it compulsory for any female prostitute older than 21 to register with a health service. Registration is followed by the delivery of a health record to the woman and her socio-demographic information to the police. Medical follow-up is conducted in specialized centers, which were created for this distinct purpose in Dakar in 1970 (the Institut d’Hygiene Social—IHS) and in four other urban agglomerations later. Every 2 months the women receive a complete follow-up, which includes a clinical examination and a vaginal swab alternated with monthly visits during which they only have a clinical examination and a swab upon request. Blood samples are taken every 6 months to assess syphilis status and yearly to assess HIV serologic status. Social workers and nurses initially managed these centers. Physicians joined the centers later. This system provides prostitutes with opportunities for health information and access to condoms. Free condoms are provided on the first visit and women are instructed on how to use them. On subsequent visits, women are again counseled on condom use. Free provision of condoms is renewed on a monthly basis. These centers constitute official rosters from which prostitutes can be accessed for research purposes. In the framework of a research undertaken to study the role of clients of brothel prostitutes in the spread of HIV in Dakar, Senegal, prostitutes working in several sectors of prostitution (street, bar, hotels, etc.), through opened interviews, provided information about their life and about how they became prostitutes. Information in another part of this paper was obtained by observation of the brothels during the fieldwork with clients. This paper describes some characteristics of prostitution in brothels and prostitutes in Dakar, Senegal. 2. Methods In Dakar, what is commonly called “maison-close” is an aggregate of made-up rudimentarily constructions in a compound where men come to buy sexual services from female prostitutes. The majority of these brothels are located in working class neighborhoods where most of the inhabitants live in extremely difficult conditions. Women who work in them are mostly from the lower classes of the population. Because of the illegal status of these brothels (prostitution is legal, but the brothels are not), it was necessary to proceed with an inventory of brothels in Dakar. A listing was drawn with information obtained from IHS. It was completed with information provided by two female prostitutes who joined the research team in exchange M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 139 of money. The procedure for identifying the compound as a brothel was to go in the place and observe the dwelling and the surroundings. The team inquired of people living in the neighborhood about the existence of brothels in each neighborhood. From this process seven brothels were identified. They were situated in five residential working class neighborhoods of Dakar. The selection of the sites to be included in the study was restricted by acceptance of the prostitutes working in the site because the implementation of the fieldwork inevitably necessitated the agreement of the women working in the place. Initial introductions to the prostitutes were made at the brothels directly by the main investigator and, on three occasions, with the help of two social workers from IHS. They introduced the researcher to prostitutes of brothels, but did not participate in any other way in the study. Observation, in-depth opened interviews and informal discussion groups were used to paint as real a picture as possible about the life of the prostitutes. Using a snowball technique, prostitutes of other sectors of prostitution (bars, street, hotels, etc.) were contacted individually and solicited to participate in the study. Free condoms were distributed regularly to the women. 3. The prostitution Observation showed that the majority of registered women worked in the street prostitution. A part of street prostitution is practiced in certain middle class residential areas, along the coast and in empty lots. The customers are of all ages and various social origins, but it is students who, according to the girls who work in the sector, represent the majority of their customers. At 11 p.m. clients start to come. When a price is agreed upon, the contract is carried out on the spot, on the cars of the customers, or even on the spot, i.e., in open air. The absence of public lighting in these areas allows this type of practice. Bars and nightclubs are important meeting places. This is the type of prostitution preferred by minors and clandestine prostitutes, to the point that they are even regarded as forming part of the decoration: no bar without a girl. The girls are there generally in the evening, but sometimes also during the course of the day. Prices revolve around 5,000 and 10,000 FCFA (approximately 7–14 U.S. dollars), but that varies from one woman to another according to the standing of the bar. Actually the price setting consists in applying a price according to “what the client looks like.” Customers are very diverse: foreigners, civil servants, etc. Most are married and aged between 35 and 50 years. They are men with enough money to spend on drinks, to pay for the room, and the woman. Hotels frequented by prostitutes are in general in the Dakar downtown commercial area. They are used by married men who do not want to be seen, by sailors, by tourists and by passing businessmen. A certain amount of activity can be observed during the day, but the maximum exchanges are at night. The girls stand in front of the hotels awaiting the customers. Brothels are somewhat common in some neighborhoods of Dakar but they are seen especially in its suburbs. They are in general located in underprivileged neighborhoods and they are poor and in a precarious state. Professional prostitutes often own and manage these houses. A panorama of people frequents these places, prostitutes, their steady partners, hawkers, and bouncers. It is the lumpenproletariat of prostitution. Hefty fellows generally guard the houses with prostitutes’ pay. 140 M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 Domestic prostitution is less known because it is less visible. The prostitute receives customers in her own residence. Women in that category are not registered; it is often an occasional prostitution. Many prostitutes are heads of households and ensure the food, education and medical care for several members of their family who live near them or who remain in the village. Those who have infants must pay a servant or a family member to keep them because their lives often do not allow them to live near their children. Their rents are always very high compared to the average, either because they seek certain standing, or because shady owners take advantage of their marginal situation in the city; they often pay a maximum sum for a generally precarious habitat. Indeed, few citizens want to cohabit with these women because of their lifestyle, which continues to conflict with the average citizen’s morals. The girls often gather within the same compound or in the same building. The least of their transgressions is liable to lead to expulsion. The owners do not hesitate to move them without warning. When returning in the early morning, they may find their belongings on the doorstep without any prior notice. Their irregular monthly incomes do not enable them to face the entire obligations of their families, which often puts them in risky situations and ready to make concessions, such as having unprotected sex to ensure a minimum survival income. Police raids are the prostitutes’ obsession. In Senegal prostitution is legal, but the girls are continually picked up either soliciting on public highways, or because their health record is not up-to-date. They are often also for the victims of violence and constant brutalities on behalf of criminals. Very often customers, after having obtained satisfaction, strike them and strip them of their money under threat. Pimps, as seen in other countries, rarely exist. On the other hand, older women gather young women and girls whom she lodges and nourishes. The women that work under these conditions are truly exploited by their “adoptive mother” because the majority of their rather meager profits go to the “mother.” Also, the police constantly harass prostitutes about whether the health cards are up-to-date. During the research, the team of investigators watched a police raid on a brothel. Only the presence of the team prevented the women from paying off the police officers. There is a great turnover of women in brothels. Some come from the peripheral neighborhoods around Dakar to avoid their families knowing of their activity were they to be recognized. 4. The prostitutes Prostitutes are considered pariahs in Senegalese society. Self-designated prostitutes procure their clients mainly among ordinary men rather than among the wealthy. Data on AIDS cases show that prevalence is higher among men in the lower socio-economic level then among the rich and white-collar workers (Senegal Ministry of Health, 2000). This pattern contrasts with the one observed in other African countries, in particular with the pattern in Côte d’Ivoire, another country in West Africa, where the middle classes are at higher risk for HIV infection (Djomand et al., 1995). Currently, approximately 1,500 women are registered in the IHS and a little less than 1,000 regularly attend medical examinations, i.e., were seen at least twice in the previous year. The M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 141 proportion represented by this figure, with regard to the whole of prostitution of the area of Dakar, is unknown. Nevertheless, the general opinion is that clandestine prostitution is not negligible. In addition, either the IHS in Dakar or the regional centers do not deal with minors. Registered women are on average 35 years old, and a little more than 40% of them are foreign. The principal reason alleged for registration is fear of being imprisoned during police raids for illegal prostitution. The importance of foreigners among the registered women may reflect social and economic problems that influence rates of transmission. Such proportions of foreigners, which are not observed in the distribution of females in the general population, may create ethnic variations in the non-use of condoms. For example, foreigners may be under greater economic pressure to submit to demands for unsafe sex. 5. How does one become a prostitute in Senegal? How does one become a prostitute in Senegal? Forced or arranged marriages are at the origin of much recourse to prostitution for young women. “DM” is 44 years old. When she was 17 she left her residence and took refuge at a girlfriend’s in Dakar in revolt against her parents’ decision to marry her to a cousin. In Dakar, she started participating in prostitution with her girlfriend who had been selling sex for 3 years. Upon becoming pregnant, she returned to the village with her child. Rejected by her parents, she went back to Dakar and left her child with the mother of a girlfriend. She entered prostitution in order to earn a living. Divorce has put many young women in precarious situations. In these contexts, selling sex appears as the only alternative to survival. “EM” is 27 years old and lives in Guediawaye, a suburb of Dakar. She married when she was 16. The divorce came 4 years afterwards, and was imposed by her husband’s family who never approved of the marriage. From this marriage, she had three children who were kept by the father’s family. For 2 years, she worked as a servant for small earnings. Her second marriage, from which she had her fourth child, lasted hardly 1 year. Her second husband was violent and did not provide for the household. After her second divorce she started working as a prostitute to provide for the needs of her child and his grandmother, who kept the child. She never registered with IHS. “. . . I hide this trade because no one agrees to rent a house to a woman who does this work . . . ,” “. . . I work at my place and the customers come to meet me at home. At the end of the sex, I get my money and it is ok. On that point, there’s no difference between another girl who works the street and me. Unless that I keep my privacy because I’m not registered. However, on the other hand, if the customer doesn’t want to pay, I can’t do anything. I don’t want to make scandals and attract the neighbors. I don’t want them know the type of work I do . . . ” Often there was a desire among young women to have a high standard of living, which was impossible given their parents’ low income. Such was the case of “AM” (21-year-old), who, after her divorce and the death of her two children, returned to her parents’ home. She started going out and selling sex just to have her hair done and to buy trendy clothes. Her parents were ignorant of her activities. She left the house through the window late at night after her parents went to bed. Her sister, a high-school student with whom she shared a room, knew of her activities, but kept silent. According to “AM,” her parents believed that the money that she 142 M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 offered them, as well as her beautiful new clothes, came from her fiancé, who did not know about her other life. “SD” is an 18-year-old high school student who lived a normal life until her father became unemployed. Her home situation became difficult and often all went to bed without dinner. To get to school she started to hitchhike and met men who made proposals. One day she accepted the advances of the one of them. Another day it was the same with another and many others followed. Thus, she ensured the family’s daily income for food, her transportation, books, etc. “. . . My parents never questioned me about the source of this money. I paid the electricity bills by soliciting my customers. Among them, many were married men. I had become a prostitute, but a clandestine one, since I didn’t walk the streets.” Her father found other work, but “SD” found it difficult to change her way of life: “. . . I recognize that I am accustomed to this style of life, and my parents too. They pretend to be unaware of the source of my income, even if I know that they know that it is from sleeping with men. They always give me the electricity and water bills as if I had work, and besides that, I have to think about my brothers’ clothes . . . .” “TD” is 32 and works in a bar in Medina, a traditional residential area of Dakar. She married when she was 18 years old and 4 years later her marriage started to go poorly. Beaten by her husband, she decided to divorce. Her ex-husband kept their two children. She started frequenting a bar located close to her mother’s home. Her father had been gone since she was 15 years old. In the beginning, she worked several days a week for 2 months until be arrested by the police. From then on she decided to register and started to work regularly in the same bar. At the time of fieldwork, she lived with her mother and seven brothers. She provided almost 90% of the household income; except for her elder brother, the others are unemployed. 6. The brothels The arrangement of the compounds consists of one large courtyard with a line of huts built mainly out of cardboard or wood. The roof is covered with metal sheets and the ground is often only packed dirt. The majority has neither electricity nor running water. Buildings are usually constructed out of recycled material. In some brothels, women work and live in the same place; in other cases, the shacks are occupied only during the night. Often the owner rents the room to other women for the sum of 200 FCFA ($0.30) per sexual contact, i.e., for each time the woman returned to the room with a customer. This amount was withdrawn from the amount paid by the customer that varied between 500 and 1,000 FCFA ($0.80 and $1.3) per act. The majority of these brothels are clandestine; yet, many women working in these places are officially registered with the IHS. It should be noted that for young prostitutes, who used to receive an average of 10 customers per night, at 1,000 FCFA ($1.3) per sexual contact, monthly income could rise to 300,000 FCFA ($405). That constitutes high earnings for a woman considering her low level of education (many were illiterate and few could speak French). Nevertheless, the majority of them, in particular the older ones, earned much less than this. The atmosphere of these places is by no means welcoming and darkness is the rule. The rooms are furnished with candles. Sheets, when present, are not changed. Among the six brothels taking part in the study, only one had acceptable hygiene conditions. It was located in M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 143 downtown, in an area called Plateau. All women working there were from Ghana, a Western African country, and aged from 21 to 45 years old. From the street a small door and a corridor led to a large yard in which from around seven p.m. to one a.m. the women placed chairs in a circle and waited for clients. The rooms were large, the building being of the colonial era; the rooms were tidy and clean. In contrast with all the other brothels, the yard was lit. The prostitutes said that the lighting was a protection against aggression and violence. Effectively, they had no protectors or pimp. The watchman, who lived in a two-room house in the back yard, was responsible just for the housework and did the shopping when requested. Rebeuss is an extension of the older neighborhood of Dakar: the Medina. It is a very densely populated area and at any hour of the day and until late in the night people are outside walking, talking, selling or just standing. The prostitutes in the brothel in Rebeuss were older than in other houses. Ages varied from 25 to 60, but the mean was around 40. People from the neighborhood knew the brothel very well and a local newspaper some days before the beginning of the fieldwork had an article describing the place and the dissatisfaction of the neighbors with their presence. Behind the surrounding wall there were only small barracks built in wood and covered with metal sheet. Some women lived in and some others came only at night to meet clients. The habitat was precarious and hygienic conditions were average. There was no light in the compound and rooms were lit with candles. The rooms were so small and the ceiling was so low that one could hardly stand up; inside there was just room for a bed and a chair. An older prostitute was introduced as the manager of the house. She did not work anymore but she came each night to observe the comings and goings and left around midnight. The two brothels in the neighborhood of Grand Yoff (named GY1 and GY2) presented the worst living conditions from all other brothels in the study. The two houses were located in the same area and were close to each other. Living conditions in GY2 were even worse than GY1. In GY1, three barracks were located on one side of the enclosing wall. Clients used to wait in front of the rooms for their time to enter. In the backyard beside a rubbish heap, a cover attached to a post hid the urinal. This was just a hole in the ground and clients and prostitutes used this rudimentary installation. In front of the rooms two large oilcans had been recycled into wastebaskets for used condoms. Women waited outside and invited potential clients to enter. There were always four or five women for two rooms. The mother of one of the prostitutes working in the place rented these rooms. The third room was used exclusively by one of the women who never accepted to share it with the others. Frequently prostitutes and customers waited outside for their turn until a couple came out. The house of GY2 was made up of four rooms including two extremely small ones without a roof and with a mud floor where sexual meetings took place. In this compound, three women of different age classes including two older than 40, lived with their partners and practiced the sex trade. The owner of the place lived in the largest construction, which nevertheless did not exceed 2 m × 3 m. There was a young person of about 30 who on the spot sold marijuana and hashish. In one of the three other barracks lived the aunt of the owner, whose son was the partner of one of the prostitutes. She was paralyzed in both legs and was also the room manager: for each use of the room she received 200 FCFA ($0.30), whereas the time cost 500 FCFA ($0.70). The two last barracks were used for encounters with clients. In this house, in addition to the marijuana, the prostitutes and their partners were accustomed to consuming an alcoholic drink, which because of its traditional manufacturing caused one to become drunk 144 M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 very fast. Several times work had to be stopped because the entire group was in a such a state of inebriation that arguments broke out between them and even the customers fled from the main entrance. In this house the prostitutes reported never using condoms. In addition, they admitted that the condoms that were given to them during the entire duration of the study were sold to others prostitutes in the area. Different from GY1, the urinal in the back yard did not have even a tarpaulin for privacy, and was beside a heap of refuse. FD1, as the first of the two brothels in the neighborhood of Fass Delorme was called, was an enormous concession sheltering about fifty dwellings of all kinds. The common point was size, materials, and inhabitants: not more than two rooms, made of wood, cardboard, straw and sheet metal; a large majority were occupied by prostitutes. Some unhappy families unable to find lodging elsewhere and some single men also lived there. There were prostitutes of all ages and all ethnic groups. Certain women were very young. Among those who did not live on the premises, the majority lived in the suburbs, came to work and returned after to their residences. Among the very young, the majority still lived with their parents. The atmosphere of the place changed radically from day to night. It was difficult to recognize the place at night if one had come there only during the day. There was no running water and only some rooms had electricity. Candles mostly lighted the rooms. At night, a whole crowd of people was in the place: tradesmen, a used condom collector, card players, visitors, cigarette salesmen and prostitutes’ customers. Once the owner of a room waited in vain until late in the night as his tenant had not paid the last 2 months rent. The collector of used condoms, searching for treatment, made a point of showing us his hands covered with blisters, which had appeared, according to him, after he had begun this work. He was paid 100 FCFA an emptied dustbin. This entire crowd gave the house a surreal aspect. The team of investigators with their flashlights and investigation cards added to this astonishing scene. All the prostitutes in FD2, the second brothel in the neighborhood of Fass Delorme, were women of the Peuhl ethnic group. The average age was 30. A few months earlier, the house had been victim of fire maybe criminal. It destroyed the large majority of the barracks in the yard. At the time of the investigation, hardly two rooms were functional and approximately five women worked there. Many women had moved to other brothels after the fire. Two women lodged regularly in one of the rooms. At night, this room was divided with other women for encounters with customers. The second room was the property of the leader of the group. She was the oldest prostitute on the premises and made decisions. She had the final word that the survey could be implemented at the site. She lived in the suburbs of Dakar and came every evening for work. During the day this room was, in general, closed and she kept the key. At night she allowed other women to use it for sexual encounters. In the house there was neither electricity nor running water. After the fire the yard had been divided into two and one partially built wall separated the houses from empty ground. In the back yard, house-side, five small rooms of brick had been built since then and had been rented to families. That caused a change in the manner in which these women used to attract their customers. Before the fire, because there were only prostitutes in the compound, all the women remained outside and used to yell to potential customers. At the time of the investigation, because other families had settled there, they remained inside and clients entered to meet them. A passer-by could never guess what kind of activity was going on inside. The result was that often there were very few customers. M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 145 The rooms were small, but clean. All the women reported using condoms consistently. Yet, customers stated after the meeting not to have used one. Indeed, it is possible that, considering the reduced number of customers in this house, that these women were obliged to make concessions in their distressed situation and agreed to have relations without condoms. 7. Sexual behavior of prostitutes in brothels During the open-ended interviews prostitutes reported that many clients refused to use condoms during sexual relations. During the fieldwork the team observed that several times women refused to have sexual contacts and threw clients out of the rooms, alleging they did not want to use condoms. A significant proportion of clients reported not using condoms during the current sexual contact, whereas women affirmed always-using condoms with clients. Nevertheless a high proportion of clients reported always using condoms with prostitutes. The duration of the sexual act was estimated in minutes by the customers themselves. The average duration was 3.9 min and the median was three minutes. Reports on sex acts prices were consistent among clients and were concordant with prices declared by prostitutes themselves. The mean price was 1,000 CFA, which corresponds to $1.50. Prices varied more among brothels than among prostitutes in the same brothel. Reports were consistent in terms of the sexual techniques usually performed by clients with prostitutes. Vaginal contact was the most practiced sexual technique. Approximately 100% of the clients indicated they practiced vaginal sex only without combining other techniques during the current contact. Furthermore, less than 1.0% of the clients reported that they had engaged in anal or oral sex with prostitutes during the current contact. 8. Conclusions This research shows that young African women are vulnerable to HIV infection because sexual relations with men are an important means to achieve social and economic status, and for some women they are necessary for survival. These data show that Senegalese prostitutes, because of their high HIV prevalence, represent a reservoir of HIV infection and a core group for HIV transmission into Senegalese society. In spite of the report of condom use by a majority of prostitutes and clients, evidence has shown that utilization is inconsistent in both groups. According to surveillance data, HIV prevalence has doubled among registered prostitutes in the last few years. This suggests that in spite of information and free condoms, a number of prostitutes engage in unprotected sex. Clandestine and minor prostitutes are at major risk because they are not targeted for condom interventions. Pockets of non-utilization of condoms by prostitutes were found in some geographic areas (brothels) of Dakar and merit local interventions. If studies show that condom use has risen among men, it will be important to establish specific characteristics of the men who use or do not use condoms to be sure than education targets the ones at higher risk for HIV transmission. 146 M.E.G. Do Espirito Santo, G.D. Etheredge / The Social Science Journal 41 (2004) 137–146 References AIDS Prevention National Program. (1999, June). HIV epidemiological bulletin, 7. Djomand, G., Greenberg, A. E., Sassan-Morokro, M., Tossou, O., Diallo, M. O., Ekpini, E., et al. (1995). The epidemics of HIV/AIDS in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: A review of data collected by Project RETROCI from 1987 to 1993. Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome Human Retrovirology, 10, 358–365. Meda, N., Ndoye, I., M’Boup, S., Wade, A., Ndiaye, S., Niang, C., et al. (1999). Low and stable infection rates in Senegal: Natural course of the epidemic or evidence for success of prevention? AIDS, 3, 1397–1405. Senegal Ministry of Health. (2000, July–December 11–12). The Sexually Transmissible Infections in Senegal: Epidemiology and modalities of control. Epidemiological bulletin. http://www.ised.sn/bulletins/Bull1112.pdf.
Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 22:270–289, 2012 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1091-1359 print/1540-3556 online DOI: 10.1080/10911359.2012.655583 Age at Entry into Prostitution: Relationship to Drug Use, Race, Suicide, Education Level, Childhood Abuse, and Family Experiences ROSS J. CLARKE and ELIZABETH A. CLARKE Psychology Department, Arizona State University, Phoenix, Arizona, USA DOMINIQUE ROE-SEPOWITZ School of Social Work, Arizona State University, Phoenix, Arizona, USA RICHARD FEY School of Social and Family Dynamics, Arizona State University, Phoenix, Arizona, USA This study seeks to explore factors related to age at entry into prostitution. Participants were 389 women arrested for prostitution who had attended a diversion program. Women who entered prostitution as minors were found to be more likely to be AfricanAmerican; report having a family member with a substance use problem; have a history of attempted suicide; and not have completed middle or high school. The age at first drug use was found to significantly impact the reported age at entry. Key areas for intervention should include improving school connectedness and preventing adolescent substance abuse, specifically for AfricanAmericans. KEYWORDS Juvenile prostitution, sex work, substance use, drugs, race, education, suicide Juvenile prostitution is a growing social problem worldwide, but the issue has yet to receive sufficient public health attention (Willis & Levy, 2002). There are presently no credible estimates of the number of juveniles involved in prostitution in the United States (Stransky & Finkelhor, 2008). In recent years, the issue has begun to receive increased awareness and interest, both from the public and in the research community. Previous research has examined Address correspondence to Dominique Roe-Sepowitz, School of Social Work, Arizona State University, 411 N. Central Avenue, Suite 800, Phoenix, AZ 85004, USA. E-mail: dominique.roe@asu.edu 270 Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution 271 pathways of entry into prostitution, but more clarity is needed on this topic in order to understand and serve a population that has long been overlooked and misunderstood. REVIEW OF LITERATURE Research literature has identified physical and emotional risks for women associated with their involvement in prostitution. Many of these women encounter numerous forms of severe violence, trauma, degradation, and extreme poverty (Willis & Levy, 2002). Drug use has been found to be high among this population, further adding to the many negative outcomes associated with involvement in prostitution (Kuhns, Heide, & Silverman, 1992). A significant amount of research in previous decades has focused on the pathways leading toward entry into prostitution. This study attempts to add to the existing body of knowledge by exploring childhood abuse, education level, race, familial drug use, attempted suicide, and drug use as they relate to age at entry into prostitution. Due to the uncertainty currently surrounding the chronology of drug abuse and entry into prostitution in existing literature, particular focus is paid to the start of drug use in relation to entry into prostitution. Childhood Abuse and Family Dysfunction in Relation to Entry into Prostitution Experiences of childhood abuse—sexual, physical, and emotional—have been widely reported in the backgrounds of women involved in prostitution (Silbert & Pines, 1982; Tyler, Hoyt, Whitbeck, & Cauce, 2001). Childhood abuse has been found to be associated with an increased likelihood of entry into prostitution (Schissel & Fedec, 1999). In a study of 309 women involved in prostitution, Kramer and Berg (2003) found that Caucasian women had higher rates of parental drug and alcohol abuse and more often reported experiencing sexual or physical abuse by a family member when compared to minority women. Interestingly, minority women were found to enter prostitution 2.5 years earlier than Caucasians, and their reported childhood risk factors (sexual abuse, physical abuse, parental substance use) had twice the impact on the hazard rate for entry (Kramer & Berg). Running away, possibly from abusive home situations (Bagley & Young, 1987), has been identified as a common pathway to juvenile entry into prostitution (Estes & Weiner, 2001), increasing the odds of entry during early adolescence by more than 40 times (McClanahan, McClelland, Abram, & Teplin, 1999). In a study of 200 women (juveniles and adults) formerly or 272 R. J. Clarke et al. currently involved in prostitution, Silbert and Pines (1982) found that 94% of the juveniles were runaways. Bagley and Young, in their study of 45 women formerly involved in prostitution, found nearly half of the women to have reported leaving home because of sexual abuse. In a sample of 71 adult women attending a residential prostitution exiting program, women who entered prostitution as juveniles were more likely to have run away from home and to have experienced childhood emotional abuse (Roe-Sepowitz, in press). After controlling for childhood physical and sexual abuse and race, a hierarchical regression revealed childhood emotional abuse to explain an earlier age at entry into prostitution (Roe-Sepowitz). Childhood abuse appears to be the beginning of a negative chain of events leading into eventual involvement in prostitution. Dysfunctional family systems and poor social and educational experiences also appear to be important links in this chain. Dalla (2001), in a qualitative study of 31 women involved in street prostitution, illustrated that most participants reported abandonment by valued individuals during key developmental stages. In other studies, family dysfunction was evidenced in commonly reported experiences of familial substance abuse and parental domestic violence (Bagley & Young, 1987; Silbert & Pines, 1982). Though it is clear that childhood abuse and dysfunctional family situations are common factors in the backgrounds of women involved in prostitution, discrepancies exist concerning the relationship between childhood abuse and age at entry into prostitution. Some have found that childhood sexual abuse presents an equal risk of entry for minors and adults (McClanahan et al., 1999), whereas others have found that certain types of abuse, such as emotional abuse, predict a younger age at entry (Roe-Sepowitz, in press). School Involvement and Social Influences of Entry Seventy-eight percent of the sample in Silbert and Pines (1982) reported being school age at the time of first involvement in prostitution, whereas only 19% actually reported attending school. As children’s schooling progressed, those who would later become involved in prostitution grew increasingly involved with deviant peers, with 40% feeling they had no friends after leaving school (Silbert & Pines, 1982). In fact, Silbert and Pines described the situation of juveniles in their study as almost completely devoid of positive social support. Kuhns et al. (1992) compared 53 women arrested for prostitution to 47 other arrestees and identified that school problems, specifically dropping out of school, increased the likelihood of involvement in prostitution. Similarly, Kramer and Berg (2003) found that each additional year of school attended decreased the likelihood of involvement in prostitution, possibly due to Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution 273 youths’ connectedness to school and the healthy social bonds that could be fostered there. Schissel and Fedec (1999) also discovered that, among 52 youths (male and female) involved in prostitution, returning to school significantly decreased the likelihood of involvement in prostitution. These findings highlight the importance of school connectedness and education in the lives of youths at risk for entry into prostitution. The combined effects of running from home to escape abusive situations, truancy from school, and involvement with deviant peers put juveniles at risk for entry into prostitution (Bagley & Young, 1987; Silbert & Pines, 1982). Entry may be facilitated by a need for survival and a lack of alternatives (Bagley & Young, 1987), coupled with absorption into the negative patterns of street culture. In one of the only studies to compare juvenile to adult entry into prostitution, Loza et al. (2010) interviewed 920 women involved in prostitution in Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico. Loza et al. found those who entered prostitution as adults to be less educated, more likely to have children before entry, and more likely to have migrated to the area where they became involved in prostitution than those who entered as minors. However, the findings by Loza et al. pertain to populations engaging in prostitution near the U.S.–Mexico border and may not generalize to other areas. These results, which suggest adults have a lower level of education than minors upon entry into prostitution, may be more reflective of migration from a rural area out of economic necessity and less to do with education directly influencing the specific age at entry. Peer involvement in prostitution was explored by Gossop, Powis, Griffiths, and Strang (1994) in a study of 51 drug-using women involved in prostitution with an average age at entry of 19.3. Fifty-nine percent reported being introduced to prostitution by a close friend (Gossop et al.). This finding suggests poor social support networks among adult women prior to entry and indicates the powerful influence of association with deviant peers, even for adults. Suicide Behavior Severe mental health problems and a high frequency of suicide attempts have been found to be common among women involved in prostitution. Homeless youths involved in prostitution were twice as likely to have a serious mental health problem and twice as likely to be suicidal or to have attempted suicide as homeless youths not involved in prostitution (Yates, Mackenzie, Pennbridge, & Swafford, 1991). In Bagley and Young (1987), those previously involved in prostitution had much poorer mental health and severely damaged self-esteem and were three times more likely to have attempted suicide than a control group. Schissel and Fedec (1999) found 274 R. J. Clarke et al. nearly all participants involved in prostitution to have attempted suicide, with many also engaging in self-mutilation. Suicide behaviors appear to be higher among women involved in prostitution than other populations, but it is difficult to obtain credible estimates of suicide attempts among women involved in prostitution. What remains to be tested among women involved in prostitution is whether entry at a younger age produces different mental health issues and/or different suicidal behaviors than entry at an older age. Substance Use and Prostitution Though it is commonly known that drug use and prostitution are closely linked, the order in which they occur and the degree of influence they have on one another is not fully understood. Much is still to be learned about the relationship between substance use and age at entry into prostitution and the motivations behind initiating both. An area worthy of investigation in the matrix of prostitution and drug use is how the type of drug(s) being used influences involvement in prostitution. Alcohol and crack cocaine appear to be the most commonly abused substances among women involved in prostitution (Kuhns et al., 1992; Weiner, 1996), whereas the prevalence of heroin use appears to vary by region (Surratt, Kurtz, Weaver, & Inciardi, 2005; Gossop et al., 1994). One of four women engaging in prostitution in Gossop et al. (1994) reportedly drank alcohol on a daily basis, with some drinking at dangerously high levels. Kuhns et al. (1992) discovered that early drug/alcohol use posed a greater risk for involvement in prostitution. On average, women arrested for prostitution had an earlier age at first alcohol intoxication—14.6 versus 16.6 for the other arrestees (Kuhns et al.). However, the severity and frequency of drug use among this population were not accounted for. The type of substances women involved in prostitution use may be related to the type of prostitution in which they become involved. Involvement in street prostitution was found to present a greater risk of using hard drugs when compared with indoor prostitution (Cusick & Hickman, 2005), and most women involved in street prostitution reportedly entered to support an existing drug habit (Cusick, 1998). Women involved in both indoor and street prostitution indicated that the use of drugs helped to enhance their sexual performance; however, women involved in street prostitution also indicated that drugs were used to numb and cope with fears of violence (Cusick, 1998). Women involved in indoor prostitution tended to look negatively upon the sex-for-drug exchanges that were more commonly seen in street prostitution (Cusick & Hickman, 2005). These findings indicate different degrees of drug abuse and dependence based on the type of prostitution in which women become involved in addition to group differences regarding what constitutes acceptable drug use. In their study of 237 women involved in prostitution, Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution 275 Potterat, Rothenberg, Muth, Darrow, and Phillips-Plummer (1998) also found 94% of those involved in indoor prostitution to be Caucasian, suggesting the possible role of race in influencing the type of prostitution in which women become involved. Hard drug use and frequent drug use appear to have close time links with entry into prostitution among both juveniles and adults (Gossop et al., 1994; Loza et al., 2010; Weber, Boivin, Blais, Haley, & Roy, 2004). However, little is known about what, if any, differences exist between juvenile and adult entry into prostitution in relation to substance use. Substance Use and Juvenile Entry into Prostitution Adolescence is a time when important social relationships are formed and goals are set but is also a time of higher-level brain development (Steinberg, 2005). Because of the rapid changes occurring in the adolescent brain, substance use during this period makes the brain more vulnerable to longterm adverse effects (Monti et al., 2005). The literature on the relationship between juvenile entry into prostitution and drug use suggests multiple risks and pathways to entry. Brawn and Roe-Sepowitz (2008) conducted a study of 128 juveniles arrested for prostitution and discovered 57% to be using drugs or alcohol, with most beginning substance use 1 year prior to entry into prostitution. Similar to the results of Kramer and Berg (2003), significantly more Caucasian juveniles involved in prostitution were using drugs than non-Whites, reiterating the importance of considering race (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008). Among juveniles arrested for prostitution, those who used drugs were found to have less parental supervision at home, higher rates of childhood abuse and neglect, more negative peer influences, and prior occurrences of delinquency and/or conduct problems at school than those who did not use drugs (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008). Most drug-using juveniles had backgrounds with more severe dysfunction than non–drug-using juveniles; however, it was less clear how non–drug-using juveniles entered prostitution and whether continued involvement would lead to drug use in the future. The timing of first drug use and age at entry into prostitution is a topic of research that has yet to yield consistent results. In a sample of 51 drugusing women involved in prostitution in London, 37% stated they became involved in prostitution to support an established drug habit, whereas twothirds continued prostitution to support a drug habit (Gossop et al., 1994). In Gossop et al., the average age at first heroin use, 18.9, correlated highly with age at entry into prostitution (average, 19.15) r D 0.69, p < 0.001. Of those who entered prostitution prior to heroin use, the average entry was less than 1 year prior to first heroin use, and women who started using heroin prior to prostitution continued using for about 2 years before involvement in prostitution (Gossop et al.). Women who entered prostitution prior to using 276 R. J. Clarke et al. heroin were more likely to say they would continue to prostitute if they were not using drugs, whereas those who used heroin prior to prostitution were more likely to say they would stop prostituting if they were not using drugs (Gossop et al.). The findings of Gossop et al. are implicative of different motivations for entry into prostitution based on the sequence of entry into prostitution and drug use (heroin in particular). Economic necessity, or survival sex, may be one pathway to entry into prostitution (Gossop et al., 1994; Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008). The findings of McClanahan et al. (1999) appear to support this view, as evidenced by the greatly increased risk of entry during adolescence after running away. Deviant lifestyles leading to substance use may form another pathway to entry (that is, persons who enter prostitution to support a drug habit; Gossop et al., 1994), although McClanahan et al. did not find drug use to be a significant predictor of entry. Because experiences of abuse, attempted suicide, family dysfunction, discontinued education, and drug use are commonly reported among individuals involved in prostitution, more clarity is needed to understand these variables as they relate to age at entry into prostitution. In extant literature, race was also found to be a significant factor relating to entry into prostitution (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008; Kramer & Berg, 2003) and is therefore considered in this study. This study seeks to introduce new information regarding risk factors of a younger age at entry into prostitution and to add to the body of knowledge on the complex relationship between drug use and entry into prostitution. This study attempts to address the following research questions: 1. Are there differences between women who entered prostitution as minors compared to women who entered as adults in race, highest level of education completed, and experiences of: childhood physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, family drug use, and attempted suicide among a sample of women from a prostitution diversion program in Phoenix, Arizona? 2. Are there relationships between age at entry into prostitution and age at which drug use began, having a self-identified drug problem, having a prior drug arrest, and type of drug(s) used among a sample of women from a prostitution diversion program in Phoenix, Arizona? METHOD Participants Data for this study included case files of 389 female attendees of a citysponsored diversion program for adults arrested for prostitution in Phoenix, Arizona between the years 2004 and 2006. Those selected for inclusion in the study were taken from a total of 465 available electronic and paper Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution 277 records of a program intake survey. Of the total available records, 430 were female, and 35 were males identified as transgendered. Due to significant differences in reasons for involvement and experiences during prostitution among transgendered populations, these individuals were excluded from the study. A further 41 cases were not included in the study due to missing or incomplete records regarding the dependent variable for this study (age at entry into prostitution). Participants were not asked what type of prostitution they were involved in but had all been charged with and signed a plea agreement for prostitution; thus, individuals involved in street prostitution, brothels, massage parlors, online prostitution, call-out sex services, hotel, and home-based prostitutes are included. The participants were identified as Caucasian (169; 43.4%), AfricanAmerican (139; 35.7%), Hispanic/Latino (53; 13.6%), and other (Native American, Hawaiian, Alaskan; 20; 5.1%). Data of race from eight participants (2.1%) were missing. Reported age at entry into prostitution ranged from 8 to 63 years (M D 25.38, standard deviation [SD] D 9.97). Procedures Information regarding demographics, history of involvement in prostitution, and other important related background factors was compiled by the diversion provider agency through intake interviews and was entered into SPSS. Questions from the intake assessment pertaining to the variables of interest for this study (age at entry into prostitution, race, highest level of education completed, experiences of childhood physical abuse, childhood sexual abuse, childhood emotional abuse, family drug use, and attempted suicide) were selected. Juvenile entry into prostitution was coded if participants answered age 17 or less to the question ‘‘How old were you when you entered into prostitution?’’ Childhood sexual abuse was coded as yes for an affirmative answer to either or both of the following questions: (1) ‘‘Were you a victim of sexual abuse by family members?’’ (2) ‘‘Growing up, were you a victim of sexual abuse by people outside your family?’’ Childhood physical abuse was coded as yes for an affirmative answer to either or both of the following questions: (1) ‘‘Were you a victim of physical abuse by family members?’’ (2) ‘‘Growing up, were you a victim of physical abuse by people outside your family?’’ Childhood emotional abuse was coded as yes for an affirmative answer to the question ‘‘Were you a victim of emotional abuse?’’ Familial drug problems were coded as yes for an affirmative answer to the question ‘‘Did any of your family members have problems with drugs or alcohol when you were growing up?’’ Highest level of education completed was coded according to participants’ answers to the question ‘‘What is your highest degree of education 278 R. J. Clarke et al. completed?’’ Survey responses were then separated into elementary school (completion of any grade between kindergarten and sixth grade); middle school (completion of grade 7 or grade 8); partial high school (completion of grade 9, 10, or 11); high school (completion of grade 12, GED, or vocational training); and higher education (some college, associates degree, bachelors degree, or graduate degree) for analysis. Attempted suicide was coded based on participants’ responses to the following instruction: ‘‘If you have ever attempted suicide, please explain.’’ Age at first drug use was measured by the question ‘‘How old where you when you first started using?’’ Type of drugs was measured by the question ‘‘What drugs have you used in the last 6 months?’’ Perception of drug problem was coded as yes for an affirmative answer to the question ‘‘Do you consider yourself to have a problem with drugs or alcohol?’’ Having a prior drug arrest was coded as yes for an affirmative answer to the question ‘‘Have you ever been convicted of a drug charge?’’ Description of Participants A total of 81 women reported entry into prostitution prior to age 18 (20.8%), and 308 (79.2%) reported entry into prostitution as adults. The age at first drug use ranged from 2 to 52. Participants with a very young reported age at first drug use, such as 2, were likely given substances by their parents. Population descriptors for age at first drug use, age at entry into prostitution, number of children, and prior number of prostitution charges are presented in Table 1. The most commonly used drugs were crack/cocaine (41.1%), alcohol (39.8%), and marijuana (26.2%; see Table 2). Around two of five (38.6%) self-reported having a problem with drugs or alcohol, and 74 (19%) had attempted suicide. Growing up with a family member with a drug or alcohol problem was common, with 62.2% reporting such experiences. More than one-fourth of participants (26.2%) had a drug-related arrest, and 62.5% had an arrest prior to the arrest that led them to participate in the diversion program. TABLE 1 Means and Standard Deviations for Population Descriptors Juvenile entry Adult entry Total Variable M SD M SD M SD Current age Age at first drug use Age at prostitution entry Prior number of charges Number of children 28.23 14.68 14.9 3.44 1.83 9.78 5.115 2.14 5.93 2.21 34.2 18.52 28.1 2.28 2.08 10.1 7.42 9.27 3.18 2.06 32.95 17.69 25.38 2.52 2.03 10.31 7.16 9.97 3.95 2.09 279 Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution TABLE 2 Types of Drugs Used Total Adult entry Juvenile entry Drug type N (%) N (%) N (%) Crack/cocaine Alcohol Marijuana Stimulants Other opioids Depressants 160 155 102 60 53 4 (41.1) (39.8) (26.2) (15.4) (13.6) (1.0) 39 36 23 8 15 1 (48.1) (44.4) (28.4) (9.9) (18.5) (1.2) 121 119 79 52 38 3 (39.3) (38.6) (25.6) (16.9) (13.3) (1.0) Stimulants D amphetamines/speed/methamphetamines; other opioids D heroin, codeine, Demerol, methadone; depressants D barbiturates/sedatives. RESULTS To analyze the differences between women who entered prostitution as juveniles compared to women who entered prostitution as adults, chi-square and t-tests were used. To explore the relationship between age at first drug use and age at entry into prostitution, a simple regression analysis was conducted. Chi-square analysis revealed that African-Americans were more likely to enter into prostitution before the age of 18, whereas Caucasians were more likely to enter as adults, 2 D (3, N D 381) D 10.410, p D .015. Table 3 shows the proportion of Caucasian, African-American, Hispanic/Latina, and women self-identified as Other who entered into prostitution as juveniles compared with adults in relation to their own race as well as other races. The highest degree of education completed ranged from second grade to graduate level (see Table 4 for a full description of age at entry and level of education). Level of education was found to have a highly significant relationship with age at entry into prostitution. Women who entered pros- TABLE 3 Age at Entry into Prostitution and Race Juvenile entry Adult entry Total Race N Race % Juv % N Race % Adult % N % African-American Caucasian Hispanic/Latina Other 41 25 11 3 29.5 14.8 20.8 15.0 51.3 31.3 13.8 3.8 98 144 42 17 70.5 85.2 79.2 85.0 32.6 47.8 14.0 5.8 139 169 53 20 36.5 44.4 13.9 5.2 Race % D percent of women of the specified race who entered prostitution during the specified age at entry category; juv % D percent of women who entered as juveniles of the specified race; adult % D percent of women who entered as adults of the specified race; % D percent of women of the entire sample of women who were the specified race. 280 R. J. Clarke et al. TABLE 4 Age at Entry into Prostitution and Level of Education Juvenile entry Adult entry Level of education N % N % Elementary school Middle school Partial high school Completed high school Higher education 1 9 41 20 10 1.2 11.1 50.6 24.7 12.3 4 13 80 114 96 1.3 4.2 26.1 37.1 31.3 Elementary school D completion of any grade between kindergarten and sixth grade; middle school D completion of grade 7 or grade 8; partial high school D completion of any grade between ninth and eleventh grade; complete high school D completion of twelfth grade, GED, or vocational training; higher education D some college, associate’s degree, bachelors degree, or graduate degree. titution as adults were more likely to have completed high school or have an advanced education, whereas those who entered as juveniles were more likely to have dropped out during middle school or high school, 2 D (4, N D 388) D 29.017, p D .000. Women who entered into prostitution as juveniles were more likely to report familial drug problems during their childhood, 2 D (1, N D 389) D 4.916, p D .027, and were more likely to have attempted suicide, 2 D (1, N D 353) D 5.378, p D .02. Most women (84.1%) maintained contact with their families, and 65.5% reported feeling somewhat or very satisfied with the current level of interaction and support from their family. One hundred thirty-seven women (35.2%) reported experiences of childhood emotional abuse, 123 (31.6%) reported childhood sexual abuse, and 95 (24.4%) reported childhood physical abuse. However, a chi-square analysis did not find experiences of childhood emotional, sexual, or physical abuse to be significantly different among those who entered as juveniles compared with those who entered as adults. Additionally, a prior history of a drugrelated arrest, having a self-identified drug or alcohol problem, and type of drugs used were not found to be significantly different between the two groups. Additional analysis revealed that experiences of violence from a trick or John were common, with 42.7% reporting rape and 54.8% reporting assault. Violence from pimps was not as common, with 8.5% reporting rape and 26.2% reporting assault. An independent samples t-test was conducted to examine the difference between women who entered prostitution as juveniles and women who entered prostitution as adults in regard to their age at first drug use. Women who entered as juveniles had a significantly lower age at first drug use (M D 14.68, SD D 5.11) than women who entered prostitution as adults (M D 18.52, SD D 7.42), t (155.595) D 4.953, p D .000. Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution 281 A simple regression analysis was performed to explore whether age at first drug use could predict age at entry into prostitution. The mean of age of drug use was centered so the intercept would be meaningful (age at first drug use-mean). The R2 statistic indicated that the model explained 10.4% of the variance in age at entry into prostitution. The model was significant at the .01 level, and the impact of age at first drug use on age at entry into prostitution was for every 1 year increase of age at first drug use, there was an increase of .4 years of age at entry into prostitution. Thus, for every year one delays starting drug use, he or she delays entry into prostitution for .4 of a year. DISCUSSION The goal of this study was to examine age at entry into prostitution in relation to race, highest level of education completed, experiences of childhood physical abuse, childhood sexual abuse, childhood emotional abuse, family drug use, attempted suicide, and drug use. Five statistically significant differences were found between those who entered prostitution as juveniles and those who entered as adults: having a family member with an alcohol or drug problem, age at first drug use, highest level of education completed, race, and attempting suicide. Abuse There were no statistically significant differences in rates of abuse between those who entered prostitution as minors compared to those who entered as adults. These results differed from the findings of Roe-Sepowitz (in press), where emotional abuse was significantly higher among women who entered prostitution as juveniles compared to those who entered as adults. The prevalence of abuse by type matched that in Silbert and Pines (1982), with emotional abuse most frequent, followed by sexual, then physical abuse. However, this differed from Bagley and Young (1987) and Roe-Sepowitz, who found sexual abuse to be most prevalent. Rates of all types of abuse were significantly lower than those reported in other studies (Bagley & Young, 1987; Roe-Sepowitz; Silbert & Pines). These differences in the prevalence of abuse types may be a result of sampling methods and methodological dissimilarities in how abuse was measured in addition to regional differences. Greater standardization in measurements of abuse in research studies would be beneficial to provide clarity about the prevalence of rates and types of abuse among women involved in prostitution. Unfortunately, this study did not have access to information regarding running away from home. Previous studies have found youths to run away from abusive home experiences, leaving them vulnerable to recruitment 282 R. J. Clarke et al. into prostitution for survival and protection (Bagley & Young, 1987; RoeSepowitz, in press). Though women who reported entering prostitution as juveniles may have experienced severe family dysfunction (as indicated by familial substance abuse), experiences of childhood abuse were not directly related to an earlier age at entry into prostitution in this study. Family Alcohol or Drug Problem Women who entered prostitution as juveniles were significantly more likely to report having a family member with a drug or alcohol problem while growing up than those who entered as adults (72.8% and 59.4%, respectively). Such differences between the family situations of those who entered prostitution as juveniles and those who entered as adults were not found in Roe-Sepowitz (in press); however, the high prevalence of familial substance problems in general has been observed in other studies (Bagley & Young, 1987; Silbert & Pines, 1982). The relationship between familial substance abuse, childhood abuse, and juvenile entry into prostitution warrants additional research attention. Roe-Sepowitz (in press) found women who entered prostitution as juveniles to have significantly higher levels of emotional abuse than adults but not familial substance abuse problems. However, the results of this study were exactly opposite. Dube et al. (2001) found that substance-using parents were more likely to neglect and abuse their children. Further research is needed in order to determine whether a lack of parental monitoring and support resulting from intoxication and substance dependence contributes to a younger age at entry into prostitution. Drawing on the results of this study and other relevant literature, possible pathways of entry into prostitution are beginning to be understood. Individuals with severe experiences of child abuse (regardless of income level) may run away from home in order to escape abuse (Roe-Sepowitz, in press; Silbert & Pines, 1982). They may find themselves at an increased risk for entry into prostitution upon entering the street economy, as they need to secure income, shelter, and protection (Roe-Sepowitz, in press). Others from families with high levels of substance abuse may experience parental neglect, leaving them vulnerable to becoming involved with deviant peers, truancy, and substance abuse. This normalization of criminal and deviant behaviors without positive social support networks or influences may draw individuals into the lifestyle of prostitution. Age at First Drug Use Significant differences in age at first drug use were found among those who entered prostitution as juveniles compared to those who entered as adults (ages 14.68 and 18.52, respectively). This finding may be associated with the Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution 283 higher rates of alcohol and drug problems found in the families of those who entered prostitutions as juveniles. Youths with substance-using family members may have had easier access to substances in their homes. Parents’ problem substance use may have resulted in a lack of monitoring or neglect, which may have allowed juveniles’ deviant behaviors to go unchecked. The results of the regression analysis provide support to previous studies that found a correlation between substance use and subsequent entry into prostitution (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008; Weber et al., 2004). In many cases, entry into prostitution may serve as a means to fund a drug habit, or the use of drugs may lower inhibitions, resulting in increased sexual behavior. However, there are no doubt alternative pathways that this study was unable to detect. Further study of the relationship between drug use and entry into prostitution is needed in order to bring greater clarity to the complex relationship between these variables. In a national longitudinal study on adolescent drug use in 2009, about 20% of eighth graders (typically ages 13 and 14) had ever used an illicit substance, and 37% had ever tried alcohol (Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2010). Comparing these national averages to the average age at first substance use among women who entered prostitution as minors in this study (14.68) shows this population to deviate from the patterns typical of youths in the United States. Though there was not a significant difference between women who entered prostitution as juveniles compared with adults on the types of drugs being used at the time of interview, future studies should explore whether differences exist between juvenile and adult drug use at the time of entry into prostitution. Such studies would be valuable in further understanding the role of drugs in relationship to entry into prostitution. This would potentially identify drugs that increase risk of entry into prostitution at different points across the lifespan. Education Though most women who entered prostitution as adults completed high school or higher education, most of those who entered as juveniles dropped out before completing high school. School attendance has been related to decreased involvement in prostitution (Schissel & Fedec, 1999), whereas dropping out of school has been associated with increased risk (Kuhns et al., 1992). Further studies should attempt to understand the mechanisms by which school attendance acts as a protective factor against involvement in prostitution. A possible area of investigation could include an examination of increased education as a protective factor and the benefits afforded by academic engagement. Alternatively, school connectedness could be examined to determine whether positive social relationships with peers and adults in school settings act as protective factors against involvement in prostitu- 284 R. J. Clarke et al. tion. Extracurricular activities, mentorship, and other forms of institutional connectedness may also warrant further examination to see whether these provide protective effects against juvenile entry into prostitution. Those who held advanced degrees likely had different motives for entry in comparison to those with an elementary level education. Further study of the relationship between education level and entry into prostitution may reveal more about such a relationship. Those who had educational credentials beyond high school likely had more opportunities for employment than those with only elementary educational experience. Exploring the reasons such individuals enter prostitution could yield information regarding other pathways into the lifestyle besides a lack of alternatives or survival purposes. Education level could also be explored in relation to the type of prostitution in which women become involved, in order to determine whether any correlations exist. Those who drop out before completing elementary or middle school likely have extremely poor family situations and a lack of parental monitoring. Parents may be unaware of or unresponsive to the risks associated with dropping out of school at this age. Abusive or drug-using parents may lack the necessary involvement with their children to encourage them to stay in school (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008). Such a lack of monitoring may extend to children’s peer relationship choices and substance use, possibly allowing the foundations of a pathway to prostitution to be laid. Further exploring the factors associated with dropping out of elementary or middle school may provide useful information that could be used to shape interventions for children at risk for dropping out and subsequently entering prostitution. Race Of all racial groups studied, African-Americans had the highest rates of juvenile entry into prostitution. Kramer and Berg (2003) found minorities to experience twice the impact of the hazard rate for entry. Further studies examining race, socioeconomic status, and juvenile entry into prostitution are needed to explore this relationship more fully and to identify the factors that place minorities, especially African-Americans, at heightened risk. Determining factors that could reduce the hazard rate for entry into prostitution among minority youths would be useful for community-based intervention. Suicide Attempt Women who entered prostitution as juveniles were significantly more likely to have attempted suicide than women who entered as adults (p D .02). Around one in three women (31%) who entered prostitution prior to age 18 had attempted suicide, compared to 18% of women who entered as adults. It is not certain whether this was a direct result of earlier involvement in Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution 285 prostitution or a combination of other factors that led to an earlier age at entry. Suicide attempts may have some relationship to pre-prostitution experiences such as childhood abuse or neglect or to other underlying mental health issues. Experiences during prostitution such as isolation, social stigmatization, and exposure to violence at such a young age may also impact suicidal behavior. The negative and permanent effects of using substances during critical developmental periods may play a role in the higher prevalence of suicide attempts among those who enter prostitution as juveniles. Alcohol may have less of a sedative effect on adolescents than adults (Silveri & Spear, 1998), and addictive substance use behavior patterns may be programmed during this period (Monti et al., 2005). Substance use during this critical developmental period may have permanent negative effects on cognitive functioning, behavioral inhibition, emotion regulation, decision making, impulse control, and risk/reward systems (Monti et al., 2005; Steinberg, 2005). The development of substance abuse or dependence during this time may have significant impacts on juveniles’ mental health, possibly captured in this study by suicidal behavior. Roe-Sepowitz (in press) discovered that women who entered prostitution as juveniles experienced significantly greater levels of dissociation than women who entered prostitution as adults. Roe-Sepowitz also found women who entered prostitution as juveniles to have a greater number of clinically significant symptoms of trauma (as measured by the Trauma Symptom Inventory) than women who entered prostitution as adults. These findings suggest that women who enter prostitution at a younger age may have more severe mental health problems that lead them to attempt taking their own lives. They also highlight the importance of considering the experiences of juveniles involved in prostitution from a developmental standpoint, as effects may differ significantly from those experienced by adults. Additionally, the frequency of suicide attempts among women who entered prostitution as adults should not be overlooked and warrants further attention. Limitations As with all research, this study had a number of limitations. A significant limitation was the use of self-report data. As a result, self-presentation biases or memory errors may have skewed results. Further, there was considerable variation among the women who entered prostitution as adults: An 18-yearold entering prostitution is very different from a 63-year-old. Several other factors may have resulted in under-reporting. During the intake interview, definitions of emotional, physical, and sexual abuse were not offered; this may have resulted in an under-reporting of experiences of abuse, as participants may not have recognized certain experiences as constituting abuse. 286 R. J. Clarke et al. This study used participants’ responses about past events in order to obtain information regarding variables relating to age at entry into prostitution. However, longitudinal studies on this topic would provide more confident conclusions about the temporal order of events. Data regarding running away and the type of prostitution in which women became involved were not obtained in the intake assessment. The absence of such meaningful variables limited the identification of key background factors prior to entry, and of age-related pathways to involvement in specific types of prostitution. Clinical Implications African-American women were found to enter prostitution earlier than other racial groups. The findings of this study suggest a need for improved resources for young African-American women in schools and communities in order to improve the social experiences of these individuals and prevent negative outcomes that could lead to entry into prostitution. In light of findings regarding the premature discontinuation of education among those who enter prostitution as juveniles, programs that aim to prevent truancy and dropping out of school should be supported and expanded. Opportunities for after-school activities and resources to improve school connectedness should be increased, especially in underserved communities where these social resources may currently be lacking. An earlier initiation of drug use was related to early entry into prostitution. Therefore, targeted interventions that focus on prevention of entry into prostitution for youths found to be using drugs are advisable. These could possibly be incorporated into existing school-based substance useprevention programs. Interventions and treatment facilities should provide educational opportunities for those involved in prostitution, as a general lack of education appears to be pervasive, especially among those who entered prior to age 18. Clinicians working with this population should be trained in suicide prevention and should especially monitor those who entered prostitution as juveniles. Treatment programs should also address substance use and childhood abuse due to the high rates of these found among this population. Summary of Implications for Future Research This study, along with several others (Brawn & Roe-Sepowitz, 2008; Kramer & Berg, 2003), found race to be related to an earlier age at entry into prostitution, with African-Americans facing the highest risk. Further studies should examine this relationship in greater detail in order to identify the specific factors that place certain racial groups at an increased risk for entry into prostitution. Correlates with Age at Entry into Prostitution 287 The relationship between discontinued education and entry into prostitution should be investigated further in order to identify the components of school attendance that have protective effects. Areas of focus could include school connectedness, educational achievement, and peer support and the perception of school attendance and influence. Further studies should be conducted to identify a clearer picture of the chronology of substance abuse and entry into prostitution. Longitudinal data would be optimal in providing temporal clarity, although this population is methodologically challenging to research, and sustained access to individuals involved is difficult (Melrose, 2002). Further research is needed to examine the impact of familial substance abuse on entry into prostitution. This would allow for more-specific identification of the risks for entry into prostitution children face when growing up around substance abuse. Factors may include neglect, lack of monitoring, ease of access to substances, normalization of deviant behaviors, and a lack of positive opportunities. More research is needed to examine the relationship between mental health problems and entry into prostitution and the effects of remaining involved in prostitution. This would inform treatment and prevention efforts and could hopefully lead to better services for the treatment of mental health disorders and prevention of suicide among women involved in prostitution. Research that examines the interrelation of age at first substance use, familial substance abuse, experiences of childhood abuse, and cessation of school as they relate to age at entry into prostitution would yield rich information regarding temporal sequences and timing of significant negative events. Such information would be useful to help prevention efforts focus their resources in areas posing the greatest risks of entry into prostitution. Future studies may yield useful information about age at entry into prostitution by examining minors, young adults, and middle-aged adults separately. Such research would be beneficial for future education and prevention efforts. CONCLUSION There appear to be significant differences between women who enter prostitution as juveniles and women who enter as adults. This study, although restricted to an analysis of limited self-reported variables, suggests different pre- and post-prostitution experiences based on age at entry. Women who entered prostitution as juveniles were typically less educated, were African-American, had histories of substance-using family members, began substance use at an earlier age, and had higher rates of attempted suicide. Though this study did not test the interrelation among 288 R. J. Clarke et al. these variables, there are likely to be underlying factors of influence on these relationships. This study is among the first to examine experiences before and during involvement in prostitution in relation to age at entry. 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nkostas
School: University of Maryland

Attached.

Running head: STREET PROSTITUTION

1

Street Prostitution

Institution Affiliation

Date

STREET PROSTITUTION

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Street Prostitution

Commercial sex work or prostitution has existed for a very long time. Even in ancient
societies such as ancient Greece, Hebrew, and Rome, sex workers existed. Although all the sexes
do engage in sex work, women have been more associated with prostitution compared to men.
There are a number of serious negative consequences that are associated with prostitution. One
of the consequences is contracting sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV, Syphilis,
gonorrhea, or Herpes. The rise of HIV, for example, affected sex work negatively (Santo and
Etheredge, 2014). Other negative consequences of prostitution are stigmatization of sex workers
in the society, physical abuse by clients, and unwanted pregnancies. These negative
consequences among other reasons have led a majority of countries around the world to declare
prostitution illegal. This paper explores the reasons why women enter into prostitution, why they
stay, and how those who seek to leave can get help.
Many scholars and organizations have studied reasons as to why women enter into street
prostitution. These scholars and organizations have presented several reasons that lead women to
prostitution. These reasons are backed up by empirical data. Despite the well-supported reasons,
there is always a myth that is perpetuated in the society that women simply get into prostitution
due to childhood abuse. This is not to say that women who suffered physical, emotional, or
sexual abuse do not engage in prostitution. It is just that it is cited by many as the reason that
drive women into prostitution. There are other reasons that drive women into prostitution. These
reasons include socio-economic factors, drugs and substance abuse, influence by friends and
family members among others (Oselin, 2014). To address the issue of prostitution, it is necessary
to consider all the reasons. This will help in devising interventions that would help prevent
women from getting into prostitution or those who already do this job.

STREET PROSTITUTION

3

Clarke et al., (2012) explored the factors relating to age entry into prostitution. Their
study involved 389 women participants who had been arrested due to engaging in prostitution.
The results of the study showed that one reason why young women engage in prostitution is
child abuse and family dysfunction. The abuse could be sexual, emotional, and or physical
(Clarke et al., 2012). Childhood abuse has been found to increase the likelihood of young women
engaging in prostitution. Dysfunctionality in a family is likely to result in either physical,
emotional, or sexual abuse of children. Young women who try to run away from the abuse
engage in prostitution to make a living. One study found out that abuse increased the chances of
adolescent girls getting into prostitution by more than 40 times (Clarke et al., 2012). According
to Clarke et al., (2012), factors that contributed to dysfunctionality among families include
poverty, drugs and substance abuse among parents, and parental domestic violence.
Poverty has also been a potent driver of young women into prostitution. It ...

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