May 15, 2011
Why Privacy Matters Even if You Have 'Nothing to Hide'
By Daniel J. Solove
When the government gathers or
analyzes personal information, many
people say they're not worried. "I've got
nothing to hide," they declare. "Only if
you're doing something wrong should
you worry, and then you don't deserve to
keep it private."
The nothing-to-hide argument pervades
discussions about privacy. The datasecurity expert Bruce Schneier calls it the "most common retort against privacy
advocates." The legal scholar Geoffrey Stone refers to it as an "all-too-common refrain."
In its most compelling form, it is an argument that the privacy interest is generally
minimal, thus making the contest with security concerns a foreordained victory for
The nothing-to-hide argument is everywhere. In Britain, for example, the government has
installed millions of public-surveillance cameras in cities and towns, which are watched
by officials via closed-circuit television. In a campaign slogan for the program, the
government declares: "If you've got nothing to hide, you've got nothing to fear."
Variations of nothing-to-hide arguments frequently appear in blogs, letters to the editor,
television news interviews, and other forums. One blogger in the United States, in
reference to profiling people for national-security purposes, declares: "I don't mind
people wanting to find out things about me, I've got nothing to hide! Which is why I
support [the government's] efforts to find terrorists by monitoring our phone calls!"
The argument is not of recent vintage. One of the characters in Henry James's 1888
novel, The Reverberator, muses: "If these people had done bad things they ought to be
ashamed of themselves and he couldn't pity them, and if they hadn't done them there was
no need of making such a rumpus about other people knowing."
I encountered the nothing-to-hide argument so frequently in news interviews, discussions,
and the like that I decided to probe the issue. I asked the readers of my blog, Concurring
Opinions, whether there are good responses to the nothing-to-hide argument. I received a
torrent of comments:
My response is "So do you have curtains?" or "Can I see your credit-card bills for
the last year?"
So my response to the "If you have nothing to hide ... " argument is simply, "I
don't need to justify my position. You need to justify yours. Come back with a
20 May 2011
I don't have anything to hide. But I don't have anything I feel like showing you,
If you have nothing to hide, then you don't have a life.
Show me yours and I'll show you mine.
It's not about having anything to hide, it's about things not being anyone else's
Bottom line, Joe Stalin would [have] loved it. Why should anyone have to say
On the surface, it seems easy to dismiss the nothing-to-hide argument. Everybody
probably has something to hide from somebody. As Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn declared,
"Everyone is guilty of something or has something to conceal. All one has to do is look
hard enough to find what it is." Likewise, in Friedrich Dürrenmatt's novella "Traps,"
which involves a seemingly innocent man put on trial by a group of retired lawyers in a
mock-trial game, the man inquires what his crime shall be. "An altogether minor matter,"
replies the prosecutor. "A crime can always be found."
One can usually think of something that even the most open person would want to hide.
As a commenter to my blog post noted, "If you have nothing to hide, then that quite
literally means you are willing to let me photograph you naked? And I get full rights to
that photograph—so I can show it to your neighbors?" The Canadian privacy expert
David Flaherty expresses a similar idea when he argues: "There is no sentient human
being in the Western world who has little or no regard for his or her personal privacy;
those who would attempt such claims cannot withstand even a few minutes' questioning
about intimate aspects of their lives without capitulating to the intrusiveness of certain
But such responses attack the nothing-to-hide argument only in its most extreme form,
which isn't particularly strong. In a less extreme form, the nothing-to-hide argument
refers not to all personal information but only to the type of data the government is likely
to collect. Retorts to the nothing-to-hide argument about exposing people's naked bodies
or their deepest secrets are relevant only if the government is likely to gather this kind of
information. In many instances, hardly anyone will see the information, and it won't be
disclosed to the public. Thus, some might argue, the privacy interest is minimal, and the
security interest in preventing terrorism is much more important. In this less extreme
form, the nothing-to-hide argument is a formidable one. However, it stems from certain
faulty assumptions about privacy and its value.
To evaluate the nothing-to-hide argument, we should begin by looking at how its
adherents understand privacy. Nearly every law or policy involving privacy depends
upon a particular understanding of what privacy is. The way problems are conceived has
a tremendous impact on the legal and policy solutions used to solve them. As the
philosopher John Dewey observed, "A problem well put is half-solved."
Most attempts to understand privacy do so by attempting to locate its essence—its core
characteristics or the common denominator that links together the various things we
classify under the rubric of "privacy." Privacy, however, is too complex a concept to be
reduced to a singular essence. It is a plurality of different things that do not share any one
20 May 2011
element but nevertheless bear a resemblance to one another. For example, privacy can be
invaded by the disclosure of your deepest secrets. It might also be invaded if you're
watched by a peeping Tom, even if no secrets are ever revealed. With the disclosure of
secrets, the harm is that your concealed information is spread to others. With the peeping
Tom, the harm is that you're being watched. You'd probably find that creepy regardless of
whether the peeper finds out anything sensitive or discloses any information to others.
There are many other forms of invasion of privacy, such as blackmail and the improper
use of your personal data. Your privacy can also be invaded if the government compiles
an extensive dossier about you.
Privacy, in other words, involves so many things that it is impossible to reduce them all
to one simple idea. And we need not do so.
In many cases, privacy issues never get balanced against conflicting interests, because
courts, legislators, and others fail to recognize that privacy is implicated. People don't
acknowledge certain problems, because those problems don't fit into a particular onesize-fits-all conception of privacy. Regardless of whether we call something a "privacy"
problem, it still remains a problem, and problems shouldn't be ignored. We should pay
attention to all of the different problems that spark our desire to protect privacy.
To describe the problems created by the collection and use of personal data, many
commentators use a metaphor based on George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four. Orwell
depicted a harrowing totalitarian society ruled by a government called Big Brother that
watches its citizens obsessively and demands strict discipline. The Orwell metaphor,
which focuses on the harms of surveillance (such as inhibition and social control), might
be apt to describe government monitoring of citizens. But much of the data gathered in
computer databases, such as one's race, birth date, gender, address, or marital status, isn't
particularly sensitive. Many people don't care about concealing the hotels they stay at, the
cars they own, or the kind of beverages they drink. Frequently, though not always, people
wouldn't be inhibited or embarrassed if others knew this information.
Another metaphor better captures the problems: Franz Kafka's The Trial. Kafka's novel
centers around a man who is arrested but not informed why. He desperately tries to find
out what triggered his arrest and what's in store for him. He finds out that a mysterious
court system has a dossier on him and is investigating him, but he's unable to learn much
more. The Trial depicts a bureaucracy with inscrutable purposes that uses people's
information to make important decisions about them, yet denies the people the ability to
participate in how their information is used.
The problems portrayed by the Kafkaesque metaphor are of a different sort than the
problems caused by surveillance. They often do not result in inhibition. Instead they are
problems of information processing—the storage, use, or analysis of data—rather than of
information collection. They affect the power relationships between people and the
institutions of the modern state. They not only frustrate the individual by creating a sense
of helplessness and powerlessness, but also affect social structure by altering the kind of
relationships people have with the institutions that make important decisions about their
Legal and policy solutions focus too much on the problems under the Orwellian
metaphor—those of surveillance—and aren't adequately addressing the Kafkaesque
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problems—those of information processing. The difficulty is that commentators are
trying to conceive of the problems caused by databases in terms of surveillance when, in
fact, those problems are different.
Commentators often attempt to refute the nothing-to-hide argument by pointing to things
people want to hide. But the problem with the nothing-to-hide argument is the underlying
assumption that privacy is about hiding bad things. By accepting this assumption, we
concede far too much ground and invite an unproductive discussion about information
that people would very likely want to hide. As the computer-security specialist Schneier
aptly notes, the nothing-to-hide argument stems from a faulty "premise that privacy is
about hiding a wrong." Surveillance, for example, can inhibit such lawful activities as
free speech, free association, and other First Amendment rights essential for democracy.
The deeper problem with the nothing-to-hide argument is that it myopically views
privacy as a form of secrecy. In contrast, understanding privacy as a plurality of related
issues demonstrates that the disclosure of bad things is just one among many difficulties
caused by government security measures. To return to my discussion of literary
metaphors, the problems are not just Orwellian but Kafkaesque. Government
information-gathering programs are problematic even if no information that people want
to hide is uncovered. In The Trial, the problem is not inhibited behavior but rather a
suffocating powerlessness and vulnerability created by the court system's use of personal
data and its denial to the protagonist of any knowledge of or participation in the process.
The harms are bureaucratic ones—indifference, error, abuse, frustration, and lack of
transparency and accountability.
One such harm, for example, which I call aggregation, emerges from the fusion of small
bits of seemingly innocuous data. When combined, the information becomes much more
telling. By joining pieces of information we might not take pains to guard, the
government can glean information about us that we might indeed wish to conceal. For
example, suppose you bought a book about cancer. This purchase isn't very revealing on
its own, for it indicates just an interest in the disease. Suppose you bought a wig. The
purchase of a wig, by itself, could be for a number of reasons. But combine those two
pieces of information, and now the inference can be made that you have cancer and are
undergoing chemotherapy. That might be a fact you wouldn't mind sharing, but you'd
certainly want to have the choice.
Another potential problem with the government's harvest of personal data is one I call
exclusion. Exclusion occurs when people are prevented from having knowledge about
how information about them is being used, and when they are barred from accessing and
correcting errors in that data. Many government national-security measures involve
maintaining a huge database of information that individuals cannot access. Indeed,
because they involve national security, the very existence of these programs is often kept
secret. This kind of information processing, which blocks subjects' knowledge and
involvement, is a kind of due-process problem. It is a structural problem, involving the
way people are treated by government institutions and creating a power imbalance
between people and the government. To what extent should government officials have
such a significant power over citizens? This issue isn't about what information people
want to hide but about the power and the structure of government.
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A related problem involves secondary use. Secondary use is the exploitation of data
obtained for one purpose for an unrelated purpose without the subject's consent. How
long will personal data be stored? How will the information be used? What could it be
used for in the future? The potential uses of any piece of personal information are vast.
Without limits on or accountability for how that information is used, it is hard for people
to assess the dangers of the data's being in the government's control.
Yet another problem with government gathering and use of personal data is distortion.
Although personal information can reveal quite a lot about people's personalities and
activities, it often fails to reflect the whole person. It can paint a distorted picture,
especially since records are reductive—they often capture information in a standardized
format with many details omitted.
For example, suppose government officials learn that a person has bought a number of
books on how to manufacture methamphetamine. That information makes them suspect
that he's building a meth lab. What is missing from the records is the full story: The
person is writing a novel about a character who makes meth. When he bought the books,
he didn't consider how suspicious the purchase might appear to government officials, and
his records didn't reveal the reason for the purchases. Should he have to worry about
government scrutiny of all his purchases and actions? Should he have to be concerned
that he'll wind up on a suspicious-persons list? Even if he isn't doing anything wrong, he
may want to keep his records away from government officials who might make faulty
inferences from them. He might not want to have to worry about how everything he does
will be perceived by officials nervously monitoring for criminal activity. He might not
want to have a computer flag him as suspicious because he has an unusual pattern of
The nothing-to-hide argument focuses on just one or two particular kinds of privacy
problems—the disclosure of personal information or surveillance—while ignoring the
others. It assumes a particular view about what privacy entails, to the exclusion of other
It is important to distinguish here between two ways of justifying a national-security
program that demands access to personal information. The first way is not to recognize a
problem. This is how the nothing-to-hide argument works—it denies even the existence
of a problem. The second is to acknowledge the problems but contend that the benefits of
the program outweigh the privacy sacrifice. The first justification influences the second,
because the low value given to privacy is based upon a narrow view of the problem. And
the key misunderstanding is that the nothing-to-hide argument views privacy in this
troublingly particular, partial way.
Investigating the nothing-to-hide argument a little more deeply, we find that it looks for a
singular and visceral kind of injury. Ironically, this underlying conception of injury is
sometimes shared by those advocating for greater privacy protections. For example, the
University of South Carolina law professor Ann Bartow argues that in order to have a
real resonance, privacy problems must "negatively impact the lives of living, breathing
human beings beyond simply provoking feelings of unease." She says that privacy needs
more "dead bodies," and that privacy's "lack of blood and death, or at least of broken
bones and buckets of money, distances privacy harms from other [types of harm]."
20 May 2011
Bartow's objection is actually consistent with the nothing-to-hide argument. Those
advancing the nothing-to-hide argument have in mind a particular kind of appalling
privacy harm, one in which privacy is violated only when something deeply embarrassing
or discrediting is revealed. Like Bartow, proponents of the nothing-to-hide argument
demand a dead-bodies type of harm.
Bartow is certainly right that people respond much more strongly to blood and death than
to more-abstract concerns. But if this is the standard to recognize a problem, then few
privacy problems will be recognized. Privacy is not a horror movie, most privacy
problems don't result in dead bodies, and demanding evidence of palpable harms will be
difficult in many cases.
Privacy is often threatened not by a single egregious act but by the slow accretion of a
series of relatively minor acts. In this respect, privacy problems resemble certain
environmental harms, which occur over time through a series of small acts by different
actors. Although society is more likely to respond to a major oil spill, gradual pollution
by a multitude of actors often creates worse problems.
Privacy is rarely lost in one fell swoop. It is usually eroded over time, little bits dissolving
almost imperceptibly until we finally begin to notice how much is gone. When the
government starts monitoring the phone numbers people call, many may shrug their
shoulders and say, "Ah, it's just numbers, that's all." Then the government might start
monitoring some phone calls. "It's just a few phone calls, nothing more." The government
might install more video cameras in public places. "So what? Some more cameras
watching in a few more places. No big deal." The increase in cameras might lead to a
more elaborate network of video surveillance. Satellite surveillance might be added to
help track people's movements. The government might start analyzing people's bank records. "It's just my deposits and some of the bills I pay—no problem." The government
may then start combing through credit-card records, then expand to Internet-service
providers' records, health records, employment records, and more. Each step may seem
incremental, but after a while, the government will be watching and knowing everything
"My life's an open book," people might say. "I've got nothing to hide." But now the
government has large dossiers of everyone's activities, interests, reading habits, finances,
and health. What if the government leaks the information to the public? What if the
government mistakenly determines that based on your pattern of activities, you're likely
to engage in a criminal act? What if it denies you the right to fly? What if the government
thinks your financial transactions look odd—even if you've done nothing wrong—and
freezes your accounts? What if the government doesn't protect your information with
adequate security, and an identity thief obtains it and uses it to defraud you? Even if you
have nothing to hide, the government can cause you a lot of harm.
"But the government doesn't want to hurt me," some might argue. In many cases, that's
true, but the ...
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