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View the "Teaming to Make a Difference" video. In a 250-500-word response, address the following:
- What are the four skills and examples discussed in the video that are necessary for successful teaming and integration of services for individuals with disabilities and their families?
- What are the different perspectives that individual team members offered on inclusion?
- What is the value of each team member and the importance of her or his contributions to their collective effort?
- Research a journal article for best practices on successful teaming and integration of services for individuals with disabilities and their families. Does the article support the video? Explain and provide the citation to your article.
Prepare this assignment according to the APA guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.
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1. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnUse context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points) Laws that relate to scienceBasic principles and rulesQuestionable decisionsRules of society2. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnUse context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points) Crucial requirementMutual agreementSignificant otherWorthwhile pastime3. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnRead the following lines from the passage:I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling.Which comes closest to capturing Lincoln's true meaning in this passage? (4 points) I believe in abolishing slavery, but I know the majority of the people do not support it.I do not believe in forcing my beliefs on the people just because I am the president.I do not believe that the presidency gives me the authority to abolish slavery.Those who support abolishing slavery should look to another government authority.4. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnRead this line from the text:Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it.What does the phrase assumed this ground mean? (4 points) Forged an agreementFormed an allianceMade a suppositionTook this position5. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat is the context for this document? (4 points) A letter explaining an earlier commentA speech given at a dinner partyA commentary on a piece of legislationAn explanation of an earlier document6. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat lesson does President Lincoln express in the line in bold? (4 points) It is essential to have a medical degree.Arms and legs are necessary in battle.Sometimes sacrifices are necessary.Many people have suffered unfairly.7. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat does President Lincoln describe in the lines in bold? (4 points) The highlight of his PresidencyThe end of the long warA start of a new warA difficult decision he made8. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnIn a paragraph of three to five sentences, summarize President Lincoln's meaning in the paragraph in bold. Use proper spelling and grammar. (5 points) 9. (LC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.Use context to determine the meaning of the word in bold. (4 points) ConfusingExpensiveConfirmedExtravagant10. (MC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."What is Lincoln's purpose in writing this document? (4 points) To explain the moral reasons for abolishing slaveryTo outline the practical effects of abolishing slaveryTo force Congress to convene to abolish slaveryTo force Congress to convene to end the Civil War11. (MC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."Which word most clearly and correctly describes the tone of this text? (4 points) InformalFirmMilitaristicPolitical12. (HC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."What is the reasoning behind Lincoln's referring to the South as "the rebellion"?Why does he continually use this term?Be sure to use evidence from the text to support your answer. (5 points) 13. (LC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.What does the word peculiar mean? (4 points) CommonNotableTypicalUnusualPowerful14. (LC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, . . .What does the word woe suggest as used in this sentence? (4 points) CriticismExemptionPunishmentReproach15. (MC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:. . . let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nationsWhich of the following best describes the effect of the phrase bind up the nation's wounds? (4 points) It implies a caring approach to ending the war.It implies a medical, scientific response to war.It suggests a spreading infectious thought.It suggests restricting the South during recovery.16. (MC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's letter to a citizen of Kentucky:By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb.Which rhetorical device does Lincoln use in this sentence, and for what purpose? (4 points) Metaphor; shows that the whole is greater than the sum of its partsMetaphor; shows that all parts of the whole must be protectedSimile; shows that the whole is greater than the sum of its partsSimile; shows that all parts of the whole must be protected
SNHU Dynamics in Working with Couples and Families Paper
Discussion: The Dynamics in Working With Couples and FamiliesWorking with couples and families presents numerous theoretic ...
SNHU Dynamics in Working with Couples and Families Paper
Discussion: The Dynamics in Working With Couples and FamiliesWorking with couples and families presents numerous theoretical, ethical, and practical challenges that are not present when working with individuals. It is important for the helping professional to recognize the differences between working with couples and families as opposed to working with individuals.By Day 4Post three examples of how working with couples and families differs from working with individuals. Explain these differences. Then, explain any challenges you may face related to this distinction in your professional practice based on your current skills. Provide an example scenario that illustrates your post.Be sure to support your postings and responses with specific references to the resources.Read a selection of your colleagues' postings.By Day 6Respond to two of your colleagues' postings in one or more of the following ways:Ask a probing question.Share an insight from having read your colleague's posting.Offer and support an opinion.Make a suggestion.Expand on your colleague's posting.Colleague 1:Khalila Postthree examples of how working with couples and families differs from working with individuals. Explain these differences. Unlike individual therapy, the therapeutic process does not focus on one individual’s unique trait or their specific areas for improvements to achieve positive outcomes. Instead, problems are viewed from an interpersonal aspect (Gurman, Lebow & Snyder, 2015). This means that the goals are to improve the function of the family/couple as a system. Another difference between family and individual therapy is that therapy sessions include all members involved (Gurman, Lebow & Snyder, 2015). For instance, the therapist will not only meet with one member independently to discuss family/couple problems. Lastly, couple/family therapy lasts for a shorter duration (Gurman, Lebow & Snyder, 2015). Co-therapists are present in this form of therapy. The benefit of having a co- therapist includes an increase in resources provided to the clients. Ultimately, these resources can assist clients achieve therapy outcomes sooner than in individual therapy. Then, explain any challenges you may face related to this distinction in your professional practice based on your current skills. Provide an example scenario that illustrates your post. Based on my current skills, a challenge that I may encounter in my professional practice could be managing a member’s negative emotions during a therapy session. As previously stated, couple/family therapy is conjoint. I must be mindful of all member’s values and respect their differences while assisting them achieve their goals together. I currently lack couple/family facilitation skills because I have not experienced real-life practice in this setting. This lack of professional experience can present challenges (Chambless, Miklowitz, & Shoham, 2012). For instance, if differences in values is the presenting problem for the couple, the members may believe in different discipline strategies for their child. Their differences may result to constant arguments impacting their relationship dynamic. It would be my goal to help them acknowledge and understand its impact on an interpersonal aspect. In this case, it could be possible that one member becomes upset. With competency and experience, I will learn how to effectively address this concern. References Gurman, A. S., Lebow, J. L., Snyder, D. K. (2015). Clinical handbook of couple therapy. New York, NY: The Guilford Press.Chambless, D. L., Miklowitz, D. J., & Shoham, V. (2012). Beyond the patient: couple and family therapy for individual problems. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 68(5), 487–489. https://doi-org.ezp.waldenulibrary.org/10.1002/jcl...Colleague 2: MarcusPost by Day 4 three examples of how working with couples and families differs from working with individuals. Explain these differences.Greetings,The three examples I selected that are different from working with individuals are that you are focusing on looking at the relationship dynamics in the family system. Secondly, couples and family counseling focus on healthy communication skills. Thirdly, working with couples and families, we look at the family system. In contrast, individual social work practice aims at the individual needs and the social environment. Multiple counterparts are involved with couples and family counseling. As a social worker, you must look at the relationships and the behaviors that affect the relationships based on different emotions and interactions in the family system. According to Fischer & Fink (2014), “all couple therapies are focused on reducing relationship distress, we argue that Behavioral couples therapy (BCT)s such as traditional behavioral couple therapy, integrative couple behavioral therapy, and the program developed by John M. Gottman (1999)” (p.11). Then, explain any challenges you may face related to this distinction in your professional practice based on your current skills.The challenge that I may face related to this distinction in your professional practice is the lack of training in couple and family treatments (Chambless et al., 2012). One of the challenges with couples and family counseling is learning how to make appropriate observations about the couples and families. Another challenge that I see in couples and family counseling is learning how to decrease the relational distress in family members and couples. Chambless et al., (2012), reported that couple and family treatment is more difficult than individual psychotherapy, and perhaps this is one reason that so many psychotherapists eschew this format (p.488). As a helping professional I have no experience in couple and family counseling, but I have in my personal life have helped couples with marital issues and relationship distress to people I was close to. I have no prior training in providing couples psychotherapy.Provide an example scenario that illustrates your post.A social worker working with couples and family counseling may experience challenges in making sure that the helping professional be careful about choosing sides when providing counseling to this population. Choosing sides when working with couples and families counseling can cause a bad therapeutic working relationship during the session and cause families and couples to split when disagreements take place. Whisman & Baucom (2011) reported that the relationship among spouse or partner will be the most important interpersonal relationship that people develop in their lifetime (p.4). When harm is caused in a relationship of couples and families, members may experience a lack of intimacy and family closeness in the relationship. As helping professionals, we may lack training around couples and family social work practices when handling relationships problems. References:Chambless, D. L., Miklowitz, D. J., & Shoham, V. (2012). Beyond the patient: Couple and family therapy for individual problems. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 68(5), 487–489.Whisman, M. A., & Baucom, D. H. (2012). Intimaterelationships and psychopathology. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 15(1), 4–13.
Grand Canyon University Developing a Counseling Program Report
Assessment DescriptionYou have been asked by the clinical director of your agency to create a counseling program for a rec ...
Grand Canyon University Developing a Counseling Program Report
Assessment DescriptionYou have been asked by the clinical director of your agency to create a counseling program for a recently arrived group of immigrants from Central America. Part of the goal of this counseling program is to assist the newly-arrived immigrants to acculturate into your community. What are the issues surrounding acculturation should you be aware of in creating this program? Provide at least one scholarly reference to support your response.This discussion question is informed by the following CACREP Standard(s):2.F.2.b. Theories and models of multicultural counseling, cultural identity development, and social justice and advocacy.2.F.8.i. Analysis and use of data in counseling
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1. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnUse context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points) Laws that relate to scienceBasic principles and rulesQuestionable decisionsRules of society2. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnUse context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points) Crucial requirementMutual agreementSignificant otherWorthwhile pastime3. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnRead the following lines from the passage:I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling.Which comes closest to capturing Lincoln's true meaning in this passage? (4 points) I believe in abolishing slavery, but I know the majority of the people do not support it.I do not believe in forcing my beliefs on the people just because I am the president.I do not believe that the presidency gives me the authority to abolish slavery.Those who support abolishing slavery should look to another government authority.4. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnRead this line from the text:Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it.What does the phrase assumed this ground mean? (4 points) Forged an agreementFormed an allianceMade a suppositionTook this position5. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat is the context for this document? (4 points) A letter explaining an earlier commentA speech given at a dinner partyA commentary on a piece of legislationAn explanation of an earlier document6. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat lesson does President Lincoln express in the line in bold? (4 points) It is essential to have a medical degree.Arms and legs are necessary in battle.Sometimes sacrifices are necessary.Many people have suffered unfairly.7. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat does President Lincoln describe in the lines in bold? (4 points) The highlight of his PresidencyThe end of the long warA start of a new warA difficult decision he made8. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnIn a paragraph of three to five sentences, summarize President Lincoln's meaning in the paragraph in bold. Use proper spelling and grammar. (5 points) 9. (LC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.Use context to determine the meaning of the word in bold. (4 points) ConfusingExpensiveConfirmedExtravagant10. (MC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."What is Lincoln's purpose in writing this document? (4 points) To explain the moral reasons for abolishing slaveryTo outline the practical effects of abolishing slaveryTo force Congress to convene to abolish slaveryTo force Congress to convene to end the Civil War11. (MC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."Which word most clearly and correctly describes the tone of this text? (4 points) InformalFirmMilitaristicPolitical12. (HC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."What is the reasoning behind Lincoln's referring to the South as "the rebellion"?Why does he continually use this term?Be sure to use evidence from the text to support your answer. (5 points) 13. (LC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.What does the word peculiar mean? (4 points) CommonNotableTypicalUnusualPowerful14. (LC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, . . .What does the word woe suggest as used in this sentence? (4 points) CriticismExemptionPunishmentReproach15. (MC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:. . . let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nationsWhich of the following best describes the effect of the phrase bind up the nation's wounds? (4 points) It implies a caring approach to ending the war.It implies a medical, scientific response to war.It suggests a spreading infectious thought.It suggests restricting the South during recovery.16. (MC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's letter to a citizen of Kentucky:By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb.Which rhetorical device does Lincoln use in this sentence, and for what purpose? (4 points) Metaphor; shows that the whole is greater than the sum of its partsMetaphor; shows that all parts of the whole must be protectedSimile; shows that the whole is greater than the sum of its partsSimile; shows that all parts of the whole must be protected
SNHU Dynamics in Working with Couples and Families Paper
Discussion: The Dynamics in Working With Couples and FamiliesWorking with couples and families presents numerous theoretic ...
SNHU Dynamics in Working with Couples and Families Paper
Discussion: The Dynamics in Working With Couples and FamiliesWorking with couples and families presents numerous theoretical, ethical, and practical challenges that are not present when working with individuals. It is important for the helping professional to recognize the differences between working with couples and families as opposed to working with individuals.By Day 4Post three examples of how working with couples and families differs from working with individuals. Explain these differences. Then, explain any challenges you may face related to this distinction in your professional practice based on your current skills. Provide an example scenario that illustrates your post.Be sure to support your postings and responses with specific references to the resources.Read a selection of your colleagues' postings.By Day 6Respond to two of your colleagues' postings in one or more of the following ways:Ask a probing question.Share an insight from having read your colleague's posting.Offer and support an opinion.Make a suggestion.Expand on your colleague's posting.Colleague 1:Khalila Postthree examples of how working with couples and families differs from working with individuals. Explain these differences. Unlike individual therapy, the therapeutic process does not focus on one individual’s unique trait or their specific areas for improvements to achieve positive outcomes. Instead, problems are viewed from an interpersonal aspect (Gurman, Lebow & Snyder, 2015). This means that the goals are to improve the function of the family/couple as a system. Another difference between family and individual therapy is that therapy sessions include all members involved (Gurman, Lebow & Snyder, 2015). For instance, the therapist will not only meet with one member independently to discuss family/couple problems. Lastly, couple/family therapy lasts for a shorter duration (Gurman, Lebow & Snyder, 2015). Co-therapists are present in this form of therapy. The benefit of having a co- therapist includes an increase in resources provided to the clients. Ultimately, these resources can assist clients achieve therapy outcomes sooner than in individual therapy. Then, explain any challenges you may face related to this distinction in your professional practice based on your current skills. Provide an example scenario that illustrates your post. Based on my current skills, a challenge that I may encounter in my professional practice could be managing a member’s negative emotions during a therapy session. As previously stated, couple/family therapy is conjoint. I must be mindful of all member’s values and respect their differences while assisting them achieve their goals together. I currently lack couple/family facilitation skills because I have not experienced real-life practice in this setting. This lack of professional experience can present challenges (Chambless, Miklowitz, & Shoham, 2012). For instance, if differences in values is the presenting problem for the couple, the members may believe in different discipline strategies for their child. Their differences may result to constant arguments impacting their relationship dynamic. It would be my goal to help them acknowledge and understand its impact on an interpersonal aspect. In this case, it could be possible that one member becomes upset. With competency and experience, I will learn how to effectively address this concern. References Gurman, A. S., Lebow, J. L., Snyder, D. K. (2015). Clinical handbook of couple therapy. New York, NY: The Guilford Press.Chambless, D. L., Miklowitz, D. J., & Shoham, V. (2012). Beyond the patient: couple and family therapy for individual problems. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 68(5), 487–489. https://doi-org.ezp.waldenulibrary.org/10.1002/jcl...Colleague 2: MarcusPost by Day 4 three examples of how working with couples and families differs from working with individuals. Explain these differences.Greetings,The three examples I selected that are different from working with individuals are that you are focusing on looking at the relationship dynamics in the family system. Secondly, couples and family counseling focus on healthy communication skills. Thirdly, working with couples and families, we look at the family system. In contrast, individual social work practice aims at the individual needs and the social environment. Multiple counterparts are involved with couples and family counseling. As a social worker, you must look at the relationships and the behaviors that affect the relationships based on different emotions and interactions in the family system. According to Fischer & Fink (2014), “all couple therapies are focused on reducing relationship distress, we argue that Behavioral couples therapy (BCT)s such as traditional behavioral couple therapy, integrative couple behavioral therapy, and the program developed by John M. Gottman (1999)” (p.11). Then, explain any challenges you may face related to this distinction in your professional practice based on your current skills.The challenge that I may face related to this distinction in your professional practice is the lack of training in couple and family treatments (Chambless et al., 2012). One of the challenges with couples and family counseling is learning how to make appropriate observations about the couples and families. Another challenge that I see in couples and family counseling is learning how to decrease the relational distress in family members and couples. Chambless et al., (2012), reported that couple and family treatment is more difficult than individual psychotherapy, and perhaps this is one reason that so many psychotherapists eschew this format (p.488). As a helping professional I have no experience in couple and family counseling, but I have in my personal life have helped couples with marital issues and relationship distress to people I was close to. I have no prior training in providing couples psychotherapy.Provide an example scenario that illustrates your post.A social worker working with couples and family counseling may experience challenges in making sure that the helping professional be careful about choosing sides when providing counseling to this population. Choosing sides when working with couples and families counseling can cause a bad therapeutic working relationship during the session and cause families and couples to split when disagreements take place. Whisman & Baucom (2011) reported that the relationship among spouse or partner will be the most important interpersonal relationship that people develop in their lifetime (p.4). When harm is caused in a relationship of couples and families, members may experience a lack of intimacy and family closeness in the relationship. As helping professionals, we may lack training around couples and family social work practices when handling relationships problems. References:Chambless, D. L., Miklowitz, D. J., & Shoham, V. (2012). Beyond the patient: Couple and family therapy for individual problems. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 68(5), 487–489.Whisman, M. A., & Baucom, D. H. (2012). Intimaterelationships and psychopathology. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 15(1), 4–13.
Grand Canyon University Developing a Counseling Program Report
Assessment DescriptionYou have been asked by the clinical director of your agency to create a counseling program for a rec ...
Grand Canyon University Developing a Counseling Program Report
Assessment DescriptionYou have been asked by the clinical director of your agency to create a counseling program for a recently arrived group of immigrants from Central America. Part of the goal of this counseling program is to assist the newly-arrived immigrants to acculturate into your community. What are the issues surrounding acculturation should you be aware of in creating this program? Provide at least one scholarly reference to support your response.This discussion question is informed by the following CACREP Standard(s):2.F.2.b. Theories and models of multicultural counseling, cultural identity development, and social justice and advocacy.2.F.8.i. Analysis and use of data in counseling
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