1. Why is it important to understand leisure constraints/barriers? 2. What types (intrapersonal, interpersonal or structural) are most problematic? Refer to both the assigned readings (Russell and Henderson) for this week in your response. Must be 400 words or more. ---·-····-··------------- Chapter Seven ?I M0.1td evs o(\ 1 (1 q q v) k. eJ- o_J)_{_sis) Bd-v\ ~~IV\\ - .. ····- ---r..,, stereotyrically female activities rather than the other way around (Colley, Nash, 0 Donnell & Restorick, 1987; Kane, 1988; Theberge, 1991). A similar analysis can be done of the data that shows women tend to have , higher rates of participation in social and cultural activities than men. Al·' though the overall difference may be small, considerable gender differences ~in types of social cultural activities that men and women choose may be .. ::'masked. Women tend to be more involved in arts and crafts activities, both as creative participants and as visitors or spectators of shows and performances. · Men, on the other hand, tend to be more involved in hobbies, collections, and video and computer games. :r Even in activities which seem to be fairly equally divided among men and women, such as television watching or reading, differences continue to exist in the types of programs watched and the books or magazines read. A quick look at a magazine rack in almost any store shows that magazines on display are grouped according to those appealing to a male audience and those thought to appeal to females. Collecting leisure panicipation data, therefore, is a complicated process, The choice of categories of activity is important. If categories are too broad real differences between men and women and among women may be ob: scured. On the other hand, if too many multiple categories of activity are used, the data are fragmented and difficult to interpret Shaw (1985a) suggested that the activity categories used in some participation studies have a male bias. That is, researchers may have selected those activities central in men's lives, such as sport, but that may be less central in the Jives of many women. Compared to research on sports panicipation, few researchers have analyzed the role of informal social interactional settings (e.g., sitting in the kitchen having a cup of coffee with a friend) in people's leisure lives. These affiliation activities seem to be more common to women. Moreover, researchers have commented on how women's Jives may be more holistic and less segmented than men's lives (e.g., Glyptis & Chambers, 1982; Gregory, 1982; Shaw, 1990b), Women are more likely than men to panicipate in more than one activity at the same time (e.g., watching television while doing the ironing, or gardening while looking after children). The division between what is work and what is leisure is also less clear for women compared to men. This merging of work and leisure occurs because home is the main place of work for many women, and much of the time spent at home · is a combination of work and leisure or as some researchers have termed it "semi-leisure" (Homa, 1989b). Obviously, finding appropriate categories t~ reflect women's leisure lives is not an easy task. The question of leisure meanings also ~~kes_ pa~ticipat!on resea~ch difficult. If the researcher defines leisure as participation in certain cat~gones of activity (e.g., sports, television, reading, socializing), the qu:s!ions of whether such activities are always experienced as leisure by the participant, or whether they might sometimes be work are ignored. Alth~ugh researchers generally agree that leisure is best defined as a type of exper_i~nce_ rather tha~ a type of activity as we discussed in chapted~ur, _thJS defimtlon is ge~erall:, \t,, ,··~ not put into practice when carrying out part1c1pat10n r:search, Ignoring the : , ; c\£articipant's experience may be particularly problemal!c for women because r''/):-' they usually have greater responsibility than men for household cho:es and ·.1,..;f . childcare. For example, going to a movie with a friend may be a different experience from taking three or four young children to a _movie, For ":'omen who are mothers, family recreational activities may someumes be exper_1enced as work rather than leisure because of the effort and ene'.gy _requ,~ed to organize such activities, to ensure appropriate food and clothing_ is ava1Jable, and to look after the children and deal with disputes and behavior problems (Hunter & Whitson, 1992; Shaw, 1992b), . , . . Perhaps because of these difficulties in conductm,g part1cipat10~ research, the results of such studies have been inconclus1ve and someumes contradictory. In a content analysis of sexism in leis~re research, Henderson (1984) found that about half of the studies that exammed gender differences uncovered no difference in activity involvement. Zuzanek (1978) noted that the similarities between women and men in leisure panicipation rates were more striking than the differences. Kelly (1983a) also contended that differences in panicipation in mostleisure activities between men and women in the United States were negligible or nonexistent. For example, Kelly stated that the frequency of activity participation was _rhe same_ for both sexes for swimming, working out, bowling, playing tenms, att~~dmg movies or con, certs, gardening, giving panies, watching TV, and dnv1~g. . . . , Other studies concluded distinct gender differences m activtty pamc,pa· tion. For example, Colley (1984) suggested that for women t~e chief incentive in leisure activity was social, but for men it wa~ compet1t1ve: _Colley also confirmed that sex-typing of activities existed with certam acttvtt1es such as knitting and shopping being considered more suitable for women. In Shaw's (1985b) time-budget study based on activities and whether or not they were experienced as leisure, women were found to spend J_ess time..i~...leisure activities than men. This gender difference was particularly evident on weekends when men were relatively free of work responsibilities, but women continued to have housework and childcare responsibilities which decreased their time in leisure. ..l.l,,rT ~ Uf''' UULTQ Ulut oups :z;_ ~ ;.\ v, '- .• ·• ~~part from l~e difficulties in conducting participation research, the idea of_ ~omg ~ender difference research has been criticized. One reason for this crmcism ts that. o.n m.any.dimensions, that researchers might measure-such as level of part1c1pat1on m sports---considerable overlap exists between the sexes. Although overall male participation may seem to be higher many men have low le:els of participation, and many women have high J~vels. The p~oblems with gender differences research are described in detail in chapter eight. ~ alternative "'.ay to examine women's leisure participation that does not re.I, on estabhshmg gender differences is to focus only on the leisure expenen~es and participation of women and not to make comparisons to men. When th1~ approach has been used, researchers tend to put more emphasis on the meanings of the acti1,ities as well as the social and physical contexts. For purposes.of our dis~ssi?n, we wi.ll.focus on both the activities and settings surroundmg women s leisure part1C1pation. Women's Leisure Activities and Settings As we found _in chapter four, activities are an important component of leisure but th~ mea~mgs of activities can vary and particular meanings depend on th; contam~rs (i.e., physical and social context of the activity). For many women the family and home are the most available context for leisure. Other activitie; and ~etnngs, such as social activities with friends, television and media acl!vuies, and sports, are important, too. Family Activities The structure and form of families in North America have changed dramatically over the last twenty to thirty years. Only a small minority of families now fall mto the "traditional" pattern of an emploved father a mother who is a homem~ker, and two children. Throughoutthe'i980s the diversity of families became mcr~asmgly_ a.pparent. This diversity includes single-parent families, gay and lesbian families, blended families, custodial and noncustodial families,. foster fam1hes, and families without children. Despite this diversity the family, m w~atever fo:1:1 it is experienced, remains an important cente; for meanmgs, le'.sure ac1Iv1ties, and satisfaction for many people (Kelly & Kell 1994), especially for women. Y, :: . Although reliable re_search ?? whether family activities and family "· leisure contnbute to family stability (i.e., whether the family that plays -------rarticipalton, l.,;Ofl.SlrutttQ, (./,(LU ,I, Vi!l.:t,.vu........... ---· together does ae1ually stay together) is rare, family activities do seem to make a positive contribution to marital satisfaction (Holman & Jacquart, 1988; Orthner, 1975; Orthner & Mancini, 1978). In marriages where husband and wife share joint activities, they also have more positive patterns of interaction and happier marriages. Although the causal direction of this relationship is not clear (i.e., people in more satisfying relationships may tend to do more activities together in the first place), the research does show a connection b$tween shared leisure and relationship satisfaction . The effect of family activities involving children has received little ",,\/' " attention from researchers, probably because of the difficulty of involving " children in research studies. Survey research with adults indicates that parents, especially mothers, often seek recreational activities that children and parents can do together. Parents believe that shared family activities help to build and maintain good connections among family members and help to teach positive values (Homa, 1989b). Studies have shown that the most common family activities in which parents and children participate together are television watching and other passive activities, e.g., video games and movies (Shaw, in press). The next most common category of family activity is sports and physical activities, including going for walks, cycling, swimming, skating, and other family outings (Shaw, in press). Family activities are common in all kinds of families including prechild, postchild, and no-child families. These family activities can involve the couple only or may also involve members of the extended family. The birth of the first child is probably the most important event ina woman's life in terms of the effect on her leisure patterns (Kelly, 1983a). lifter the birth of the first child, leisure patterns tend to be more home·centered and child-centered for both mothers and fathers. The presence of children has a particularly strong effect on mothers' leisure (Bialeschki & Michener, 1994; Shaw, 1988b). When the children in the family are young, parents particularly from middle· class families, tend to find activities that are defined as suitable for the child or children, such as going to the park or to the zoo. As children grow older and are enrolled in more formal recreation programs, family and P"!e.n~l!s;tivities may decline as parents spend more of their time driving children to and from activities. Family activities can have positive outcomes and are highly valued by parents; however, some negative aspects of family leisure also exist. According to Homa (1989b), family leisure is largely role determined, meaning that fathers and mothers typically perform traditional genderroles in the enactment of family leisure. Men not only participate less in family leisure than women, .. />" ,' but they also do more of the « la · ,, . . activities; women do more of th: ~mg, espec,~11!' with r~gard to sports 1 1 childcare (Homa, 1989b; Shaw, 19~2;~ ri~;r:amzmg, prov1~mg ~ood, and be experienced as "work" th th . ' or women, family leisure may , . . ra er an leisure implyin th mprovidingleisurefortheirchildrenma ' . g at womens efforts o_wn personal leisure experiences. y sometimes be at the expense of their In leisure, opportunities exist for women to be involved in women-only activities as well as mixed groups (Henderson & Bialeschki, 1987; Mitten, 1992, 1995). Women-only groups can provide a different experience because women can be themselves and are relatively free of role expectations (Sadker & Sadker, 1986). In recent years, women-only activities, such as women's camps, wilderness outings, and vacations, have become increasingly popular. Some women prefer women-only activities and feel more comfortable in such groups, because they provide personal growth and a sense of control and empowerment (Henderson & Bialeschki, 1986, 1987). Other women may prefer co-ed groups for leisure activities. Individual differences also exist in preferences for small groups (e.g., one or two friends) versus large group settings. Even though many women like to spend time alone, the social aspect of leisure and interacting with others seems to be an important dimension of women's leisure enjoyment and satisfaction (Freysinger &. Flannery, 1992). . ,} Family leisure activities can also b fr mponam social setting is w·1h f . en_is thro_ugh the family, the next most 1 nends mcludmg · d · f nen ship groups. Bialeschki (1984) found . . . wo;11en-only and mixed v1smng friends to be one of the most common activities i·n wh· h . ic women pan· . d O media _(television/radio), eating, and me •cip~te · nly sleeping, jobs, pated m with greater freq al preparation/clean-up were paniciuency. The research f · . f emale friendship is di"fficult . . on rtendsh1p, particularly · ' m re1anon to le" ships are not a social role as k , isure research because friendassociations which may or ma wort ;nd ta1;1ily a_re, and they are voluntary The nature offrlendsh. Yno e publicly visible. 1983; Wood, 1994). Wome:i~:~t;:::::::~r for w?me~ and men (Tesch, . to have one-to-one relation h' _t1matew1thfnends,morelikely d" . . . s ips, and to receive und secumy m their relationships M d erstan mg, support and Jess relational and revolve a;ounednatet~ .t? have friendships in groups that are r I c ,v1t1es Worn ' fr" , evo ve around shared interests· this share . . . en s iendsh1ps can also number of forms ranging from' t d act1vl!y, however, may take a Friendships between wo s ructured sport activities to "just talking» . menmayalsobeawa 't . . wnh recreation activit1'es F } o combmework-related tasks th . · or example a localparksothechi!drencanplayo th 'l mo erm1ght meet a friend in the ayground; this experience may give her an opportunity to socialize with~ . care of the Children (Wearing, 1990)~r nend at the same time as she is taking et ~ \ - '-r1::' ...;:., I Little has been written about the relationship between sexual behavior and leisure. In particular, research about sex as leisure for women is lacking. Sexuality, however, is a significant aspect of most people's lives. Sexuality is closely related to personal and social identities, and sexually intimate relationships are highly valued (Kelly, 1982, 1983a). The quality of these relationships may be a good predictor of the overall quality of people's lives. Sexual behavior can be defined as behavior related to arousal, eroticism, and the gratification of sexual feelings. The sexual experience may be very similar to a peak leisure experience or flow experience (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975) and can be rich, complex, and provide pleasure and gratification. Intimacy may be more broadly defined to include feelings of caring and closeness that are highly valued by women . Comfon (1976) suggested that sex has three function$ in North American society. These functions are procreational sex for parenthood, relational sex where the significant factor is the intimate relationship between two people, and recreational sex where sex is a type of physical play. Victorian morality, based upon Puritanism, maintained that the only acceptable function for sexual activity was as a duty within marriage in the service of procreation. This attitude still affects thinking today, although many cultures have become more liberal in thinking about sex outside marriage. Acceptance of the legitimacy of relational sex is increasingly widespread (Godbey, 1985), although negative attitudes towards gay and lesbian relationships and other unmarried people living together still exist in certain segments of our society. Recreational sex seems to have only limited acceptability todav and the AIDS . . sexually transmitted diseai:;s ma b aid epi?emi': and awareness of other An . . . Y e m ng this opl!on less excitin g. Ymeaningful discussion of sexual b h · into account the different realities f e avior and attitudes has to take and anicl_es ignore or gloss over s~c:~::;eand men. All too often textboo~s to sexual!ty. In the Victorian era ad bl nces pani~ularly as they penam for men was widespread and tacit] a~~:,:itandard _existed; recreational sex Y edged, if not actually condoned. Women on rheotherha d n were not expected to ha f . ve sexua1 .eehngs or desires and were supposed to remain "chast ,, E have an effect. In many pans ofth e. ldven today, such attJtudes continue to "propeny" of their husbands and t~e::e w~_me_n a_re still considered to be the men in such societies may hav hx~~ lty is tightly controlled, although without fear ofsocial sanction. In~mu;~gher degrees of sexual freedom .'-~vi dent in that sexually active wom~rt f enca, too,~ do~ble standard is still ;f inen. This double standard makes li~e ace ?rearer so~ial disapproval than do who typically gain approval for looki:ar'.!cula~;Y d1ffi~ult for teenage girls sexually active. g sexy but disapproval for being When considering women's sexual activ·. . . . tiles, the three funct10ns of sex as procreational relat1·onal ' • or recreational are ins ff'1 · S ,:::are not always freely chosen leasu bl ~ c1ent. exual activities also be work This work is ;a e, or expenenced as leisure. Sex can teenage girls .and who exper~e::~:/~itrostitutes. ,~ho are mostly women or fortheir services Sex can also b k bout eroticism and receive payment · e wor ora "'chore" h · , . . as a duty or simply for the purpose f . w .en partic1pat1on JS seen likely to be the case for wome th o procreation. This sense of duty is more where women are expected ton "san ~e~.anhd _especially noticeable in societies .. ;. • . . erv1ce t e1r husbands. •-' . ~ . The assoc1auon of sex with fear and vi l . .}'women's experiences of sexualit . as l ·s ;; ence I~ also a constraint on ,· with violence in the media b t y bei ure. 01 only is sex often associated abuse, rape, date rape, and,ot~e; ;oum etf wome~ have been victims of child sex with violence especiall . lrms o sexual violence. This association of ' Y v10 ence agamst women . . . women'senjoymentofsexualandi r t . .. , may greatly mh1b1t leisure options. . n ima e act1vit1es and may limit women's ,> ;,P. Despite these barriers the 1 · 1f high. Sex and sexual intim;c :v:::tia wor sex as leisure ~or women remains men. Sexual activities can b{extre pi° ~rful responses rn both women and an equal, caring relationship freed: Y/1~h _and rewarding in the context of sexuality and reproduction 'A o . c o1ce, and control over one's own · gap remams howeve · of women's sexuality erot1"c1"sm d. . ' r, m our understandings · ' an ml!macy and th b · leisure through sexual activity. ' e arners to achieving 1o Sports, Fitness and Outdoor Activities As stated earlier in this chapter, females generally participate less in spons and physical activities than do males. This difference is especially true regarding highly organized, competitive spons and sports that involve physical contact. Men generally watch more sports on television and attend more sporting events as spectators (Kinsley & Graves, 1983; Messner & Sabo, 1990). Despite the male-domination of spons for many years, the participation . : \ :JJ;ap between males and females may be closing. A nationwide Canadian "{r:r·~- survey of participation in sports and physical activities found that more than :· ,· ;< half of the women surveyed were active in their leisure in that they participated ),-:~/ for three hours or more per week (Canadian Fitness Survey, 1985). Another ,'_..:( survey done in Canada with high school students found that rates of partici~ pation for males and female adolescents were similar for informal activities (e.g., swimming, jogging, skiing) and for individual competitive sports (e.g., tennis). Only in the category of competitive team sports did males show higher levels of participation than females (Shaw & Smale, 1994). Females, however, were less satisfied than the males with their level of participation in sports and physical activities and were more likely to want to increase their rate of participation. Other studies have shown how sports participation changes over time. For both women and men, panicipation levels decline with age; a steep decline ,:_'.:°:· is particularly obvious in late adolescence and early adulthood (Bonen & Shaw, 1995; Smale & Shaw, 1994). The decline is not due to age but because of the changes in opportunities, time, and responsibilities. In addition, Bolla and Pageot (1987) found a difference in sports participation frequency between male and female college students in their first year of study, but this gap narrowed over four years with increased education .and oppor-turrity for women. In general, the research on sports activities shows that women are interested in participating, though they may lack the skills and opportunities to learn, and may receive less encouragement from parenci, friends or teachers (Henderson & Bialeschki, 1994). The health and fitness benefits of participation in physical activities are obvious as we described in chapter four, but researchers have uncovered other benefits that may be particularly important for women. For example, spons ,:, panicipation has been linked to increased self-esteem and feelings 0f selfworth for some girls and women (Hall, Durburow, & Progen, 1986). Sports and fitness activities can also be liberating for women because they defy the cultural stereotype of women as passive and weak (Kleiber & Kane, 1984). i Some activities may be more beneficial than others in negating gender I s;~,, ,.-· I ~ !I 190 Both Gains and Gaps - - - - - - - - - - - - - - stereotypes. Although sports that emphasize strength and speed may help young women to challenge restrictive gender roles (Shaw, Kleiber, & Caldwell 19~5), other activitie~ (e.g., aerobics) that emphasize physical appearance and weight loss may reinforce rather than challenge traditional gender role prescriptions (Frederick & Shaw, 1995). Researchers have also given consideration to outdoor recreation for women. As with other studies of gender differences in participation rates, results are inconclusive, with some studies showing men participate more , (e.g., Kelly, 1987; Zuzanek, 1978), and other studies showing no difference :': betwe.en the sexes (Eastwood & Carter, 1981). Thus, trying to understand the · expenence of women in the outdoors is more fruitful. Women may perceive and react to outdoor experiences differently than men do. According to Schaef's (1981) cultural feminist view women unlike ' ' men, typically considerthemse]ves to be a part ofnat11re and not dominant over nature: Thus, lhc:y perceive the outdoors through their rhythms and styles, mcludmg the elements of nurturing, caring, community, and sustenance (Eckart & Can?on, 1981). In :he outdoors, women's concern for relationship to others and with nature often 1s emphasized (Henderson & Bialeschki, 1986). Cultural background may also affect the value systems associated with the outdoors, and the participation patterns of women (Roberts, 1995), so it cannot be assumed :hat all women experience the outdoors in a similar way. The spmtual value of the outdoors may also be evident for women particularly in terms of solitude. The importance of spiritual concerns ma; well be associated with ethnicity and culture. Women are often socialized to believe that aloneness is to be feared and avoided, not sought and enjoyed. Many women, however, have learned to value solitude. An outdoor experience may lead toward wholeness, as women begin to integrate the beauty, the strength, and the power of the outdoor experience into their lives. Women may also b.e a_ble to transfer this new learning about themselves into other aspects of their lives at home and gain strength and confidence in themselves (Mitten, 1992). Thus, ou1door aclivi1ies as well as sports activities may benefit women in a number of different ways, both physically and psychologically. -------Participation, Constraints, and Possibilities Television and Media · Television watching i.s the predominant at-home leisure activity for both 0 , / .women and men (Kubey & Csikszentmihalyi, 1990) and the most common 0 · family leisure activity. For example, together with movies and videos television watching occupies nearly two-thirds of all the time that Canadia~ parents and children spend together (Shaw, in press). Given that media I ;;,.. activities form such a large part of women's (and men's) leisure time, it is surprising that leisure researchers have given relativ~ly scant ~uentio? IO this form of participation. Television has only became wi~ely ?vailable smc~ t_he 1950s, and in Jess than 50 years it has become the mam leisure-time acuvlty that greatly influences people's everyday Jives and free-time use. . Some of the research on television watching has shown that, despite the prevalence of the activity, it is often not highly engaging, involvi?g, challenging or social (Kubey & Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). In fact, high levels of television viewing have been associated with depressive sympwms among college students (Dittmar, 1994). Some media activities are enjoyable, and watching movies that have been individually selected tend to be i:1?re enjoyable than television shows, but ironically, fe:' p ople rnte television watching as an important or valuable aspect of their leisure lives or leisure satisfaction. One reason for the high levels of television watching is that this type of activity is cheap, easily available, and convenient; almost ev~ryone in Nonh 1 America has at least one television at home. A second reason is that television ,; watching is relaxing, both physically and mentally, and is often used by people as a way to unwind. Third, watching television and movies is something that ,, can be done easily with other family members (e.g., partners, children, ,, parents). In this sense, television can be seen as a social activity, although it is typically a "parallel"ratherthan a "joint" activity because imeractionamong people who are watching is rare (Kubey & Csikszentmihalyi, ~990; Orth~er, 1975). Fourth and especially relevant for ma?y women: telev.1.s'.91,1_watchmg is something that can be done at the same time as other acuvmes, such as ironing,.sewing, childcare, or letter writing. The combination of housework or childcare with television is common among women ane may help to explam why television may not always be experienced as leisure. Another reas~n for reduced pleasure during television watching is interpersonal (1.e., typically interfamilial) conflict over what program to watch. In addition, women may be watching programs selected by their spouse or children that provide httle personal interest. Much of the research that has been done on television has analyzed the effect on people's attitudes and behaviors. A considerable body of literature :. on violence in movies and television programs describes the concern about the extent to which exposure to violence in the media leads to violent behavior and/or desensitization to violence (Bandura, 1973; Huesmann & Eron, l 983; Miedzian, 1991). Toe concern about violence is often posed as a problem associated with the viewing habits of children and youth, although the role of sexually violent material and its impact on violence towards women is also a 7 ' ' ' 191 j3 192 -------Participation, Constraints, and Possibilities Both Gains and Gaps - - - - - - - - - - - - - : maner of significance (Malamuth & Donnerstein, 1984). Another issue , addressed by researchers has been the role of television in teaching traditional ::. gender role attitudes and behaviors (Signorielli, 1989; Wood, 1994). Much :...- television programming, including advertising, has been criricized for being c /sexist and for promoting negative and stereotypical views of women as sex '·/. objects. In sum, although television and other media are common free-time activities for women as well as men and children and provide family-time ~ , \entertainment and needed relaxation, media activities do not necessarily / ' provide high-quality leisure experiences. Some programs and movies may reinforce traditional gender roles and violence against women. Clearly more research about television and media activities is needed, including an understanding of how television may effect other family and individual attitudes and activities, In other words, does television become a default because the individual or a family is not willing to think of other creative leisure pursuits? Other Activities: Church, Volunteering, and Education Women do participate in a range of other activities that are too numerous to include in this discussion. Three activities, though, may be of particular significance to women in North America. These are church activities, volunteering and community service, and education. Participation in church activities is an important aspect of life for many ·C" women, particularly older women who are single or widowed and for women of color (Allen & Chin-Sang, 1990). The church provides a place outside the home where women can meet to socialize as well as participate in religious activities, Although church-related activities are not typically thought of as leisure, they do provide a container for leisure interactions and connections with others. In small communities the church is often the focal point for gatherings and celebrations and can be especially significant in terms of life transitions such as birth, marriage, death, and bereavement Church women's clubs and educational opportunities for children are also a way that some women experience meaningful activity through organized religious groups. Spirituality can also be an important force in women's lives, even among women who do not belong to or attend church functions. For women who find traditional church struetures and teachings to be male-dominated, personal spirituality provides a way of maintaining a religious component in their lives (Spretnak, 1982; Starhawk, 1982). Spirituality can connect women with others and can help build connections with nature and the outdoors. Thus, spirituality can also relate to leisure and contribute to leisure experiences. /v- 193 , . 11 been an activitv of women, and this type Volunteering has tradiuona Yh . . 'bl and ;isible Many of the social . . . ce has been bot mv1s1 e l h can be attributed to the volunteer of community serv1 reforms in the United States and e sewh ere t o Some volunteer activities . ,. f was noted m c apter w . . . act1v1t1es o women as . f d t aditional gender roles, while other (e.g., helping in hos.p)tals) h~ve remh~::co~ntered such roles. e likely to volunteer than men. activities (e.g., political activism) ,~-\ Today, as in the past, woi:ien ~::~~to be somewhat different from . '(''Women's motives for volunteenng a tended to do voluntary '{' H (1987) found that women d ,4: those of men. oma . school-related, youth-oriente activities directly related 10 the family (e.g., l'kely to serve on administrative ,. ) M the other hand were more 1 d activ111es. en,on ( ) f nd that female volunteers place 1983 boards. Similatly, Henderson h"Jdr ou d helping others while men were .' . . on being with their c i en an importance . , n that volunteer work might bnng. more motivated by the recognmo ,· de a social network and meet women's Although volunteermg can pro-".' ed as work rather than leisure (Allen affiliative needs, it can also be expen~c that volunteering and community & Chin-Sang, 1990). Recent dat~·sd o~. e(Schor 1995). This decline may association activity se,em to beon ;e:ei"i/narticipati~n in paid,work activities be because of wom:n s mcreas_ed The !crease also may be due to the Jack and the lack of available free t1mei . g and community service, because of value that has been placed on VO untdeerm fwomen This decline is cause reoftenseenasthe omamo . . . h . tant work that is done by volunteers, volunteenng,s mo for concern, not only because oft ~-1mpor ommunity participa'tion which is an but also because of the general d~c me m c 1· ted the fastest growing segment important aspect of quality of life. 198~) and 1980s women cons nu In t he 1970s . . . . ational activities (Freysinger & Ray, ' ' of adults paruc,pa'.mg m educ . , education activities continue to be Participation rates m adult and contmumg lo ed outside the home. For . 1 1 f omen who are not emp Y high, pamcu ar y or:' ffer mental stimulation and challenge that these women, educauon may o " . dless" household tasks. Another · t" and often mm f . i·pation in adult education is that contrasts to their rou me ""'"" . t men's high leve1 o par11c ,,· explanauon or wo . bl fo m of leisure activity for women v' such activities are a socially accepta e fr' r ds In addition women mav be I .,, 0 -------Participation, Constraints, and Possibilities 209 need to be made both to the family situation (e.g., sharing the housework and childcare/eldercare responsibilities) and to the work situation (e.g., providing work-family policies such as parental leave, daycare, and flexible work schedules). The problem with leisure researchers focusing exclusively on individual negotiation strategies for overcoming leisure constraints is twofold: first, the individual may blame herself or himself when little success is found; and second, needed broader social structural and institutional changes might get ignored. Yet another issue for overcoming constraints is the problem faced in dealing with unconscious constraints. Women and girls will not be able to find .:,ways to negotiate self-esteem, body image, the ethic of care, their lack of a .~·\ sense of entitlement, or even fear of violence unless they recognize such ,,~'_;:-· factors as constraints. The purpose offeminist consciousness raising has been ,!'c( to make the problems visible, but some of these constraints are not easy or comfortable to acknowledge. Clearly this possibility of the influence of "hidden" constraints is an important issue for education, and may be particularly crucial for leisure education with adolescent girls. Nevertheless, education alone may not be able to solve such problems; changes are needed to reconstruct traditional gender relations in our society as well. Strategies to overcome the constraining effects of leisure activities have not been directly addressed by researchers. One way of dealing with constraining activities is to avoid them. For example, a person can avoid watching sexist television shows or movies. Another strategy revolves around . \v''t the idea of "resistance." This concept has been used by Wearing (1990, 1992) \(,'' and other researchers to refer to ways in which women can challenge existing gender roles and structures. For example Wearing (1992) found that adolescent women sometimes used leisure activities (e.g., competitive sports) to develop personal identities that challenged traditional ideas of femininity. They gained confidence in themselves as strong, athletic, competitive women who did not have to conform to traditional notions of being feminine. In a similar way, Wearing (1990) and Samuel (1992) found that mothers of young women challenged traditional ideas of mothering and improved the quality of their lives by seeking autonomous and independent leisure for themselves. Independence from the constraining effects of some leisure activities,ma y be possible through participation in a variety of types of self-determined leisure which challenge traditional gender constructions and may lead to individual gains in confidence and empowerment (Freysinger & Flannery, 1992). "'r -,_.I ' I 210 -------Participation, Constraints, and Possibilities Both Gains and Gaps - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Discussion Questions Concluding Perspectives In this chapter we have shown that opportunities for participation in a variety ofleisure activities are available for women. The constraints that women face in achieving an enjoyable and satisfying leisure life for themselves, however, are numerous. Individual negotiation strategies can help women to overcome some of these constraints. Nevertheless it should be recognized that not all women have equal access to such negotiation strategies. Thus, structural changes are needed such as changes in the division of responsibilities within families, changes to the organization of paid work, and changes to improve social service benefits for women living under difficult material circumstances. Strategies that challenge existing gender relations both on an individual and societal level are needed, as well as strategies to overcome specific constraints on women's leisure. 211 1. What are some of the problems encountered when viewing women's leisure participation? 2. Discuss how some activities are more feminine or masculine than others. .:1,
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