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there is two short paper that i write, please follow the requirement and i will post all reading materiel. the file named MP1-2 is the major paper requirement. represent and destroy is reading meterial.

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Surname 1 Yu Han C LIT240 Jan 15th Summarize The Introduction of “Represent and Destroy” for a Specific Community The introduction of the book “Represent and Destroy” presents the theory of racial formation and the systems after World War II. The post-war race-liberal orders follow a genealogy of phases including racial liberalism, liberal multiculturalism, and neoliberal multiculturalism. I share the summary of this book to the group of friends who are my course mates, to show how race remained central to the global events during this period and the antiracist believed that there existed no difference between the European oppression, racial segregation, and the colonial rule. The material politics of antiracist knowledge provides the historical and theoretical background of the post-World War II racial break. It gets described as the setting of the condition for the sea change in the racial orders of the world and the consolidation of anti-racism in the US. The break introduced a new racial project that replaced the white supremacy characterized by its anti-racist and liberal capitalist. The post-World War II racial break gets defined as the global accumulation of the socio-political forces that combined to remove the ancient world racial system. The racial break got produced by the anti-racist and the anti-colonial movements who were against the racial violence and white supremacy in the US. Significantly, the break managed to bring about change in the expansion of democracy through decolonization and gaining of independence. It also led to the introduction of new civil rights, empowerment, racial Surname 2 desegregation, and implementation of policies by the States that recognized subdued cultures. The anti-racist movements politicized race, increased its contradiction, and demanded the end of white supremacy. The incomplete racial formation resulted to racial dualism consisting of two contradicting worlds of white supremacy and racial justice. The idea of racial break makes Melamed develop the foundation of his discussions. He argues that the racial break period was complete and it has given rise to the modern racial project of anti-racist and liberal capitalist that surpass the abilities of white supremacy rather than replacing it entirely. He contradicts the opinion of former scholars like Winant who proposes that the period remained incomplete. The world embraced capitalism rule that constituted a racialized global structure. White supremacy entered the modern cultural systems and created a racialized Western knowledge based on political and economic racial projects. Racial capitalism clarifies the economic dimension of racial developments. It indicates that racialism remains a force and a historical agency of capitalism as long as the racial directions of the modern society get persuaded by development, expansion, and organization of the capitalist relations. The break period can therefore get described by the combination of the forces of colonial capitalism, white supremacy, and the state of the nation patterns. Racial liberalism escalated from the geo-historical conditions of the racial break. The global conflict of the race at the onset of the racial break facilitated the movement towards equality and establishment of racial liberalism networks. The networks remained aimed at absorbing the new ideological concepts, and develop the abilities to manage the emerging racial orders. The Federal government realized the necessity to centralize race issues and incorporated the knowledgeable Blacks who got nurtured by the early racial-liberal contributors. Some used Surname 3 the already published handbooks like the “American Dilemma” that suggested the significance of race and anti-racism in the racial-liberal world. The American race problem got linked to political issues which characterized the Negros as an opportunity to legitimate itself as the leader of the decolonizing world. Racism also got related to the attitude and prejudice of the Whites hence a psychological and moral issue Melamed 21). Achieving racial justice in such society meant including the African-Americans as part of the community of Americans. It encompassed equal opportunity, possessive individualism, abstract equality, and market liberties that promoted anti-racism. The difference between the pre and the post-racial liberalism break is that the former concentrated on changing the attitude of the Whites, the latter focused on a country-wide social engineering. The latter remained aimed at creating a culture in America where Whites had no prejudice and the Blacks absorbed as part of the US community. Racial liberalism constituted the provision of education programs on understanding the Blacks and their living conditions. It also included the production of materials on national reforms, education initiates and race relations. The circulation of race novels got aimed at unifying racial-liberal ideologies, to understand race matters, and to influence subject formation by the creation of race liberal identities. Racial liberalism, therefore, presented itself as the model that made the market economy non-political by the inclusion of the African-Americans. It also provided the ideology explaining the increasing class inequality with the Blacks racial formation, the rise of professional AfricanAmericans and explains why the Us invests in postcolonial nations. Racial liberalism remains connected with the normative of politics, economy, culture for the assimilation of the Blacks. Surname 4 Liberal multiculturalism occurred after the downfall of racial liberalism which faced opposition from alternative anti-racism (Melamed 27). It got introduced to manage the growing social and economic inequality through stressing on desegregation, symbolic equality and tolerant from the whites. There existed need to find ways to politically mobilize race beyond the limits set by racial liberalism which incorporated anti-colonial of the racial break period making it official anti-racism. Liberal multi-culturalism re-instated such limits by defusing the materialist anti-racism of the new based race. It also deployed literary discourse as a cultural idea to make the knowledge of anti-racist productive for the next phase of developing capitalism. Liberal multiculturalism worked as a powerful anti-racism model of normative through nation-wide projects based on education and socialization in colleges. It gave training to students to become professionals and internalize liberalism as part of their sense of identity and social mission. Also, its knowledge increased the bio-political explanation of the class inequality and the living conditions of the Blacks. It produced the understanding that made the racially diverse middle class acceptable, allowed for post-Keynesian, and then expanded the transitional capitalism abroad. It also provided weak terms of social solidarity and affirmation of positive cultural pluralism. Globally, it made America get the description of the internalized model of global diversity. Neoliberal multiculturalism developed in the 1990s as a world-historical configuration of governance and social life premised on the idea that the market remains better than the state at distributing resources and managing human life. It signifies how the neoliberals govern the biopolitical life to govern and rationalize forms of humanity. At the global stake, it has led to differentiated citizenship that ensure governments protects the vulnerable to capital from whether they are citizens of the nation or not. Surname 5 The rise of social movements who fought for anti-racism through diverse issues during this period to identify the hand of neoliberalism’s uneven system of capital accumulation. The sovereignty of neoliberalism requires the knowledge of systems that rationalize its bi- politics hence has to conduct monopoly over the social practices that impact its beliefs. It managed to disguise the idea that neoliberalism is a form of racial capitalism. Neoliberal multiculturalism has striven deracialized anti-racist references and concepts associated with multiculturalism. Globally, it has produced difference as a valorized area of knowledge and has ideologically correlated ethical, technical and political positions towards transformation to what benefits neoliberal agendas. Ironically, the restricted goals of anti-racism in the United States has formed the foundation for capitalism globally. In conclusion, the introductory chapter presents the concept of racism and anti-racism in the United States and even globally. It also describes the phases of development of antiracism by giving the race-liberal systems consisting of racial liberalism, liberal multiculturalism, and neoliberal multiculturalism. Surname 6 Work cited Melamed, J. “Represent and Destroy: Producing Discourses of Certainty with Official AntiRacism.” University of Minnesota Press, 24, 2011, pp. 1-50. SURNAME 1 YU HAN C LIT240 JAN 25TH. ANALYSIS OF A SCENE FROM THE FILM ‘KILLER OF SHEEP’ Perhaps it would be imperative to state that there is a need to view the context of the film from a wider sociocultural aspect that it represents rather than just a piece of literature. It is a film that took more than three decades before it was produced and maybe, it is a story of modern America. It has been described as a film that highlights various aspects of the American society together, piece them together and give the viewer a feeling that borders on realism. Perhaps, it is as real as it appears since one cannot help but develop a sentiment of attachment to some of the depictions, which almost feel non-fictional. The essay will focus on how the scene of the children playing by roadside tell a wider context of the African American society and the widening gap that continues to haunt the Americans between the rich and the poor. It is a reflection of the ignorance that the society has taken to the real issues that some Americans face, and the mirage that is the American Dream. If the dream exists, the film demonstrates that it applies selectively. There is the use of intercuts as the children who are playing and the adults as an illustration of the various contradictions. There is the intercut of a child who is darting behind a plywood shield repeatedly. It is at this instance that the camera shows two groups of children, who are playing in what can be described as ‘a rubbish-strewn wasteland, throwing rocks at one SURNAME 2 another from behind barriers’ (Dittmar, 153). One of the boys is hurt in the process, and he starts crying, coupled with bleeding. The other boys gather around, forget about their play and it turns out the boy is not badly hurt. The children drift to the rail system and idly throw stones at the passing trains. Interestingly, the scenes of these children are unrehearsed, and this shows one of the major inclinations that the essay seeks to highlight; of inequality. The children are doing this because they do not have the toys to play with. One child puts on a scary Halloween mask and is harassed because he is confused as an adult in such a mask. It would be important to create a link between this scene and what Stan does, of herding the sheep to their noose, clipping them to a conveyor belt and then watching them as they bleed to death. It is the ignorance of these two groups, the sheep who feel contented to die without fighting back, and without any significant contribution. The children are also ignorantly playing, unaware of the stakes that poverty holds for them, and the odds that they have to deal with, to have a better life than Stan. It is the life of a family that lives with values and nobility, but with minimal opportunities. The people lead a contextual life, limited by their opportunities or lack of it, and go nowhere. Is this how the people who lack opportunities in the American society have to contend with? It is not the intention of the essay to take racial sentiments, but the film makes a case for this aspect that would make the overlook of this aspect an injustice to the implication of the film. The statistics are there for scrutiny, and it all starts with the fact that most of the African Americans have one-seventh of the average income that is enjoyed by their white counterparts. It is a national shame that is contrasted by the indifference of the children who are playing with rocks, and perhaps the bleeding is a foreshadowing of the future that awaits them. It is an allusion to the difficulties that such children have to face in the so-called ‘land of opportunities SURNAME 3 for all.’ It is what the scene seeks to bring what the creator could have been trying to show; how it feels to be a stranger in a strange land, that one is supposed to call home. The butcher and the butchered is one analogy that could perhaps show the helpless nature, and the might that those who have the means wield over the innocent and the vulnerable. Is this what ails America? That there is a clique that has the rules to bend, even if it is to the detriment of the masses? It is a debatable question, but what is not in dispute is that the African Americans do not have equal opportunities in such a war. The general feeling that the film communicates is that no one is getting ahead, no one is making any tangible progress, whether actively employed or not, and this is what one needs to ask, regarding the reality, has the opportunities in America been evenly distributed for all? There should be more than a question of opportunities when it comes to these issues. That racial equality is just but a mirage, and that opportunities in America are just but restricted to a few individuals. The major issue is that of values, and whether in a capitalist society such as the USA, is there a space for a virtuous life? The film does not seem to show on where it falls on the aspect of values and how it seeks to educate its audience. Perhaps, it is the realization that America should be the last country to talk about values and virtues, because individualism is the most celebrated societal aspect. It is an issue that could serve to offer some insight on what has been ailing the society, with children resorting to drug abuse, escalating divorce cases because of the economic constraints and this does not make any sense on how the values are supposed to help in such a society. It would be imperative to retaliate that the film seeks provoke a debate, from a moral aspect and the sociological views that it raises, and the economic relation, with regards to opportunities available for the American masses, especially the African Americans. SURNAME 4 If so, why has the inequality gap continue to rise? There have been strides, but what of the taxes, the cost of living and other fiscal factors, who do they favor? Is the country becoming a land of indifference such as the child playing or the sheep being led to a slaughterhouse, hope not! SURNAME 5 Works cited Dittmar, Linda. "All that Hollywood allows: Film and the working class." Class and the College Classroom: Essays on Teaching (2013): 153. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/movies/30kill.html R pr J d nt l l R pr Pr j p l : t nv r t f nn t Pr d. nt nd D nn tr d P bl h d b J d nd D tr :R t n lzn V l n nv r t . f nn b. 8 F b. 20 t Pr http: . , 20 n th N R l pt l . . .jh . d . For additional information about this book http://muse.jhu.edu/books/9780816678624 Access provided by University of Washington @ Seattle (5 Oct 2015 03:46 GMT) Introduction Producing Discourses of Certainty with Official Antiracisms Represent and Destroy presents a new theory of U.S. racial formation and of world-embracing racial systems after World War II, as well as a new historical-materialist understanding of U.S. literary studies as a critical site of geopolitical struggle around the meaning and significance of race. It argues that as white supremacy gradually became residual after World War II, it was replaced by a formally antiracist, liberal-capitalist modernity whose driving force has been a series of successive official or state-recognized U.S. antiracisms: racial liberalism (1940s to 1960s), liberal multiculturalism (1980s to 1990s), and neoliberal multiculturalism (2000s). These antiracisms have functioned as unifying discourses for U.S. state, society, and global ascendancy and as material forces for postwar global capitalist expansion. This book focuses on the material politics of antiracist knowledges, particularly on how official antiracisms have established control over the discourses of rationality regarding the practices that impact the constitution of successive state-capital formations, from state-oriented Cold War expansionism to post-Keynesian market-oriented transnational capitalism to contemporary neoliberalism. Represent and Destroy identifies the incorporation of antiracism into postwar U.S. governmentality as decisive. It has limited sanctioned antiracist discourses to those that take for granted the benevolence of U.S. global ascendancy and integrate the knowledge architecture of state-capital formations (e.g., property rights, free markets, and financial deregulation) into what racial equality may signify, and what may signify as racial equality. In contrast to antiracist struggles led by social movements, official U.S. antiracisms since World War II have disconnected ❯ 1 ❮ 2 ❯ Introduction racism from material conditions, even as they have detrimentally limited the horizon for overcoming racism to U.S. global capitalism. Represent and Destroy further identifies official or state-recognized antiracisms as liberal modes of instituting normative and rationalizing power. It attributes the efficacy of antiracisms in this regard to the trick of racialization, a process that constitutes differential relations of human value and valuelessness according to specific material circumstances and geopolitical conditions while appearing to be (and being) a rationally inevitable normative system that merely sorts human beings into categories of difference. In other words, racialization displaces its differential value making into world-ordering systems of difference, concealing its performative work with its constantive work. As official antiracisms validate some orders of difference and make others illegible, they exert their strongest influence in a viral fashion by shaping the content of modern knowledge systems (e.g., law, politics, and economy) and delimiting permissible expressions of personhood. Racial liberalism, liberal multiculturalism, and neoliberal multiculturalism have innovated racial procedures beyond color lines, often incorporating antiracist terms of value, so that new terms of racialized privilege emerge (liberal, multicultural, global citizen), along with new terms of racialized stigma (unpatriotic, monocultural, illegal). Flexible privilege/ stigma divides precipitate out of the conditions for which they provide sense making; symptomatic and descriptive, racialization naturalizes the privileges of those who benefit from present socioeconomic arrangements and makes the dispossessions of those cut off from wealth and institutional power appear fair. Throughout, Represent and Destroy stresses the importance of literary studies for producing, transmitting, and implanting race-liberal orders. This importance follows from the postwar institutionalization of literature as the most efficacious tool for Americans to use to get to know difference—to describe, teach, learn about, and situate themselves with respect to racial difference and to know the truth about the difference that racial difference makes (or does not make). Represent and Destroy examines the importance of specific literary studies discourses for the active historical-material production of successive Introduction ...
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Surname 1
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Racism in Anti-Racism Era
Anti-racist movements and eras were witnessed in the U.S. in the 20th century especially
after the World War II and in most of the second half of the century spilling into the 21st century.
Through film, directors present different themes and observations regarding the movements that
have existed, the contemporary issues observed, and effects on the general agenda of anti-racism.
According to Melamed, the anti-racism time periods have advanced from racial liberalism
(1940s to mid-1960s) to liberal multiculturalism (1960s to 1990s), and neoliberal
multiculturalism (1990s to present) (p. 1). Zoot Suit (1981) and Killer of Sheep (1978) are two
films that present significant similarities in presenting the characteristics of the anti-racism time
periods. While Zoot Suit focuses mainly on how the minority especially people of Hispanic
heritage suffered from direct oppression during the riot period, Killer of Sheep details the
intrinsic struggles of African Americans in their economic and social development.
The racial identities of the main characters in the two films represent the disadvantaged
races and subgroups whose development had been undermined by the system. By starting with
primarily looking at the plots of the two stories, familiar racial stories are identified in them.
First, the racial stereotype of crime attached to men of Latino descent is seen in Zoot Suit. The
film which tells a story of wrongful conviction of a Hispanic gang presents the past and current
stereotypes stemming from the reality of racial identity in the 1940s. On the other hand, the
Killer of Sheep is a story of struggle and an attempt to escape poverty. This film highlights the

Surname 2
placing of minority races specifically African-Americans on the lower scale of the economic
spectrum. Therefore, the films are similar in the representation of stereotypes and identities of
the minorities stemming from the pre-war era.
The two films present the theme of self-expression but in different ways. Self-expression
here is used to show the minority races in the way they strive to empower or express themselves
in the public domain. In Zoot Suit, the Chicano gangs were famous for ...

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