1. Are emotions determined by nature and pre-programmed biologically, are an infant's emotions developed through stimulation and conditioning or do you believe it is a combination of the two? ( the Nature of Infant Emotions andEmotional ExpressionsWhen in everyday conversation we talk about emotions, we are usually referring to the feelings aroused by an experience—feelings of happiness and excitement on unexpectedly winning a prize, of sadness on saying good-bye to a loved one whom we will not see for some time, of frustration and anger on being prevented from achieving a goal. But when we think deeply about what it is like to truly feel an emotion, it becomes clear that we are dealing with a process of enormous complex- ity. Our heart pounds; we catch our breath; our palms sweat; we shout or moan; we run away from or rush toward the source of our arousal. Recognizing the com- plexity of emotion, developmentalists typically define it in terms of the following features (Saarni, Campos, Camras, & Witherington, 2006): A physiological aspect. Emotions are accompanied by identifiable physiological reactions such as changes in heart rate, breathing, and hormonal functioning. A communicative function. Emotions communicate our internal feeling states to others through facial expressions, vocalizations, and other distinctive forms of behavior. A cognitive aspect. The emotions we feel depend on how we appraise what is happening to us. An action aspect. Emotions are a source of action. When something causes joy, for example, we laugh or cry or do both at once. When we are scared, we withdraw.Technically speaking then, emotion can be defined as a feeling state that involves distinctive physiological responses and cognitive evaluations that motivate action (Saarni et al., 2006). But even this technically comprehensive definition of emotion fails to capture the complexity of the phenomenon fully. Emotions, for example, can emerge slowly, as when a feeling of pleasure blossoms into full- blown elation, or they can emerge rapidly, as in an explosive rage. Emotions can vary in their intensity, as indicated by the different smiles shown in Figure 6.1. Sometimes emotions mix together, as in the excitement and apprehension that many parents feel when their children go off to college. Complicating things further is the fact that people have ways of controlling the emergence and intensity of their own and others’ emotions. When an older brother tries to distract his fussy baby sister with a toy, he is attempting to control her emotions; when the baby sister soothes herself by sucking on her pacifier, she is controlling her own emotions, although probably not intentionally. Emotion regulation is the term used by developmentalists to describe how people act to modulate and control their emotions. In the sections below, we explore develop- mental changes in infants’ emotions, their expression, and how they are regulated.theories of emotional DevelopmentMost developmentalists agree that there are universal basic emotions—joy, fear, anger, surprise, sadness, and disgust—that are expressed in similar ways in all cul- tures. For example, adults from vastly different cultures, including isolated, pre- literate cultures, generally agree on which facial expressions represent happiness, sadness, anger, and disgust. In addition, research finds that, across cultures, babies’ smiles, expressions of distaste, and cry faces are comparable to those of adults (Cam- ras et al., 2007).Taken together, such findings are considered strong evidence for the widely held belief that the basic emotions represent universal adaptive responses that are generated by, and contribute to, the biological and cultural evolution of our spe- cies (Panksepp, 2010). From a biological perspective, the basic emotions and their expression both protect children from potential sources of danger and ensure that their basic needs are met, largely by eliciting care and protection. From a cultural perspective, these emotions facilitate social connections to family and community members—connections that are vital to learning about the world and acquiring cultural knowledge and values (Trevarthen, 2009; Tronick & Reck, 2009). Indeed, according to Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory, introduced in Chapter 1 (pp. 21–22), all complex forms of reasoning and understanding develop as a consequence of the connections formed between individuals (1978).Although there is consensus on the biological and cultural significance of human emotions generally, developmentalists disagree on several fundamental issues re- garding the nature of emotion and its development during infancy. One contro- versy concerns whether infants’ emotions are, from early on, similar to those of adults, or whether they become increasingly adultlike over time. In other words, do infants, like adults, experience distinct emotions such as joy, sorrow, fear, anger, and so on, or does the capacity to feel these specific emotions emerge in the course of infancy and childhood? The second controversy concerns the source of new emotions.That is, assuming that at least some emotions experienced by adults are not present from birth (shame, guilt, and pride are clear examples), do new emotions emerge from more global positive or negative feeling states, or do they emerge full-blown, without precursors, at specific periods of development? We will now consider three different views of early emotional development, each of which takes a different perspective on these two controversial issues.theory of Gradual Differentiation According to the theory of gradual dif- ferentiation, infants are born with the capacity to express only general emotional reactions that are simply positive or negative. Over the course of the first 2 years, these general reactions—contentment or distress, according to one early theorist (Bridges, 1932)—gradually differentiate into the basic emotions described above. Note that this view emphasizes the discontinuity of emotional expression: A young baby’s crying signals a general feeling of distress, whereas that of an older infant may be expressing sadness or anger (Sroufe et al., 2010). The theory of gradual differ- entiation held sway for many years until it was challenged by a new theory called differential emotions theory.Differential Emotions theory Rejecting the view that distinct emotions gradu- ally emerge from general emotional states, Carroll Izard and his colleagues proposed that the basic emotions are biologically innate and present at birth in essentially adultlike form (Izard et al., 2010). They called their theory differential emotions theory to highlight the idea that infants’ early emotions represent a set of distinct emotions comparable to those experienced by adults. In support of their argument, they point to the cross-cultural studies described above, which find that people from widely different cultures use similar facial expressions to signal basic emotions, and to research suggesting that many infant facial expressions are similar to those of adults and can be fairly reliably identified as such by untrained adult observers (Figure 6.2; Izard et al., 1980). In this view, biology dictates the presence of dis- tinct emotions at birth and the timing at which new, adultlike emotions such as guilt and shame emerge during infancy and childhood. ) 2. What emotions cause the behavior of smiling? Explain the possible antecedents of the emotions ( When in everyday conversation we talk about emotions, we are usually referring to the feelings aroused by an experience—feelings of happiness and excitement on unexpectedly winning a prize, of sadness on saying good-bye to a loved one whom we will not see for some time, of frustration and anger on being prevented from achieving a goal. But when we think deeply about what it is like to truly feel an emotion, it becomes clear that we are dealing with a process of enormous complex- ity. Our heart pounds; we catch our breath; our palms sweat; we shout or moan; we run away from or rush toward the source of our arousal. Recognizing the com- plexity of emotion, developmentalists typically define it in terms of the following features (Saarni, Campos, Camras, & Witherington, 2006): A physiological aspect. Emotions are accompanied by identifiable physiological reactions such as changes in heart rate, breathing, and hormonal functioning. A communicative function. Emotions communicate our internal feeling states to others through facial expressions, vocalizations, and other distinctive forms of behavior. A cognitive aspect. The emotions we feel depend on how we appraise what is happening to us. An action aspect. Emotions are a source of action. When something causes joy, for example, we laugh or cry or do both at once. When we are scared, we withdraw.Technically speaking then, emotion can be defined as a feeling state that involves distinctive physiological responses and cognitive evaluations that motivate action (Saarni et al., 2006). But even this technically comprehensive definition of emotion fails to capture the complexity of the phenomenon fully. Emotions, for example, can emerge slowly, as when a feeling of pleasure blossoms into full- blown elation, or they can emerge rapidly, as in an explosive rage. Emotions can vary in their intensity, as indicated by the different smiles shown in Figure 6.1. Sometimes emotions mix together, as in the excitement and apprehension that many parents feel when their children go off to college. Complicating things further is the fact that people have ways of controlling the emergence and intensity of their own and others’ emotions. When an older brother tries to distract his fussy baby sister with a toy, he is attempting to control A third view of infants’ emotions proposes that they are ontogenetic adaptations, meaning that they have evolved because they contribute to infants’ survival and development. Therefore, develop- mentalists who take this view focus on the circumstances or situations in which babies experience and express different emotions (for example, on the sorts of situ- ations that provoke feelings of fear or joy), and on the ways infants’ emotional ex- pressions affect their interactions with their caregivers (Oster, 2005). An illustrative example is the changing nature of the infant’s smile.During the first weeks of life, the corners of a baby’s mouth often curl up in a facial expression that looks just like a smile. Most likely to occur when the infant is asleep or very drowsy, these early smiles are called endo- geneous smiles because they seem to be associated with internal, physiological fluctuations rather than with external stimulation from the environment. However, between 1 and 2 months of age, infants begin to smile in re- sponse to mild perceptual stimulation, such as when a caregiver talks softly to them or lightly strokes their skin.Then, between 2 and 3 months of age, the infant’s smile becomes truly social, both responding to and eliciting the smiles of others. At this point, parents report a new emotional quality in their relationship with their child.The significance of the emergence of the social smile as a marker of a new level of development is reflected in a special celebratory ritual traditionally practiced by the Navajo.When an infant first displays the smile,the baby’s hands are held out straight by the mother, and some member of the family (usually a brother or a sister) puts a pinch of salt with bread and meat upon them. . . . The person who sees the baby smile first should give a present (with salt) to all members of the family. The father or mother will kill a sheep and distribute this among relatives along with a bit of salt for each piece. (Leighton & Kluckhohn, 1947/1969, p. 29)According to the theory of emotions as ontogenetic adaptations, the changing nature of smiling during these early months of postnatal life demonstrates both con- tinuities and discontinuities in infants’ emotions, their origins, and the meanings they have for social interaction.Infant Emotions and Social LifeHis eyes locked onto hers for a silent and almost motionless instant, until the mother said “Hey!” opened her eyes wider, raised her eyebrows further, and tossed her head up and to- ward the infant. Almost simultaneously the baby’s eyes widened, his head tilted up, his smile broadened. Now she said, “Well hello! . . . hello . . . heeelloooo!” so that her pitch rose and the “hellos” became longer and more stressed on each successive repetition. With each phrase the baby expressed more pleasure, and his body resonated almost like a balloon being pumped up. (From Stern, 1977, p. 3)We mentioned that infants’ emotions play a key role in connecting infants to their social world. The coordination of movement and mood apparent in the in- teraction described above—the emotional expression of one partner eliciting simi- lar responses from the other—indicates that the mother and baby are each able to recognize and share the emotional state of the other. Colwyn Trevarthen (1998) labeled this kind of well-organized, reciprocal social interaction primary inter- subjectivity. (It is “primary” in the sense that it is direct face-to-face interac- tion whose focus is the interaction itself.) The importance of maintaining primary 3. What emotions cause the behavior of crying? explain the possible antecedents of the emotions.One of the most difficult problems parents face in establishing a pattern of care for their babies is how to interpret their infants’ needs. Infants obviously cannot articu­ late their needs or feelings, but they do have one highly effective way of signaling that something is wrong—crying.Crying is a complex behavior that involves the coordination of breathing and movements of the vocal tract. Initially it is coordinated reflexively by structures in the brain stem, but within a few months, the cerebral cortex becomes involved, en­ abling babies to cry voluntarily (Zeskind & Lester, 2001). This change in the neural organization of crying is accompanied by physical changes in the vocal tract that lower the pitch of infants’ cries. At this point, parents in the United States begin to report that their infants are “crying on purpose,” either to get attention or because they are bored (Lester et al., 1992). Across cultures, and even in chimpanzees, there is a peak in the frequency of infant crying at 6 weeks of age, followed by a decline at approximately 12 weeks (Bard, 2004) (Figure 4.22).Developmentalists with an evolutionary perspective believe that human crying evolved as a signal to promote caregiving when the infant is hungry, in pain, or sepa­ rated from its caregiver (Zeifman, 2001). Indeed, cross­cultural evidence suggests that infants cry less when their culture’s caregiving practices include proximal care—that is, prolonged holding, frequent breast­feeding, rapid response to infant frets and cries, and co­sleeping with infants at night—all found, for example, in several African cul­ tures, including the !Kung and the Aka (Hewlett et al., 1998; Barr et al., 1991; Kruger & Konner, 2010).These practices have been found to different extents in Western cultures, and the differences have similar repercussions for infant crying (St. James­ Roberts et al., 2006). As shown in Figures 4.23 and 4.24, compared with mothers in London, those in Copenhagen spent significantly more time holding their infants, and in the course of a day, their babies cried and fretted significantly less.Certainly babies’ cries have a powerful effect on those who hear them. Expe­ rienced parents and childless adults alike respond to infants’ cries with increases in heart rate and blood pressure, both of which are physiological signs of arousal and anxiety (Stallings et al., 2001; Out, Pieper, Bakermans­Kranenburg, & van IJzen­ doorn, 2010). When nursing mothers hear babies’ cries, even on recordings, their milk may start to flow (Newton & Newton, 1972).The problem for anxious parents who hear their newborns cry is to figure out the source and seriousness of their baby’s discomfort. Research shows that adults are in fact able to make certain distinctions among cries. According to Phillip Zes­ kind and his colleagues, the higher­pitched the cries and the shorter the pauses between them, the more urgent—and unpleasant—adults perceive them to be. In addition, listeners in a variety of cultures can distinguish the cries of normal infants from the higher­pitched cries of low­birth­weight babies and babies who have been exposed prenatally to alcohol or the chemicals from cigarette smoke (Worchel & Allen, 1997).It is widely believed that some children suffer from an unexplained medical con­ dition called colic, which causes them to cry excessively. Indeed, excessive infant crying is the most common complaint heard by pediatricians from mothers with infants under 3 months of age (Forsyth, 1989). However, while there are marked individual differences in the amounts that infants cry, the cries of babies thought to suffer from colic are not distinguishable from those of others who cry frequently. Thus, it would appear that it is not the specific sounds of the colicky infant’s cry­ ing that troubles parents but rather “its unpredictable, prolonged, hard to soothe, and unexplained nature” (St. James­Roberts, Conroy, & Wilshir, 1996, p. 375).Caregivers’ efforts to get babies on a schedule for sleeping and feeding and to comfort them when they are distressed continue as the months go by. Infants’ ad­ aptations to these parenting activities are so commonplace that it is easy to overlook their significance. They are, however, the first instances of infants’ coordination and active participation in the social world.4. Do you believe that newborn can visually recognize an individual's face? How might intermodal perception be related to this? Describe any research which has been conductedsearch it